Surviving the Inferno in Hopes of Reuniting with Family": Coping Strategies among Civilian Abductees Released from Captivity in Gaza | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Surviving the Inferno in Hopes of Reuniting with Family": Coping Strategies among Civilian Abductees Released from Captivity in Gaza Inbar Levkovich, Zohar Elyoseph, Shiri Shinan-Altman This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Background : The trauma of captivity manifests in a wide range of psychological and physical symptoms. Not many studies have examined civilian captivity. The aim of the research is to understand the dynamics of individuals who were liberated from captivity, focusing on the coping mechanisms. Methods : This qualitative research study examined the coping resources of civilian abductees through thematic analysis of the testimonies of 33 Israeli civilians aged 18-85 who were abducted by Hamas on October 7, 2023, as reported in Israeli online news sources. Most of the abductees were women (96.7%) who had been in captivity from 48 to 55 days. Results : The research reveals that they utilized personal coping strategies to endure the harsh conditions of their captivity, such as maintaining hope by thinking of their families, adhering to routines, engaging in physical activities, and using their imagination to assert control and distract themselves from their dire situation. Some actively avoided intense negative emotions to prevent mental breakdown amidst continuous trauma. They also utilized interpersonal coping strategies by forming strong interpersonal bonds, which played a crucial role in their resilience and coping and fostered a sense of belonging. The captives provided each other vital emotional support and shared their resources with children, thus enhancing group solidarity and survival strategies. Additionally, they cultivated reciprocal relationships with their captors as a strategy for mitigating the severity of their captivity. This research highlights the coping resources utilized by captives despite the challenging circumstances of their captivity. Conclusions: The study’s findings suggest that released hostages should be provided immediate psychological treatment upon their return to help them integrate narratives of strength and resilience into their complex stories.Top of Form abductees captivity trauma coping strategies psychological consequences of captivity Israel-Hamas War Israeli hostages Gaza Introduction The trauma of captivity manifests in a wide spectrum of psychological and physical symptoms, among them disrupted sleep patterns and chronic pain, that significantly impair survivors’ mental and physical well-being [ 1 – 4 ]. This complex symptomatology is further compounded by a notable rise in the occurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), with concomitant psychiatric conditions such as anxiety and depression [ 4 – 6 ]. Nevertheless, only a few studies have examined civilian captivity or assessed the captives’ coping resources. The current study examines the testimonies of Israelis who were kidnapped and interviewed after their release, in particular focusing on their coping resources during their captivity period. On October 7, 2023, the Hamas terrorist organization in control of the Gaza Strip, launched a ruthless and barbaric terrorist assault against Israel [ 7 ]. The onslaught commenced with a nationwide barrage of rockets, followed by the infiltration of thousands of terrorists into Israel. As a result, approximately 1300 civilians were murdered and an additional 240 individuals were abducted, including infants and old people [ 8 ]. The attack was marked by extreme acts of violence, including maiming, torture, and sexual assault directed against children and women, regardless of religion, nationality or ethnicity. The vast scale and shocking nature of this assault traumatized all citizens of [ 9 ]. In November 2023, a temporary ceasefire agreement led to the release of 105 civilians from Hamas captivity, among them 81 Israelis, 23 Thai nationals, and one Filipino. As of January 22, 2024, 136 individuals ranging in age from 1 to 86 remain in captivity in Gaza. Reports indicate that 109 of these individuals are still alive, with Hamas holding the bodies of 27 others. According to the psychological literature, captivity is a profoundly traumatic experience with significant potential for triggering psychiatric disorders [ 10 , 11 ]. Captivity is distinguished by its prolonged and repetitive nature, often extending over months or years [ 4 , 6 , 11 ]. Captives endure severe hardships, including intense stress, punitive measures, deprivation of basic needs, death threats, various forms of physical and psychological torture, and deteriorating health and sanitary conditions [ 12 ]. For example, Israelis captured during the Yom Kippur War endured starvation, dehydration, physical and psychological abuse, electric shocks, beatings, and confinement in cramped spaces [ 13 ]. Captives are completely reliant on their captors, who control all their basic needs, thus profoundly affecting their psychological and physical well-being [ 14 ]. Studies indicate that despite their great suffering, people in captivity adopt various coping strategies that can help them in this difficult situation [ 15 , 16 ]. In accordance with the transactional stress model, coping is defined as a repertoire of behaviors and cognitive strategies employed for regulating and ameliorating stress-inducing scenarios [ 17 ]. This repertoire constitutes a complex and dynamic process that can be activated in response to any perceived menace [ 18 ]. Coping strategies represent a multifaceted process through which individuals consciously employ cognitive and behavioral mechanisms to address and alleviate the effects of stressors, whether their sources are external, such as the environment, or internal, such as emotional disturbances [ 19 ]. The process is typified by coping approaches that can broadly be categorized into emotion-focused and problem-focused strategies. Emotion-focused coping is concerned with regulating emotional responses to situations deemed unchangeable, such that individuals perceive no viable means of altering the challenging environmental context [ 20 ]. This form of coping is sometimes further described as "disengagement-oriented" in that it involves strategies aimed at avoiding perceived threats or mitigating emotional discomfort through various means, including psychological detachment or substance use [ 18 , 21 ]. Conversely, problem-focused coping adopts a more pragmatic stance by employing analytical and proactive measures to confront and rectify stressors. This type of coping is predicated on the belief that the adverse conditions are amendable. Often referred to as "engagement coping," this approach involves direct engagement with the stressor or its emotional correlates through strategies such as strategic planning and problem-solving [ 18 ]. The significance of social relationships, networks, and the broader social context during and after incidents of collective violence is thought to be critical to understanding the impact of abduction both on the individual captives and on the group dynamics within the captive environment [ 22 ]. A study of 134 formerly abducted adolescent boys in Northern Uganda found that they used obedience to adapt to their captors, learned survival skills, and formed a community among themselves for support [ 23 ]. Women who were in captivity in Nigeria relied on traditional roles such as cooking and childcare for survival and built a social structure to enhance their sense of belonging and resilience [ 24 ]. The Islamic State (ISIS) is notorious for its severe treatment of perceived foes. Sarac [ 25 ] examined Yazidi women in Iraqi Kurdistan who, starting in 2014, had been subjected to various forms of abuse by ISIS. The study shows how these women strategically used silence to survive ISIS's harsh treatment, challenging the notion that silence necessarily indicates powerlessness. James [ 24 ] examined women who had been in captivity in Nigeria and reported severe emotional and sexual abuse. Many of these women described dissociative reactions as a means of coping with chronic trauma [ 24 ]. The aim of the current research is to understand the dynamics of individuals who were liberated from captivity, with particular focus on the coping mechanisms they employed, as reflected in their initial accounts disseminated through Israeli online news platforms. Understanding these dynamics is crucial in elucidating the intricate array of resilience and fortitude resources that individuals harness to help them endure conditions of extreme trauma such as captivity. By investigating these elements, the study seeks to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the ramifications of widespread civilian abductions and to help in formulating effective support and rehabilitation strategies for individuals released from such harrowing circumstances. Method Participants and Procedure In this study, the researchers systematically collected and analyzed the testimonies of individuals aged 18 or older who were part of a prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas that took place between November 23 and November 30, 2023. The Israeli government prioritized the release of women, children, and foreign nationals. The researchers concentrated on the released individuals’ firsthand accounts, excluding secondary reports from family members. Four national Israeli online news sources were utilized for data collection: Haaretz, Mako, Nrg, and Ynet. Three investigators conducted concurrent Google searches to identify the names of the returnees, in line with the defined criteria. This parallel search approach aimed to mitigate biases and ensure comprehensive evidence collection. The outcome was a list of names of abducted individuals. The researchers then conducted extensive searches on the specified online news sources to collect all available testimonies of these individuals, deliberately excluding information from social media. The collection period extended from the return of the abductees through January 16, 2024. Of the 109 abducted individuals released within the specified timeframe, 34 were minors under the age of 18. The remaining 75 included 24 citizens of Thailand and the Philippines who worked mainly in agriculture or elderly care and had limited proficiency in Hebrew. After the inclusion criteria were applied, 51 individuals were identified, and 33 of their testimonies were selected for the study. The majority of the released abductees were women (97%) ranging in age from 18 to 85 (average age 51 years, SD = 21.2). The duration of their captivity under Hamas ranged from 48 to 55 days. Approximately 63% of the abductees reported having a first-degree family member who had either been murdered or was still in captivity in Gaza. Furthermore, 60.6% of the abductees were from communities located in the Gaza envelope region that had been decimated in the October 7 onslaught and subsequently evacuated. Upon their release they were unable return to their homes but rather were housed in hotels or other temporary accommodations. The other abductees were not residents of the Gaza envelope and were in the area for a variety of reasons, predominantly for family visits during the holiday (Table 1 ). Table 1 Background characteristics of the released abductees (N = 33) Variable Gender, women (%) 32 (97.0%) Gender, men (%) 1 (3.0%) Mean age (SD*), range 51 (21.2), 18–85 Mean days in captivity under Hamas (SD), range 48–55 Abductees along with other family members (not necessarily held together in captivity) (%) 25 (75.75) Abductees reported having a first-degree family member who had either been murdered or was still in captivity in Gaza (%) 21 (63.63) Abductees, whose homes were destroyed in the attack, discovered upon their return that they had to evacuate to a different residence (%) 20 (60.6) *SD = standard deviation Data analysis The data analysis methodology in this study adhered to the content analysis framework described by Corbin [ 26 ], which involves systematic categorization and scrutiny of textual data. Text selection was based on predefined criteria relevant to the research objectives, with a further distinction made according to the author’s gender. A team of three researchers conducted an exhaustive examination of the gathered data that entailed pinpointing both commonalities and divergences. The team then proceeded to identify recurring themes and subcategories within the content, which were then collated and integrated into broader, more encompassing secondary categories. The subsequent phase entailed conceptualizing these content areas into overarching themes that succinctly capture the essence of the study's findings. The final stage involved integrating these themes and topics with the literature and with theoretical frameworks identified at the outset of the research, in accordance with the approach recommended by Lindgren [ 27 ]. This comprehensive process culminated in the formulation of a central theoretical framework that is congruent with the study’s primary research question. Trustworthiness The credibility of this research was established through various methodologies. The comprehensive and heterogeneous collection of evidence provided the researchers a profound and authentic understanding of the experiences and perceptions of those who were abducted and later released. Each investigator conducted an independent and meticulous review of the collected data. They analyzed the materials independently and supplemented the analysis with ongoing self-reflection aimed at minimizing personal biases. Key quotations were carefully selected and translated from Hebrew to English by two native speakers, one of whom is a professional translator. This meticulous selection and translation process was designed to maintain the integrity and authenticity of the evidence used in the study [ 28 ]. Ethical considerations In this study, the analyzed textual materials were sourced through Google searches, ensuring their public accessibility and avoiding reliance on private or individually confined data. The texts chosen for the analysis were characterized by the absence of personal identifiers, both in their original context and within our academic reporting. This lack of detailed, traceable information about the authors effectively preserved the anonymity of the content creators and protected against the possibility of reader identification. Moreover, the analytical process and the subsequent presentation of findings were carried out at an aggregate level, emphasizing collective trends and patterns rather than individual data points. This approach is indicative of a commitment to upholding ethical standards in research, particularly in terms of ensuring confidentiality and anonymity when dealing with publicly sourced textual data. Not only does such methodology respect the privacy of individuals, but it is also in line with ethical research practices that are critical in academic investigations. Results The findings of the current research indicate that in order to survive physically and mentally during their captivity, the abductees were forced to rely on numerous and varied internal and external coping resources. On the interpersonal level, they developed bonds of closeness and mutual support with other abductees, some even serving as "parents" to young children who were with them in captivity. Additionally, some abductees tried to gain their captors' trust through various measures such as cooking, cleaning, and talking. On the intrapersonal level, the abductees utilized cognitive and emotional tools such as imagining rescue stories, repeating positive mantras, praying, and more. Furthermore, they implemented certain behaviors to maintain a routine and sense of control, such as counting days, keeping a diary, and playing games. Together, these resources enabled many abductees to cope well with the difficult conditions, despite breaking points when the resources collapsed (Table 2 ). Theme 1: "I kept imagining my return home": Abductees’ intrapersonal coping while in captivity The current research reveals a rich and complex inner world of coping resources that the abductees used during their captivity. The kidnapping victims described being subject to harsh conditions, threats, injuries, and emotional and physical abuse. The first thing I remember is that on the wall of the apartment there was a big photo of Gilad Shalit [Israeli soldier held captive in Gaza for five and a half years]. I asked one of the kidnappers – what am I doing here? And how long will I be here? He answered it could take two weeks, or a month or a year... We were in the dark all day long, no electricity, no water and barely any food... Sometimes they gave us a biscuit in the morning and that’s all there was to eat that day. The abductees tried to summon up strength to be able to survive this hell. Some reported that the hope of reuniting with family members who had been left behind or kidnapped in parallel but not held with them gave them strength. One kidnap victim recounted: "I managed to endure thanks to the thought that my husband would be released soon and we'd be reunited." Upon her release she received the harsh news that her husband had been murdered. Other kidnap victims described cognitive and emotional coping tools, such as repeating mantras and positive future messages and humming songs and tunes. There was one song I sang to myself all the time... I would sing it to myself. Everything takes on a new meaning when you're in a place like this, every word. Whenever I sang it, I would tear up a little, but snap out of it quickly. Wouldn’t let myself fall apart. In terms of behavior, the abductees tried to maintain a routine and gain a sense of control by following a daily schedule and keeping a diary. I said no matter what happens, I get up in the morning and say thank you for waking up in the morning. And no matter what happens, I say thanks before I go to sleep, here's another day ahead. That’s what kept me going, it was the only thing that kept me going. Many of the abductees were kept in complete darkness during the entire period of their captivity and did not know how many days had passed or whether it was day or night. Some found ways to determine the time and estimate the days that went by: "I know that in the village at four in the morning we hear the first call to prayer, and according to their prayers I knew what time it was." Most abductees reported that even when everything was taken from them, they still had their imagination. They were able to imagine past family events that made them happy or future events that strengthened them. One of the released kidnap victims described how she imagined her rescue: "I imagined my return home all the time. That the army would come, take me out. Two combat soldiers would pull me out of there and take me home." Even in the limited physical space, some tried to engage in as much physical activity as possible. Counting reps distracted them and gave them a sense of control over their situation within the harsh reality: "When they [the captors] weren’t home I would pace between the living room and the other room. I did 100 laps in the house. The days were like bubble gum – endless." One of the strategies emerging from the research is the act of "building an imaginary protective wall" around themselves as a mental defense mechanism. The captives stated that they generated a kind of emotional isolation to avoid falling apart or "breaking" mentally under the pressure of the ongoing trauma. They made a concerted effort to avoid feeling intense pain, fear, or hunger, and they described a sense of inner emptiness. I think I built some kind of wall around myself, so that I wouldn't break, so that I could take care of the children. And this wall still exists. In a certain sense, I'm still there.... I don't feel anything - I don't get sick, my mind is empty. Theme 2: "I took care of others and this is how I took care of myself”: Interpersonal interactions among the abductees The findings indicate that the abductees developed strong interpersonal relationships that served as an important coping resource and provided them resilience during their captivity. Among other things, mutual support and assistance enabled the abductees to overcome many hardships and difficulties together. There were lots of planes around, whenever we would hear the whistle we would grab the blanket, hide under it, suddenly there's an explosion. When we came out from under the blanket, I would ask [name of kidnap victim who was released] ‘Are you okay?’ He would tell me ‘Yes, yes, all good,’ and we would continue. It was like that with every explosion. We had a stock phrase that we would say to each other about thirty times a day: ‘We’re almost there, just a bit more and we’ll be home.’ In addition, some of the adult female kidnap victims described how they provided emotional support to young children, shared food, and inspired hope in them. When they [minor kidnap victims who were moved into their hideout apartment] arrived and I saw them I felt shattered inside but on the outside, it was important for me to convey strength to them, important for them to have someone to be with. We were their mom and dad. They didn’t know what was going on with their families, we felt responsibility, and this gave us a bit of strength. Some adults made sure to engage the children in activities to keep them quiet and thus ensure their safety. Most didn’t have any games, so they developed imaginary games and taught basic writing skills if they had the means. In this way the adults maintained the parental role and felt in control, meaningful, and vital for the children. For the kids to stay put and pass the time without making noise, they also need some activity. I taught [name of minor female kidnap victim] to write, and she spent her time there writing greetings for her family, her dad, other family members, friends, her kindergarten teacher. We played lots of imaginary games with the kids. For example [name of minor female kidnap victim] would tell me to close my eyes, she would put an object from the room in my hand and I had to guess what it was. All kinds of games that don’t require anything. Some abductees used their professional identity as much as possible under these conditions. One kidnap victim who is a nurse by profession recounted: I think my profession kept me going.... It’s a meaningful part of my identity – to help people and care for people. At some point a blood pressure monitor arrived, so I took measurements. I said I needed paper and a pen, and I basically documented each person morning and evening and recorded their vital signs. At first their blood pressure was very high, shock room pressure. I used these measurements to show the captors how urgently medications were needed. Beyond the relationships among the captives themselves, the study also points to the captives’ deliberate efforts to develop reciprocal relationships with their captors as another coping resource. Many captives tried gradually to gain the trust of their captors and build a relationship with them, for example by cooking, cleaning, or talking. Others tried to connect with them through humor and card games. The purpose of these behaviors was to improve the captives’ attitude towards them, thereby to some extent alleviating the harsh conditions of their captivity. It seems that some of the captives developed these relationships with their captors as another important coping resource. I took a pack of cards and decided to use these cards to gain their trust. Even if they humiliated me or laughed at me... I would make them like me so that I would receive food and water. I knew how to get the best out of the situation I was in, to gain more trust, to show that I trusted them. ...You gain trust slowly-slowly; at some point they agreed to let me listen to the radio a bit. Table 2 Classification of main categories and subcategories Main categories Subcategories Theme 1: "I kept imagining my return home": Abductees’ intrapersonal coping while in captivity • The captives reported feeling strengthened by the hope of reuniting with family members who had been left behind or kidnapped simultaneously but were not held with them. • The captives tried to maintain a routine and gain a sense of control by following a daily schedule and keeping a diary. • Most captives reported retaining their imagination even when they lost everything else. They could use their imagination to recall happy past family events or to envision future events that provided them with strength. • Even in the limited physical space, some tried to engage in as much physical activity as possible. • The captives created a form of emotional isolation as a means to prevent themselves from mentally succumbing to the ongoing trauma. Theme 2: "I took care of others and this is how I took care of myself”: Interpersonal interactions among the abductees • The abductees developed strong interpersonal relationships that served as an important coping resource and provided them with resilience during their captivity. • Support and assistance enabled the abductees to overcome many hardships and difficulties together. • Some of the adult female victims described how they offered emotional support to young children, shared food, and inspired hope in them. • Adults made sure to engage the children in activities to keep them quiet and thus ensure their safety. • Some abductees used their professional identities as much as possible under these conditions. • The captives made deliberate efforts to cultivate reciprocal relationships with their captors in order to improve their attitude towards them, thereby alleviating the harsh conditions of their captivity to some extent. Discussion The primary objective of this study was to analyze the interview testimonies of Israelis who were kidnapped on October 7, 2023 and subsequently released, with particular emphasis on the coping mechanisms they employed throughout their captivity. Despite their intense suffering under horrifying conditions, the abductees all referred to personal and interpersonal resources that helped them survive this difficult period. In the current study, the abductees reported that the hope of being reunited with their family members, whether left behind or kidnapped like them, gave them the will to survive. These testimonies are corroborated by analogous research conducted on individuals who were held in captivity or who experienced trauma. A study on Yezidi refugee women suffering from post-war trauma revealed that their faith, their prayers for family reunion, and their reliance on religious resources fortified their resilience, imbuing their arduous circumstances with a sense of purpose and optimism [ 29 ]. Studies conducted among adults who underwent traumatic life events found that faith and hope play significant roles in helping these individuals cope and in reducing the levels of their emotional distress [ 29 , 30 ]. The current study corroborates previous literature underscoring the major role played by imagination in the context of trauma. A majority of incarcerated individuals reported utilizing their imagination to recall familial memories or envisage rescue scenarios [ 31 ]. Imagination serves as a double-edged sword, offering solace at times of loss and trauma yet also potentially exacerbating pain and distress under severe psychological strain [ 32 , 33 ]. In the face of imminent danger and crisis, individuals often resort to their imaginative faculties, facilitating psychological disengagement from the immediate threats to their survival. This use of the imagination as a coping mechanism has been extensively documented among survivors of various traumas, including torture, captivity, sexual assault, and other forms of extreme abuse, highlighting the crucial survival mechanism provided by the capacity for imaginative detachment. Lahad introduced the concept of "fantastic reality" [ 32 ], referring to a regressive return to the uninhibited imaginative play of early childhood where the constraints of factual reality are momentarily suspended, allowing for psychological respite and coping [ 31 , 33 ]. In the current study, the abductees reported that they attempted to maintain a routine by conforming to a daily schedule, keeping a diary, and engaging in physical activity. Research on individuals who have endured significant trauma reveals a variety of coping mechanisms [ 34 ]. One notable such mechanism is "engagement coping", according to which individuals proactively take charge by staying active and busy and employing problem-focused strategies such as planning and active coping [ 34 , 35 ]. In captivity, individuals are stripped of nearly all their autonomy and are at the mercy of their captors regarding their location, activities, and diet. Under these circumstances, adopting such coping strategies can shift individuals from a state of helplessness to one in which they have a certain degree of control and autonomy [ 35 ]. The salutogenic model posits that individuals possess inherent resources that confer resilience in the face of adversity and that these capacities varying among individuals [ 36 ]. This model encompasses a suite of personality traits that function as a buffer during stressful life events [ 37 ]. Key components include the propensity to seek out meaning and purpose alongside a drive for engagement in activities and social interactions and a sense of control, characterized by the inclination to perceive oneself as capable and impactful when confronted with challenging circumstances [ 38 ]. In addition to active coping mechanisms, the study revealed that in order to cope some participants employed a strategy of emotional distancing. Numerous studies have highlighted that dissociative symptoms emerge quite often during and immediately after a traumatic or stressful event [ 39 , 40 ]. The likelihood of experiencing such symptoms escalates with exposure to severe and repeated trauma, particularly in cases of interpersonal traumas such as sexual abuse, assault, and combat situations, including captivity [ 3 , 41 , 42 ]. Several studies corroborate findings regarding captive women in Nigeria and Iraq [ 24 , 25 ]who endured abuse during captivity. For these women, dissociation was a mechanism for surviving the hardships. Subsequently, they required substantial support and care. Such dissociative responses serve as a psychological defense mechanism, enabling individuals to endure otherwise unbearable mental and physical conditions by detaching emotionally from the distressing reality. This form of coping can be viewed as an automatic and protective form of disengagement that offers individuals a temporary respite from overwhelming situations [ 41 ]. Note that some research findings suggest that what might be considered "negative" coping strategies, such as emotional avoidance, can lead to positive outcomes post-trauma. Studies involving victims of natural disasters such as tornadoes and earthquakes have shown that avoidant emotional coping, characterized by denial and self-distraction, can significantly contribute to resilience [ 43 , 44 ]. These strategies may serve as psychological buffers, mitigating the direct impact of traumatic threats and memories, thereby maintaining a psychological distance from the trauma and enabling a form of emotional recovery and resilience. The research findings suggest that the development of robust interpersonal connections among detainees plays a crucial role in their coping mechanisms and resilience during periods of confinement. These relationships are manifested in mutual support, for example when adults provide care to minors and organize activities for their engagement. According to the Conservation of Resources (COR) theory proposed by Hobfoll [ 45 ], stressors deplete an individual's valued resources, which are essential for managing stress. The theory further elucidates that the endeavor to safeguard, accumulate, and conserve resources is intrinsic to an individual's response to potential or actual losses of such resources that are perceived as threats. This depletion of resources, particularly scarce resources, leads to a downward spiral, exacerbating the difficulty in confronting subsequent stressors [ 45 , 46 ]. Under such circumstances, social support assumes a pivotal role, especially when it addresses specific situational needs or aids in the preservation of valued resources, in line with the COR theory [ 45 ]. Moreover, the literature acknowledges that social support is a significant interpersonal asset linked to mental health outcomes, effectively mitigating the risk of PTSD and depression among individuals who have experienced trauma [ 22 , 23 ]. Not only does such support reinforce self-assurance and determination, thus enabling individuals to tackle and overcome daunting challenges, it also enhances the detainees’ collective morale. This collective dimension is crucial in cultivating a sense of belonging and unity in settings where such sentiments are typically diminished [ 15 , 16 ]. In the current study, the abductees reported that even during captivity they maintained elements of their personal and professional identities, for example as teachers, nurses, or parents. Similarly, women in Nigeria continued to fulfill their roles in childcare and nurturing during their captivity. These women reported that maintaining these roles bolstered their self-esteem, sense of accomplishment, and mental resilience, effectively reconnecting them with their pre-captivity identities [ 24 ]. Lahad et al. [ 32 , 33 ] introduced the concept of “continuities” to describe the efforts individuals undertook to maintain a sense of normalcy in emergency and disaster situations, thereby restoring the continuity of their disrupted lives [ 47 ]. The specific notion of role continuity refers to the preservation of one's life roles, which can provide a sense of purpose and a way to mitigate feelings of helplessness. Even a slight return to familiar roles can offer comfort amid significant disruptions [ 32 , 33 ]. The current investigation further revealed that the detainees engaged in intentional endeavors to cultivate reciprocal interactions with their captors, utilizing this as an additional coping mechanism. Many of the detainees attempted to earn their captors' trust and foster rapport, with the objective of positively influencing how the captors perceived and treated them. During captivity, the detainees were subjected to a regime characterized by psychological intimidation and violence, leading to a diminution of their autonomy [ 1 – 4 ]. This environment engendered a pervasive atmosphere of fear and unpredictability, akin to complex trauma, in which abuse could occur without warning [ 1 , 11 ]. The interpersonal coping strategies employed by the abductees indicate that despite the severe conditions, they were occasionally successful in mitigating harm and enhancing their survival prospects [ 48 – 50 ]. Not only did this coping strategy provide certain benefits, it also may have afforded them a degree of control and an escape from the absolute helplessness their captors intended to impose [ 51 ]. Limitations The study has limitations. The first pertains to the relatively small sample size, which, while restrictive, is offset by the depth and richness of the qualitative data derived from the participants’ extensive testimonies. Another issue is the incomplete nature of the evidence collected. Not every released captive was accessible for interviews, and some may have chosen to convey their experiences through other media such as social media or in languages that were not within the scope of our surveillance. Moreover, the timing of obtaining these testimonies—shortly after the captives' release—was crucial in capturing their immediate reflections on their experiences. Nevertheless, we recognize that these early accounts may only represent the initial phase of their psychological and emotional processing of their ordeal. Future reflections at subsequent stages may provide additional valuable perspectives. This study focused primarily on individuals who had been released. The experiences and perspectives of family members, particularly those in Israel, who were indirectly affected by the abductions, also hold significant importance and should be considered in the broader context of this research. Furthermore, the ongoing situation of captives who remain in captivity cannot be overlooked. The fact that some people are still being held captive suggests that the testimonies collected may be incomplete or may represent only a portion of the broader narrative, as some captives have yet to return and some families are still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones. Implications This study reveals that together with the severe trauma of captivity and psychological and physical abuse, the captives also discovered that they had significant personal and interpersonal coping resources. Given the profound adversities and psychological trauma faced by the abductees, they should be offered immediate and specialized therapeutic interventions upon their return. These interventions should be delivered by trauma-informed professionals who can sensitively facilitate restoration of the abductees' autonomy, decision-making ability, and control over their lives, while ensuring their privacy. Indeed, the narrative of their traumatic captivity must also include the new strengths and coping mechanisms they discovered. Many of the abductees returned to Israel, only to learn that members of their family had been murdered or were still in captivity. Moreover, they were unable to return to their homes, which had been destroyed in the onslaught. Therefore, the therapeutic intervention must take their multiple losses into consideration, alongside the new coping abilities they discovered. Such measures are critical for building initial trust and addressing the profound sense of betrayal and disorientation experienced during captivity. This study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of captivity and the reintegration process for released captives. It highlights the importance of immediate and comprehensive psychological support that addresses both acute and long-term mental health needs. It also underlines the role of social support networks during captivity, pointing to the importance of community and family bonds in the healing process. Moreover, the study suggests that in designing effective support strategies and interventions, policymakers and support organizations should also consider the unique social interactions between captives and captors. Abbreviations Post traumatic stress disorder-PTSD Conservation of Resources COR The Islamic State ISIS Declarations Author contributions - IL wrote the manuscript and SSA and ZE revised it. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version. Conflict of interest -The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Funding - The authors have not declared a specific grant for this research from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not- for- profit sectors. Ethical approval - In this study, the analyzed textual materials were sourced through Google searches, ensuring their public accessibility and avoiding reliance on private or individually confined data. The texts chosen for the analysis were characterized by the absence of personal identifiers, both in their original context and within our academic reporting. Informed consent -N/A Acknowledgements - None References Alexander DA, Klein S. Kidnapping and hostage-taking: a review of effects, coping and resilience. J R Soc Med. 2009;102(1):16–21. https://doi.org/10.1258/jrsm.2008.080347 . Lahav Y, Avidor S, Stein JY, Zhou X, Solomon Z. Telomere length and depression among ex-prisoners of war: the role of subjective age. 2020, 75(1):21–9 https://doi.org/10.1093/geronb/gby006 . Zerach G. Coping strategies of former prisoners of war mediate the intergenerational transmission of posttraumatic stress symptoms. 2018, 31(2):175–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/10615806.2017.1419333 . 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Bailey TD, Brand BL. Traumatic dissociation: Theory, research, and treatment. Clin Psychol Sci Pract. 2017;24(2):170. 10.1111/cpsp.12195 . Tol WA, Stavrou V, Greene MC, Mergenthaler C, Van Ommeren M, García Moreno C. Sexual and gender-based violence in areas of armed conflict: a systematic review of mental health and psychosocial support interventions. Confl Health. 2013;7:1–9. Ai AL, Raney AA, Appel HB. Trauma following Hurricanes Maria and Michael: Complicated roles of hazard-related factors, negative coping strategies, and positive character strengths. Nat Hazards Res. 2022;2(3):259–67. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nhres.2022.08.004 . Brown JO, Tornados. Storm Exposure, Coping Styles, and Resilience. In: Cherry K, editor. Traumatic Stress and Long-Term Recovery. Cham: Springer; 2015. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18866-9_3 . Hobfoll SE. Social and psychological resources and adaptation. Review of General Psychology .2002. 6 (4), 307–24. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.6.4.307 . Hobfoll SE, Vinokur AD, Pierce PF, Lewandowski-Romps L. The combined stress of family life, work, and war in air force men and women: A test of conservation of resources theory. Int J Stress Manage. 2012;19(3):217–37. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029247 . Ajdukovic D, Kimhi S, Lahad M. Resiliency: Enhancing coping with crisis and terrorism. IOS; 2015. Bailey R, Dugard J, Smith SF, Porges SW, Appeasement. Replacing Stockholm syndrome as a definition of a survival strategy. Eur J Psychotraumatology 2023 14 (1), 2161038. https://doi.org/10.1080/20008066.2022.2161038 . Glenn JJ, Dillon KH, Dennis PA, Patel TA, Mann AJ, Calhoun PS, Kimbrel NA, Beckham JC, Elbogen EB. Post-traumatic symptom severity mediates the association between combat exposure and suicidal ideation in veterans. Suicide and Life‐Threatening . Behavior. 2020;50(6):1167–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/sltb.12678 . Jukić M, Filaković P, Požgain I, Glavina T. Health-related quality of life of ex-prisoners of war affected by posttraumatic stress disorder 25 years after captivity. Psychiatria Danubina. 2019;31(2):189–200. https://doi.org/10.24869/psyd.2019.189 . Stein JY, Tuval-Mashiach R. Loneliness and isolation in life-stories of Israeli veterans of combat and captivity. Psychol Trauma: Theory Res Pract Policy. 2015;7(2):122–30. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036936 . Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-3969818","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":273820343,"identity":"2033461a-1c68-4bec-b2f5-b798ca216313","order_by":0,"name":"Inbar Levkovich","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"Oranim Academic College of Education","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Inbar","middleName":"","lastName":"Levkovich","suffix":""},{"id":273820344,"identity":"b07214e0-c6bb-4463-b247-ec78f8422a67","order_by":1,"name":"Zohar Elyoseph","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Zohar","middleName":"","lastName":"Elyoseph","suffix":""},{"id":273820345,"identity":"82aed790-9ff5-45a0-bee5-08f6940c0482","order_by":2,"name":"Shiri Shinan-Altman","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Shiri","middleName":"","lastName":"Shinan-Altman","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2024-02-19 11:17:46","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":52422670,"identity":"8ad3a44e-9e9f-4596-b758-522d0a9e2626","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-03-11 13:00:40","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":327609,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-3969818/v1/cf2ffed2-c27e-4455-bfbd-67676d85a241.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Surviving the Inferno in Hopes of Reuniting with Family\": Coping Strategies among Civilian Abductees Released from Captivity in Gaza","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe trauma of captivity manifests in a wide spectrum of psychological and physical symptoms, among them disrupted sleep patterns and chronic pain, that significantly impair survivors\u0026rsquo; mental and physical well-being [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR2 CR3\" citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e]. This complex symptomatology is further compounded by a notable rise in the occurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), with concomitant psychiatric conditions such as anxiety and depression [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR5\" citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e]. Nevertheless, only a few studies have examined civilian captivity or assessed the captives\u0026rsquo; coping resources. The current study examines the testimonies of Israelis who were kidnapped and interviewed after their release, in particular focusing on their coping resources during their captivity period.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn October 7, 2023, the Hamas terrorist organization in control of the Gaza Strip, launched a ruthless and barbaric terrorist assault against Israel [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e]. The onslaught commenced with a nationwide barrage of rockets, followed by the infiltration of thousands of terrorists into Israel. As a result, approximately 1300 civilians were murdered and an additional 240 individuals were abducted, including infants and old people [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e8\u003c/span\u003e]. The attack was marked by extreme acts of violence, including maiming, torture, and sexual assault directed against children and women, regardless of religion, nationality or ethnicity. The vast scale and shocking nature of this assault traumatized all citizens of [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e9\u003c/span\u003e]. In November 2023, a temporary ceasefire agreement led to the release of 105 civilians from Hamas captivity, among them 81 Israelis, 23 Thai nationals, and one Filipino. As of January 22, 2024, 136 individuals ranging in age from 1 to 86 remain in captivity in Gaza. Reports indicate that 109 of these individuals are still alive, with Hamas holding the bodies of 27 others.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to the psychological literature, captivity is a profoundly traumatic experience with significant potential for triggering psychiatric disorders [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e10\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e]. Captivity is distinguished by its prolonged and repetitive nature, often extending over months or years [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e6\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e]. Captives endure severe hardships, including intense stress, punitive measures, deprivation of basic needs, death threats, various forms of physical and psychological torture, and deteriorating health and sanitary conditions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e12\u003c/span\u003e]. For example, Israelis captured during the Yom Kippur War endured starvation, dehydration, physical and psychological abuse, electric shocks, beatings, and confinement in cramped spaces [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e13\u003c/span\u003e]. Captives are completely reliant on their captors, who control all their basic needs, thus profoundly affecting their psychological and physical well-being [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e14\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eStudies indicate that despite their great suffering, people in captivity adopt various coping strategies that can help them in this difficult situation [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e]. In accordance with the transactional stress model, coping is defined as a repertoire of behaviors and cognitive strategies employed for regulating and ameliorating stress-inducing scenarios [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e17\u003c/span\u003e]. This repertoire constitutes a complex and dynamic process that can be activated in response to any perceived menace [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e]. Coping strategies represent a multifaceted process through which individuals consciously employ cognitive and behavioral mechanisms to address and alleviate the effects of stressors, whether their sources are external, such as the environment, or internal, such as emotional disturbances [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e19\u003c/span\u003e]. The process is typified by coping approaches that can broadly be categorized into emotion-focused and problem-focused strategies. Emotion-focused coping is concerned with regulating emotional responses to situations deemed unchangeable, such that individuals perceive no viable means of altering the challenging environmental context [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e20\u003c/span\u003e]. This form of coping is sometimes further described as \"disengagement-oriented\" in that it involves strategies aimed at avoiding perceived threats or mitigating emotional discomfort through various means, including psychological detachment or substance use [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e21\u003c/span\u003e]. Conversely, problem-focused coping adopts a more pragmatic stance by employing analytical and proactive measures to confront and rectify stressors. This type of coping is predicated on the belief that the adverse conditions are amendable. Often referred to as \"engagement coping,\" this approach involves direct engagement with the stressor or its emotional correlates through strategies such as strategic planning and problem-solving [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e18\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe significance of social relationships, networks, and the broader social context during and after incidents of collective violence is thought to be critical to understanding the impact of abduction both on the individual captives and on the group dynamics within the captive environment [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e]. A study of 134 formerly abducted adolescent boys in Northern Uganda found that they used obedience to adapt to their captors, learned survival skills, and formed a community among themselves for support [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e]. Women who were in captivity in Nigeria relied on traditional roles such as cooking and childcare for survival and built a social structure to enhance their sense of belonging and resilience [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Islamic State (ISIS) is notorious for its severe treatment of perceived foes. Sarac [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e] examined Yazidi women in Iraqi Kurdistan who, starting in 2014, had been subjected to various forms of abuse by ISIS. The study shows how these women strategically used silence to survive ISIS's harsh treatment, challenging the notion that silence necessarily indicates powerlessness. James [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e] examined women who had been in captivity in Nigeria and reported severe emotional and sexual abuse. Many of these women described dissociative reactions as a means of coping with chronic trauma [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe aim of the current research is to understand the dynamics of individuals who were liberated from captivity, with particular focus on the coping mechanisms they employed, as reflected in their initial accounts disseminated through Israeli online news platforms. Understanding these dynamics is crucial in elucidating the intricate array of resilience and fortitude resources that individuals harness to help them endure conditions of extreme trauma such as captivity. By investigating these elements, the study seeks to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the ramifications of widespread civilian abductions and to help in formulating effective support and rehabilitation strategies for individuals released from such harrowing circumstances.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Method","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eParticipants and Procedure\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this study, the researchers systematically collected and analyzed the testimonies of individuals aged 18 or older who were part of a prisoner exchange between Israel and Hamas that took place between November 23 and November 30, 2023. The Israeli government prioritized the release of women, children, and foreign nationals. The researchers concentrated on the released individuals\u0026rsquo; firsthand accounts, excluding secondary reports from family members. Four national Israeli online news sources were utilized for data collection: Haaretz, Mako, Nrg, and Ynet.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThree investigators conducted concurrent Google searches to identify the names of the returnees, in line with the defined criteria. This parallel search approach aimed to mitigate biases and ensure comprehensive evidence collection. The outcome was a list of names of abducted individuals. The researchers then conducted extensive searches on the specified online news sources to collect all available testimonies of these individuals, deliberately excluding information from social media. The collection period extended from the return of the abductees through January 16, 2024.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOf the 109 abducted individuals released within the specified timeframe, 34 were minors under the age of 18. The remaining 75 included 24 citizens of Thailand and the Philippines who worked mainly in agriculture or elderly care and had limited proficiency in Hebrew. After the inclusion criteria were applied, 51 individuals were identified, and 33 of their testimonies were selected for the study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe majority of the released abductees were women (97%) ranging in age from 18 to 85 (average age 51 years, SD\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;21.2). The duration of their captivity under Hamas ranged from 48 to 55 days. Approximately 63% of the abductees reported having a first-degree family member who had either been murdered or was still in captivity in Gaza. Furthermore, 60.6% of the abductees were from communities located in the Gaza envelope region that had been decimated in the October 7 onslaught and subsequently evacuated. Upon their release they were unable return to their homes but rather were housed in hotels or other temporary accommodations. The other abductees were not residents of the Gaza envelope and were in the area for a variety of reasons, predominantly for family visits during the holiday (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBackground characteristics of the released abductees (N\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;33)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVariable\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender, women (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e32 (97.0%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGender, men (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1 (3.0%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMean age (SD*), range\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e51 (21.2), 18\u0026ndash;85\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMean days in captivity under Hamas (SD), range\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e48\u0026ndash;55\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAbductees along with other family members (not necessarily held together in captivity) (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e25 (75.75)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAbductees reported having a first-degree family member who had either been murdered or was still in captivity in Gaza (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e21 (63.63)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAbductees, whose homes were destroyed in the attack, discovered upon their return that they had to evacuate to a different residence (%)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20 (60.6)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003ctfoot\u003e \u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"2\"\u003e*SD\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;standard deviation\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tfoot\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eData analysis\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe data analysis methodology in this study adhered to the content analysis framework described by Corbin [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e26\u003c/span\u003e], which involves systematic categorization and scrutiny of textual data. Text selection was based on predefined criteria relevant to the research objectives, with a further distinction made according to the author\u0026rsquo;s gender. A team of three researchers conducted an exhaustive examination of the gathered data that entailed pinpointing both commonalities and divergences. The team then proceeded to identify recurring themes and subcategories within the content, which were then collated and integrated into broader, more encompassing secondary categories. The subsequent phase entailed conceptualizing these content areas into overarching themes that succinctly capture the essence of the study's findings. The final stage involved integrating these themes and topics with the literature and with theoretical frameworks identified at the outset of the research, in accordance with the approach recommended by Lindgren [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e27\u003c/span\u003e]. This comprehensive process culminated in the formulation of a central theoretical framework that is congruent with the study\u0026rsquo;s primary research question.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eTrustworthiness\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe credibility of this research was established through various methodologies. The comprehensive and heterogeneous collection of evidence provided the researchers a profound and authentic understanding of the experiences and perceptions of those who were abducted and later released. Each investigator conducted an independent and meticulous review of the collected data. They analyzed the materials independently and supplemented the analysis with ongoing self-reflection aimed at minimizing personal biases. Key quotations were carefully selected and translated from Hebrew to English by two native speakers, one of whom is a professional translator. This meticulous selection and translation process was designed to maintain the integrity and authenticity of the evidence used in the study [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e28\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eEthical considerations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this study, the analyzed textual materials were sourced through Google searches, ensuring their public accessibility and avoiding reliance on private or individually confined data. The texts chosen for the analysis were characterized by the absence of personal identifiers, both in their original context and within our academic reporting. This lack of detailed, traceable information about the authors effectively preserved the anonymity of the content creators and protected against the possibility of reader identification. Moreover, the analytical process and the subsequent presentation of findings were carried out at an aggregate level, emphasizing collective trends and patterns rather than individual data points. This approach is indicative of a commitment to upholding ethical standards in research, particularly in terms of ensuring confidentiality and anonymity when dealing with publicly sourced textual data. Not only does such methodology respect the privacy of individuals, but it is also in line with ethical research practices that are critical in academic investigations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings of the current research indicate that in order to survive physically and mentally during their captivity, the abductees were forced to rely on numerous and varied internal and external coping resources. On the interpersonal level, they developed bonds of closeness and mutual support with other abductees, some even serving as \"parents\" to young children who were with them in captivity. Additionally, some abductees tried to gain their captors' trust through various measures such as cooking, cleaning, and talking. On the intrapersonal level, the abductees utilized cognitive and emotional tools such as imagining rescue stories, repeating positive mantras, praying, and more. Furthermore, they implemented certain behaviors to maintain a routine and sense of control, such as counting days, keeping a diary, and playing games. Together, these resources enabled many abductees to cope well with the difficult conditions, despite breaking points when the resources collapsed (Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eTheme 1: \"I kept imagining my return home\": Abductees\u0026rsquo; intrapersonal coping while in captivity\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe current research reveals a rich and complex inner world of coping resources that the abductees used during their captivity. The kidnapping victims described being subject to harsh conditions, threats, injuries, and emotional and physical abuse.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe first thing I remember is that on the wall of the apartment there was a big photo of Gilad Shalit [Israeli soldier held captive in Gaza for five and a half years]. I asked one of the kidnappers \u0026ndash; what am I doing here? And how long will I be here? He answered it could take two weeks, or a month or a year... We were in the dark all day long, no electricity, no water and barely any food... Sometimes they gave us a biscuit in the morning and that\u0026rsquo;s all there was to eat that day.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe abductees tried to summon up strength to be able to survive this hell. Some reported that the hope of reuniting with family members who had been left behind or kidnapped in parallel but not held with them gave them strength. One kidnap victim recounted: \"I managed to endure thanks to the thought that my husband would be released soon and we'd be reunited.\" Upon her release she received the harsh news that her husband had been murdered.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOther kidnap victims described cognitive and emotional coping tools, such as repeating mantras and positive future messages and humming songs and tunes.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere was one song I sang to myself all the time... I would sing it to myself. Everything takes on a new meaning when you're in a place like this, every word. Whenever I sang it, I would tear up a little, but snap out of it quickly. Wouldn\u0026rsquo;t let myself fall apart.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn terms of behavior, the abductees tried to maintain a routine and gain a sense of control by following a daily schedule and keeping a diary.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI said no matter what happens, I get up in the morning and say thank you for waking up in the morning. And no matter what happens, I say thanks before I go to sleep, here's another day ahead. That\u0026rsquo;s what kept me going, it was the only thing that kept me going.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMany of the abductees were kept in complete darkness during the entire period of their captivity and did not know how many days had passed or whether it was day or night. Some found ways to determine the time and estimate the days that went by: \"I know that in the village at four in the morning we hear the first call to prayer, and according to their prayers I knew what time it was.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMost abductees reported that even when everything was taken from them, they still had their imagination. They were able to imagine past family events that made them happy or future events that strengthened them. One of the released kidnap victims described how she imagined her rescue: \"I imagined my return home all the time. That the army would come, take me out. Two combat soldiers would pull me out of there and take me home.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEven in the limited physical space, some tried to engage in as much physical activity as possible. Counting reps distracted them and gave them a sense of control over their situation within the harsh reality: \"When they [the captors] weren\u0026rsquo;t home I would pace between the living room and the other room. I did 100 laps in the house. The days were like bubble gum \u0026ndash; endless.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the strategies emerging from the research is the act of \"building an imaginary protective wall\" around themselves as a mental defense mechanism. The captives stated that they generated a kind of emotional isolation to avoid falling apart or \"breaking\" mentally under the pressure of the ongoing trauma. They made a concerted effort to avoid feeling intense pain, fear, or hunger, and they described a sense of inner emptiness.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI think I built some kind of wall around myself, so that I wouldn't break, so that I could take care of the children. And this wall still exists. In a certain sense, I'm still there.... I don't feel anything - I don't get sick, my mind is empty.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cb\u003eTheme 2: \"I took care of others and this is how I took care of myself\u0026rdquo;: Interpersonal interactions among the abductees\u003c/b\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings indicate that the abductees developed strong interpersonal relationships that served as an important coping resource and provided them resilience during their captivity. Among other things, mutual support and assistance enabled the abductees to overcome many hardships and difficulties together.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere were lots of planes around, whenever we would hear the whistle we would grab the blanket, hide under it, suddenly there's an explosion. When we came out from under the blanket, I would ask [name of kidnap victim who was released] \u0026lsquo;Are you okay?\u0026rsquo; He would tell me \u0026lsquo;Yes, yes, all good,\u0026rsquo; and we would continue. It was like that with every explosion. We had a stock phrase that we would say to each other about thirty times a day: \u0026lsquo;We\u0026rsquo;re almost there, just a bit more and we\u0026rsquo;ll be home.\u0026rsquo;\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn addition, some of the adult female kidnap victims described how they provided emotional support to young children, shared food, and inspired hope in them.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhen they [minor kidnap victims who were moved into their hideout apartment] arrived and I saw them I felt shattered inside but on the outside, it was important for me to convey strength to them, important for them to have someone to be with. We were their mom and dad. They didn\u0026rsquo;t know what was going on with their families, we felt responsibility, and this gave us a bit of strength.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome adults made sure to engage the children in activities to keep them quiet and thus ensure their safety. Most didn\u0026rsquo;t have any games, so they developed imaginary games and taught basic writing skills if they had the means. In this way the adults maintained the parental role and felt in control, meaningful, and vital for the children.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFor the kids to stay put and pass the time without making noise, they also need some activity. I taught [name of minor female kidnap victim] to write, and she spent her time there writing greetings for her family, her dad, other family members, friends, her kindergarten teacher.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWe played lots of imaginary games with the kids. For example [name of minor female kidnap victim] would tell me to close my eyes, she would put an object from the room in my hand and I had to guess what it was. All kinds of games that don\u0026rsquo;t require anything.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSome abductees used their professional identity as much as possible under these conditions. One kidnap victim who is a nurse by profession recounted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI think my profession kept me going.... It\u0026rsquo;s a meaningful part of my identity \u0026ndash; to help people and care for people. At some point a blood pressure monitor arrived, so I took measurements. I said I needed paper and a pen, and I basically documented each person morning and evening and recorded their vital signs. At first their blood pressure was very high, shock room pressure. I used these measurements to show the captors how urgently medications were needed.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBeyond the relationships among the captives themselves, the study also points to the captives\u0026rsquo; deliberate efforts to develop reciprocal relationships with their captors as another coping resource. Many captives tried gradually to gain the trust of their captors and build a relationship with them, for example by cooking, cleaning, or talking. Others tried to connect with them through humor and card games. The purpose of these behaviors was to improve the captives\u0026rsquo; attitude towards them, thereby to some extent alleviating the harsh conditions of their captivity. It seems that some of the captives developed these relationships with their captors as another important coping resource.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI took a pack of cards and decided to use these cards to gain their trust. Even if they humiliated me or laughed at me... I would make them like me so that I would receive food and water.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eI knew how to get the best out of the situation I was in, to gain more trust, to show that I trusted them. ...You gain trust slowly-slowly; at some point they agreed to let me listen to the radio a bit.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eClassification of main categories and subcategories\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMain categories\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSubcategories\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTheme 1: \"I kept imagining my return home\": Abductees\u0026rsquo; intrapersonal coping while in captivity\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; The captives reported feeling strengthened by the hope of reuniting with family members who had been left behind or kidnapped simultaneously but were not held with them.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; The captives tried to maintain a routine and gain a sense of control by following a daily schedule and keeping a diary.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Most captives reported retaining their imagination even when they lost everything else. They could use their imagination to recall happy past family events or to envision future events that provided them with strength.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Even in the limited physical space, some tried to engage in as much physical activity as possible.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; The captives created a form of emotional isolation as a means to prevent themselves from mentally succumbing to the ongoing trauma.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTheme 2: \"I took care of others and this is how I took care of myself\u0026rdquo;: Interpersonal interactions among the abductees\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; The abductees developed strong interpersonal relationships that served as an important coping resource and provided them with resilience during their captivity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Support and assistance enabled the abductees to overcome many hardships and difficulties together.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Some of the adult female victims described how they offered emotional support to young children, shared food, and inspired hope in them.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Adults made sure to engage the children in activities to keep them quiet and thus ensure their safety.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; Some abductees used their professional identities as much as possible under these conditions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026bull; The captives made deliberate efforts to cultivate reciprocal relationships with their captors in order to improve their attitude towards them, thereby alleviating the harsh conditions of their captivity to some extent.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe primary objective of this study was to analyze the interview testimonies of Israelis who were kidnapped on October 7, 2023 and subsequently released, with particular emphasis on the coping mechanisms they employed throughout their captivity. Despite their intense suffering under horrifying conditions, the abductees all referred to personal and interpersonal resources that helped them survive this difficult period.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the current study, the abductees reported that the hope of being reunited with their family members, whether left behind or kidnapped like them, gave them the will to survive. These testimonies are corroborated by analogous research conducted on individuals who were held in captivity or who experienced trauma. A study on Yezidi refugee women suffering from post-war trauma revealed that their faith, their prayers for family reunion, and their reliance on religious resources fortified their resilience, imbuing their arduous circumstances with a sense of purpose and optimism [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e]. Studies conducted among adults who underwent traumatic life events found that faith and hope play significant roles in helping these individuals cope and in reducing the levels of their emotional distress [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e29\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e30\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe current study corroborates previous literature underscoring the major role played by imagination in the context of trauma. A majority of incarcerated individuals reported utilizing their imagination to recall familial memories or envisage rescue scenarios [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e31\u003c/span\u003e]. Imagination serves as a double-edged sword, offering solace at times of loss and trauma yet also potentially exacerbating pain and distress under severe psychological strain [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e]. In the face of imminent danger and crisis, individuals often resort to their imaginative faculties, facilitating psychological disengagement from the immediate threats to their survival. This use of the imagination as a coping mechanism has been extensively documented among survivors of various traumas, including torture, captivity, sexual assault, and other forms of extreme abuse, highlighting the crucial survival mechanism provided by the capacity for imaginative detachment. Lahad introduced the concept of \"fantastic reality\" [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e], referring to a regressive return to the uninhibited imaginative play of early childhood where the constraints of factual reality are momentarily suspended, allowing for psychological respite and coping [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e31\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the current study, the abductees reported that they attempted to maintain a routine by conforming to a daily schedule, keeping a diary, and engaging in physical activity. Research on individuals who have endured significant trauma reveals a variety of coping mechanisms [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e]. One notable such mechanism is \"engagement coping\", according to which individuals proactively take charge by staying active and busy and employing problem-focused strategies such as planning and active coping [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e34\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e]. In captivity, individuals are stripped of nearly all their autonomy and are at the mercy of their captors regarding their location, activities, and diet. Under these circumstances, adopting such coping strategies can shift individuals from a state of helplessness to one in which they have a certain degree of control and autonomy [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e35\u003c/span\u003e]. The salutogenic model posits that individuals possess inherent resources that confer resilience in the face of adversity and that these capacities varying among individuals [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e36\u003c/span\u003e]. This model encompasses a suite of personality traits that function as a buffer during stressful life events [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e37\u003c/span\u003e]. Key components include the propensity to seek out meaning and purpose alongside a drive for engagement in activities and social interactions and a sense of control, characterized by the inclination to perceive oneself as capable and impactful when confronted with challenging circumstances [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e38\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e In addition to active coping mechanisms, the study revealed that in order to cope some participants employed a strategy of emotional distancing. Numerous studies have highlighted that dissociative symptoms emerge quite often during and immediately after a traumatic or stressful event [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e39\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e40\u003c/span\u003e]. The likelihood of experiencing such symptoms escalates with exposure to severe and repeated trauma, particularly in cases of interpersonal traumas such as sexual abuse, assault, and combat situations, including captivity [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e41\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e42\u003c/span\u003e]. Several studies corroborate findings regarding captive women in Nigeria and Iraq [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e25\u003c/span\u003e]who endured abuse during captivity. For these women, dissociation was a mechanism for surviving the hardships. Subsequently, they required substantial support and care. Such dissociative responses serve as a psychological defense mechanism, enabling individuals to endure otherwise unbearable mental and physical conditions by detaching emotionally from the distressing reality. This form of coping can be viewed as an automatic and protective form of disengagement that offers individuals a temporary respite from overwhelming situations [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e41\u003c/span\u003e]. Note that some research findings suggest that what might be considered \"negative\" coping strategies, such as emotional avoidance, can lead to positive outcomes post-trauma. Studies involving victims of natural disasters such as tornadoes and earthquakes have shown that avoidant emotional coping, characterized by denial and self-distraction, can significantly contribute to resilience [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e43\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e44\u003c/span\u003e]. These strategies may serve as psychological buffers, mitigating the direct impact of traumatic threats and memories, thereby maintaining a psychological distance from the trauma and enabling a form of emotional recovery and resilience.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe research findings suggest that the development of robust interpersonal connections among detainees plays a crucial role in their coping mechanisms and resilience during periods of confinement. These relationships are manifested in mutual support, for example when adults provide care to minors and organize activities for their engagement. According to the Conservation of Resources (COR) theory proposed by Hobfoll [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e45\u003c/span\u003e], stressors deplete an individual's valued resources, which are essential for managing stress. The theory further elucidates that the endeavor to safeguard, accumulate, and conserve resources is intrinsic to an individual's response to potential or actual losses of such resources that are perceived as threats. This depletion of resources, particularly scarce resources, leads to a downward spiral, exacerbating the difficulty in confronting subsequent stressors [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e45\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e46\u003c/span\u003e]. Under such circumstances, social support assumes a pivotal role, especially when it addresses specific situational needs or aids in the preservation of valued resources, in line with the COR theory [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e45\u003c/span\u003e]. Moreover, the literature acknowledges that social support is a significant interpersonal asset linked to mental health outcomes, effectively mitigating the risk of PTSD and depression among individuals who have experienced trauma [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e22\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e23\u003c/span\u003e]. Not only does such support reinforce self-assurance and determination, thus enabling individuals to tackle and overcome daunting challenges, it also enhances the detainees\u0026rsquo; collective morale. This collective dimension is crucial in cultivating a sense of belonging and unity in settings where such sentiments are typically diminished [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e15\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e16\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the current study, the abductees reported that even during captivity they maintained elements of their personal and professional identities, for example as teachers, nurses, or parents. Similarly, women in Nigeria continued to fulfill their roles in childcare and nurturing during their captivity. These women reported that maintaining these roles bolstered their self-esteem, sense of accomplishment, and mental resilience, effectively reconnecting them with their pre-captivity identities [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e24\u003c/span\u003e]. Lahad et al. [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e] introduced the concept of \u0026ldquo;continuities\u0026rdquo; to describe the efforts individuals undertook to maintain a sense of normalcy in emergency and disaster situations, thereby restoring the continuity of their disrupted lives [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e47\u003c/span\u003e]. The specific notion of role continuity refers to the preservation of one's life roles, which can provide a sense of purpose and a way to mitigate feelings of helplessness. Even a slight return to familiar roles can offer comfort amid significant disruptions [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e32\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e33\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe current investigation further revealed that the detainees engaged in intentional endeavors to cultivate reciprocal interactions with their captors, utilizing this as an additional coping mechanism. Many of the detainees attempted to earn their captors' trust and foster rapport, with the objective of positively influencing how the captors perceived and treated them. During captivity, the detainees were subjected to a regime characterized by psychological intimidation and violence, leading to a diminution of their autonomy [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR2 CR3\" citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e]. This environment engendered a pervasive atmosphere of fear and unpredictability, akin to complex trauma, in which abuse could occur without warning [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e11\u003c/span\u003e]. The interpersonal coping strategies employed by the abductees indicate that despite the severe conditions, they were occasionally successful in mitigating harm and enhancing their survival prospects [\u003cspan additionalcitationids=\"CR49\" citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e48\u003c/span\u003e\u0026ndash;\u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e50\u003c/span\u003e]. Not only did this coping strategy provide certain benefits, it also may have afforded them a degree of control and an escape from the absolute helplessness their captors intended to impose [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e51\u003c/span\u003e].\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eLimitations\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study has limitations. The first pertains to the relatively small sample size, which, while restrictive, is offset by the depth and richness of the qualitative data derived from the participants\u0026rsquo; extensive testimonies. Another issue is the incomplete nature of the evidence collected. Not every released captive was accessible for interviews, and some may have chosen to convey their experiences through other media such as social media or in languages that were not within the scope of our surveillance. Moreover, the timing of obtaining these testimonies\u0026mdash;shortly after the captives' release\u0026mdash;was crucial in capturing their immediate reflections on their experiences. Nevertheless, we recognize that these early accounts may only represent the initial phase of their psychological and emotional processing of their ordeal. Future reflections at subsequent stages may provide additional valuable perspectives. This study focused primarily on individuals who had been released. The experiences and perspectives of family members, particularly those in Israel, who were indirectly affected by the abductions, also hold significant importance and should be considered in the broader context of this research. Furthermore, the ongoing situation of captives who remain in captivity cannot be overlooked. The fact that some people are still being held captive suggests that the testimonies collected may be incomplete or may represent only a portion of the broader narrative, as some captives have yet to return and some families are still waiting to be reunited with their loved ones.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study reveals that together with the severe trauma of captivity and psychological and physical abuse, the captives also discovered that they had significant personal and interpersonal coping resources. Given the profound adversities and psychological trauma faced by the abductees, they should be offered immediate and specialized therapeutic interventions upon their return. These interventions should be delivered by trauma-informed professionals who can sensitively facilitate restoration of the abductees' autonomy, decision-making ability, and control over their lives, while ensuring their privacy. Indeed, the narrative of their traumatic captivity must also include the new strengths and coping mechanisms they discovered.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMany of the abductees returned to Israel, only to learn that members of their family had been murdered or were still in captivity. Moreover, they were unable to return to their homes, which had been destroyed in the onslaught. Therefore, the therapeutic intervention must take their multiple losses into consideration, alongside the new coping abilities they discovered. Such measures are critical for building initial trust and addressing the profound sense of betrayal and disorientation experienced during captivity. This study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of captivity and the reintegration process for released captives. It highlights the importance of immediate and comprehensive psychological support that addresses both acute and long-term mental health needs. It also underlines the role of social support networks during captivity, pointing to the importance of community and family bonds in the healing process. Moreover, the study suggests that in designing effective support strategies and interventions, policymakers and support organizations should also consider the unique social interactions between captives and captors.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Abbreviations","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionList\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003ePost\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e \u003cp\u003etraumatic stress disorder-PTSD\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eConservation of Resources\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCOR\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"DefinitionListEntry\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Term\"\u003eThe Islamic State\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Description\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eISIS\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAuthor contributions\u003c/strong\u003e- IL wrote the manuscript and SSA and ZE revised it. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConflict of interest\u003c/strong\u003e-The authors declare that the research was conducted in the\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eabsence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e- The authors have not declared a specific grant for this research from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not- for- profit sectors.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical approval\u003c/strong\u003e- In this study, the analyzed textual materials were sourced through Google searches, ensuring their public accessibility and avoiding reliance on private or individually confined data. The texts chosen for the analysis were characterized by the absence of personal identifiers, both in their original context and within our academic reporting.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed consent\u003c/strong\u003e -N/A\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgements\u003c/strong\u003e- None\u003c/p\u003e\n"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAlexander DA, Klein S. Kidnapping and hostage-taking: a review of effects, coping and resilience. J R Soc Med. 2009;102(1):16\u0026ndash;21. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1258/jrsm.2008.080347\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1258/jrsm.2008.080347\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eLahav Y, Avidor S, Stein JY, Zhou X, Solomon Z. 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Psychol Trauma: Theory Res Pract Policy. 2015;7(2):122\u0026ndash;30. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1037/a0036936\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1037/a0036936\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"abductees, captivity, trauma, coping strategies, psychological consequences of captivity, Israel-Hamas War, Israeli hostages, Gaza","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBackground\u003c/strong\u003e: The trauma of captivity manifests in a wide range of psychological and physical symptoms. Not many studies have examined civilian captivity. The aim of the research is to understand the dynamics of individuals who were liberated from captivity, focusing on the coping mechanisms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eMethods\u003c/strong\u003e: This qualitative research study examined the coping resources of civilian abductees through thematic analysis of the testimonies of 33 Israeli civilians aged 18-85 who were abducted by Hamas on October 7, 2023, as reported in Israeli online news sources. Most of the abductees were women (96.7%) who had been in captivity from 48 to 55 days.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eResults\u003c/strong\u003e: The research reveals that they utilized personal coping strategies to endure the harsh conditions of their captivity, such as maintaining hope by thinking of their families, adhering to routines, engaging in physical activities, and using their imagination to assert control and distract themselves from their dire situation. Some actively avoided intense negative emotions to prevent mental breakdown amidst continuous trauma. They also utilized interpersonal coping strategies by forming strong interpersonal bonds, which played a crucial role in their resilience and coping and fostered a sense of belonging. The captives provided each other vital emotional support and shared their resources with children, thus enhancing group solidarity and survival strategies. Additionally, they cultivated reciprocal relationships with their captors as a strategy for mitigating the severity of their captivity. This research highlights the coping resources utilized by captives despite the challenging circumstances of their captivity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConclusions:\u003c/strong\u003e The study’s findings suggest that released hostages should be provided immediate psychological treatment upon their return to help them integrate narratives of strength and resilience into their complex stories.Top of Form\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Surviving the Inferno in Hopes of Reuniting with Family\": Coping Strategies among Civilian Abductees Released from Captivity in Gaza","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2024-02-23 03:58:52","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-3969818/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"
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