Intro
Public narratives around dementia have often excluded the experiences of people with
dementia themselves. Language around dementia has been largely medical, negative, or
both, with words such as ‘suffering’, ‘burden’ on carers and the concept of dementia
as a ‘living death’ still commonly used by the media ( Peel, 2014 ). The condition has been seen
at various points as a part of normal ageing, a solely biomedical issue or a
relational problem, necessitating a focus on families providing care ( Nedlund & Nordh, 2015 ;
O’Connor & Nedlund,
2016 ). The voices of people with dementia have, in the past, largely been
absent.
These negative narratives have been shifting in the last few decades. Tom Kitwood’s (1997) work
around the idea of personhood has sought to shift away from an exclusively medical
narrative to one which sees the person as well as the
illness . The importance of hearing the perspective of people
with dementia is now acknowledged in both research and practice ( Bartlett & O’Connor,
2007 ), and activities such as life story work are frequently employed in
social care and health settings ( Gridley et al., 2016 ). In recent years
there has been some acknowledgement of the decontextualised, apolitical nature of
the concept of personhood, and a shift to focussing on citizenship, which locates
the experiences of the person with dementia in their socio-political situation, and
comprises (1) active participation by people with dementia in their own lives and
wider society; (2) recognition of the potential for growth and positivity within the
dementia experience; (3) understanding of the link between individual experiences
and circumstances and broader socio-political and cultural dynamics and structures
and (4) fostering solidarity between people with dementia ( Bartlett & O’Connor, 2010 ).
Citizenship can be enacted through everyday talk and practice (Barnes et al., 2004),
but for people with dementia, the ‘struggle for citizenship’ is ongoing ( Bartlett, 2014 ).
Citizenship is inherently linked with narrative – the personal, inter-personal and
institutional/structural are linked ‘through the stories we tell and are told about
us, whether by individuals or collectivities (such as the Law, businesses and
government)’ (Baldwin, 2008, p. 224). The stories told about people with dementia
are often medical, and medical narratives can overshadow all others, at least at
first, and people can begin to interact with the diagnosis rather than the person
(Sabat & Harre, 1992). Baldwin (2008) argues for the necessity of ‘narrative
citizenship’, recognising that the opportunities for people with dementia to tell
their own stories have been limited, but that these opportunities must be
facilitated and nurtured if both personal and policy narratives are to change.
People with dementia are increasingly involved in campaigning for social change
( Bartlett, 2014 ), and
there has been a proliferation of groups led by people with dementia, such as the
Three Nations Dementia Working Group, 1 Dementia Alliance
International, 2 and many of the groups which are part of the Dementia Engagement
and Empowerment Project [DEEP] network. 3 People with dementia have
developed guidance for involving people with dementia in conferences and events
( DEEP, 2013a ),
writing dementia friendly information ( DEEP, 2013b ), and the use of language for
people writing about the condition ( DEEP, 2015 ). Such examples encompass many
of the elements of citizenship outlined by Bartlett and O’Connor (2010) .
For many people with dementia, campaigning work begins by giving their own personal
accounts of living with dementia. People with dementia have used a variety of
platforms to tell their stories, including books (e.g. Mitchell, 2019, Swaffer, 2016
and see also Ryan et al,
2009 , for an overview of the genre), discussion forums ( Rodriquez, 2013 ) and
Twitter ( Talbot et al.,
2020 , 2021 ;
Thomas, 2017 ). The
Dementia Diaries project was created specifically for people with dementia to tell
their stories easily – diarists use a 3D printed device (or their own telephone) to
record their words, which are transmitted to the Dementia Diaries team, transcribed
by volunteers and uploaded to the Dementia Diaries website ( Woodall et al., 2016 ). Such innovations
have demonstrated the value of online platforms to construct communities ( Rodriquez, 2013 ), build
self-esteem, support others and impact on policy and practice ( Woodall et al., 2016 ).
The concept of telling stories about health and illness is not new. We must tell
medical professionals, friends, employers and family what is wrong (or else make a
choice to hide our maladies), and our stories may change depending on the audience.
The stories that we tell are shaped by ‘all the rhetorical expectations that the
storyteller has been internalising ever since he [sic] first heard some relative
describe an illness’ ( Frank,
2013 : p3).
Health blogging – writing blogs about health conditions – is also relatively common.
Academic research has explored the blogging activities of women with breast cancer
( Martino et al.,
2019 ; McNamara,
2007 ), burns survivors ( Garbett et al., 2017 ), women with
endometriosis ( Fernley,
2021 ), people with depression ( Kotliar, 2016 ), as well as health blogging
more generally (see, for example, Rains & Keating, 2011 ). Health
blogging has been examined as a means of providing social support for people with
health conditions ( Rains &
Keating, 2011 ), and has been associated with modest improvements in
wellbeing ( Rains & Keating,
2015 ), and there is a suggestion that reading blogs written by someone
with personal experience of a health condition (in this case HIV) are more
persuasive in changing action than blogs written by professionals ( Neubaum & Krämer,
2015 ).
In people who care for people with dementia, blogging has been shown to reduce stress
( Hori et al., 2010 )
and foster community ( Anderson
et al., 2016 ). Carers’ blogs have explored the concept of dignity for
people with dementia ( Anderson
et al, 2021 ); needs, concerns and advice of caregivers ( McLennon et al., 2021 );
and suicide and homicidal ideation in family carers of people with dementia ( Anderson et al., 2019 ).
However, this work has all been from the perspective of the carer – the perspective
of people with dementia themselves is absent.
Blogging as a medium for people with dementia themselves to tell their own stories
has been largely neglected in academic research. One exception to this is a study by
Kannaley et al.
(2019) , which analysed five posts from blogs written by both people with
dementia and carers and identified a series of themes, including seeing the
positives, feeling out of control, advocacy and empowerment and coping mechanisms.
However, their analysis did not separate blogs written by people with dementia from
those written by carers. In this paper we use a citizenship perspective to explore
the motivations of people with dementia to write their own blogs, and the practical
challenges of blogging for people with dementia.
Methods
The findings in this paper are taken from a small scale qualitative study exploring
blogging by people with dementia, funded by Sheffield Hallam University and
conducted in 2017 and 2018. The study was led by the researcher (Jenni Brooks), with
Nada Savitch (an independent dementia adviser) advising on and supporting the
involvement of people with dementia.
(1) Interviews with people with dementia in the UK who write their
own blogs. (2) Analysis of blogs written by people with dementia (in English)
across the world.
(1) Interviews with people with dementia in the UK who write their
own blogs.
(2) Analysis of blogs written by people with dementia (in English)
across the world.
This paper reports the first of these two stages. The aim for this stage was to
explore motivations and experiences of UK bloggers with dementia, and to examine
their perceptions of the benefits, challenges and practicalities of
blogging.
Recruitment focused on bloggers with dementia, based in the UK, who wrote
sole-authored blogs (not hosted by organisations or with multiple authors).
Existing lists of bloggers with dementia provided a starting point, 4 followed by an
internet search for ‘blogger with dementia’, and ‘dementia blog’, and by
snowball sampling.
Blogs were only selected for inclusion if they • were written by people with dementia (based on their
self-identification on the blog) living in the UK; • were published by individuals rather than organisations; • were publicly available and • had posts within the previous year.
• were written by people with dementia (based on their
self-identification on the blog) living in the UK;
• were published by individuals rather than organisations;
• were publicly available and
• had posts within the previous year.
Saturation was reached after identifying eight blogs, with each new search only
returning the same results, and each blogger only pointing towards the same pool
of others.
We contacted each blogger using the contact form or email address from their
blog, or where these were not available, their public Twitter profile, inviting
them to take part. Information about the project was written in accordance with
the DEEP guidelines for good communication with people with dementia ( DEEP, 2013b ). Seven
out of eight bloggers responded, one declined to take part, and six agreed. All
participants were able to read and understand the information leaflet and give
written informed consent to take part.
Table 1 shows the
characteristics of the participants. Table 1. Characteristics of participants. Name Length of time blogging before
interview Age at diagnosis Carol 6 weeks 58 George 2 years 11 months 63 Ken 11 years 56 Valerie 2 years 11 months Late 50s Wayne 1 year 2 months 59/60 Wendy 2 years 9 months 58
Characteristics of participants.
All six participants were white, British and had been diagnosed with dementia
between the ages of 55 and 63. All had some degree of computer literacy, but
none had previous experience of blogging, although one (Valerie) was a
professional author, and another (George) had an English degree and was used to
writing reports in his previous job.
Participants were supported to take part a way that suited them. Three
participants chose to be interviewed at home, and the other three chose public
locations – two cafes, and one hotel lobby. Two participants had spouses
present, another spouse was in the house but not the same room, and three
participants were interviewed alone.
All participants were sent a list of interview topics in advance – one requested
a detailed list of questions to prepare for, which was sent. The interview
schedule included questions about reasons for starting blogging, reading other
people’s blogs, frequency and topics of blog posts, topics avoided in blog
posts, perceptions of blog readers, positive and challenging aspects of
blogging, support from other people, changes over time (including perceived
future changes), and advice for other potential bloggers with dementia.
The day before each interview the researcher called to confirm. On arrival, we
talked through the project information again, and each interviewee gave written
informed consent. Interviews lasted 1–2 hours and were audio recorded and later
transcribed. Each participant was given a £20 gift voucher to say thank you.
Thematic analysis was carried out using the Framework approach ( Spencer et al., 2013 )
to manage interview data. The Framework approach is a matrix-based method which
allows qualitative data to be organised and synthesised consistently, supporting
identification of themes both within and across cases. It has advantages in
allowing later stages of analysis to be directly connected to original interview
quotes to test emerging findings in the context of the whole dataset. The
researcher (Jenni Brooks) transcribed all interviews, re-read for familiarity,
and developed a coding framework including a priori themes from the topic guide
and emerging themes, which was discussed with Nada Savitch. Jenni Brooks then
extracted interview data into the framework and assigned index categories, then
created a series of central charts summarising and synthesising the data, using
participants’ own words wherever possible. Jenni Brooks then conducted an
iterative process of mapping and interpretation to make sense of the data, and
discussed and clarified this with Nada Savitch.
A short summary of findings, again prepared using the DEEP (2013b) guidelines for written
communication with people with dementia, was sent to each participant following
analysis. Findings were also presented at the UK Dementia Congress in 2018 to an
audience of practitioners, academics and people with dementia, including two of
the study participants.
Ethical approval for this project was granted by Sheffield Hallam University
Faculty of Development and Society Ethics Committee on 26 th May 2017
(ref: 394-BRO).
Each participant was asked whether they wanted to choose a pseudonym, but all
asked to appear in the research under their own name. This is consistent with
Bartlett’s (2014)
research with people with dementia who campaign for social change.
The aim of the study was to explore the motivations and challenges experienced by
people with dementia when writing their own blogs. This section begins with a
brief outline of what makes blogging as a format valuable for people with
dementia, followed by a discussion of how participants overcame some of the
practical challenges of blogging. The main body of the findings section focuses
on motivations for blogging, and these are grouped under three broad themes: the
personal level (blog as journal, blog as a ‘room of one’s own’); community level
(blog as solidarity, blog as comfort) and society level (blog as education, blog
as campaign tool).
The format of blogging allowed bloggers to tell their stories in ways they may
not have otherwise been able to do, but there were still practical challenges
which they had developed strategies to overcome.
The asynchronous nature of blogging was perceived as a particular benefit for
people with dementia, allowing bloggers to draft posts over the course of days,
sometimes weeks, before publishing them online, and all took advantage of this,
often writing drafts in a word processing programme. This allowed them to
collect their thoughts before writing. ‘I’m not so good at speaking off the cuff…. [Blogging] gives me time to
reflect, to think out exactly how I want to say something’ (George).
‘I’m not so good at speaking off the cuff…. [Blogging] gives me time to
reflect, to think out exactly how I want to say something’ (George).
In this way, the bloggers could join in public conversations about, for example
dementia policy or human rights, without having to respond quickly, which they
often found difficult.
All of the bloggers had used other forms of written online communication (for
example social media and forums) since their diagnosis to communicate with other
people with dementia, but blogs were seen as a personal space, where they
retained control, and could decide what to write about and how to present their
thoughts, with no word limit. All had gone some way to personalise their blog
space by choosing templates, or using photographs.
Blogging as a format allowed bloggers to tell their stories in ways they may not
have otherwise been able to do, but it did pose challenges, which the bloggers
had developed their own strategies to overcome. Several wrote drafts of posts
over a number of days before copying them onto the blog. Some found the blogging
software interface difficult to navigate, and one had asked someone else to set
up a shortcut on the desktop of their computer to take them directly to the ‘new
post’ page. Carol created her own personal ‘helpdesk’ of instructions for
regular tasks and useful phrases that she could easily find when she needed
them.
Wayne described how a friend acted as informal ‘editor’. ‘Sometimes I get angry! [laughing] And… I see everything very black and
white, that’s the dementia… and Dave has to try and tone it down, so
we’re keeping the frustration there, but taking the explosive anger
out!’ (Wayne).
‘Sometimes I get angry! [laughing] And… I see everything very black and
white, that’s the dementia… and Dave has to try and tone it down, so
we’re keeping the frustration there, but taking the explosive anger
out!’ (Wayne).
Wayne was unique in this sense though – the other bloggers occasionally asked
other people to read a particular post but did not have this editorial
relationship. People did have other strategies though, such as keeping a bank of
words and phrases on the computer, and keeping an ongoing list of posts for when
they did not have any idea what to write about.
All of the bloggers were candid in their acknowledgement that their ability to
keep writing their blog would likely change in the future and some were already
altering their blogging habits and strategies. Some, finding typing difficult,
had tried voice recognition software, with mixed success. Others found
themselves getting frustrated with blogging software, and writing less as time
went on. Valerie felt she was coming to the end of her blog, found using
Wordpress ‘murder’, and felt ‘I really cannot now do something so long and
purposeful’. Similarly, Wayne found his posts taking longer, and joked: ‘I’m
spending so much time living life I haven’t got time to write about it any
more’. Most, though, were determined to continue blogging whilst they could.
The rest of this findings section deals with the reasons the bloggers gave for
blogging.
There were two sub-themes at the personal level: the blog as a journal – a place
for people with dementia to capture their thoughts and memories; and the blog as
a virtual ‘room of one’s own’, a space for bloggers to exert autonomy and
control, and in which to find their own voice.
Several of the bloggers already had some involvement with dementia-related
groups and started their blogs partly to keep a record of their activities.
Wendy, for example found that ‘exciting things were happening, and they were
getting lost’, and for her, looking back at her own written and photographic
accounts of events and activities was ‘quite therapeutic… whether you’ve
forgotten it or not doesn’t matter’. Carol’s experience was similar – one of
the reasons she was writing was ‘to build a memory book that I can look back on further down the
line, reading about all the things I’ve done… I’m hoping it’s going
to be like a morale booster, you know, oh I did all those things’
(Carol).
‘to build a memory book that I can look back on further down the
line, reading about all the things I’ve done… I’m hoping it’s going
to be like a morale booster, you know, oh I did all those things’
(Carol).
In this sense the blogs were being used almost as contemporary life story
accounts, documenting each activity as it was happening or shortly after.
Wendy in particular described how she often wrote blog posts about an event
during the event itself, and in fact wrote the outline of a post about being
interviewed for this study during the interview.
For others, blogs functioned more as personal ‘stream of consciousness’ style
journals rather than an account of activities. For example for Valerie,
whose long career as a writer predated her blog by several decades, her blog was ‘like a diary really of my progress, just thoughts and feelings and
the odd poem. And there was no structure to it whatsoever, none, it
was just an outlet, there was nothing generous about it, it was a
me, me, me thing, it was just for me’ (Valerie).
‘like a diary really of my progress, just thoughts and feelings and
the odd poem. And there was no structure to it whatsoever, none, it
was just an outlet, there was nothing generous about it, it was a
me, me, me thing, it was just for me’ (Valerie).
Despite this, Valerie did intentionally publish her blog online, unlike Ken,
who was advised to keep a diary by a clinical psychologist as a way of
dealing with his graphic nightmares, and did not realise his electronic
journal was public for 18 months. After the initial shock, Ken read the
comments on his blog and decided to keep it public – this is discussed
further in the ‘blogging as reassurance’ section below.
Wayne’s blog also began as a series of private notes, made about events he
had attended, in an attempt to keep the appearance of having a good memory.
Other people recognised the value of these notes, and in time, Wayne began
to turn them into a blog. These shifts from private (or at least intended to
be private) journals to public resources demonstrates the value other people
place on accounts written by people with dementia.
There was also a sense that these written accounts might be useful in
supporting person-centred care in the future. ‘Eventually you reach a point on your journey when you’re not capable
of looking after yourself and somebody else is going to have to do
it. Well for somebody to be able to look back on a blog that... is
not quite day by day, but event by event expression of who you
really were, that’s still inside... that’s brilliant’ (Wayne).
‘Eventually you reach a point on your journey when you’re not capable
of looking after yourself and somebody else is going to have to do
it. Well for somebody to be able to look back on a blog that... is
not quite day by day, but event by event expression of who you
really were, that’s still inside... that’s brilliant’ (Wayne).
In this sense, blogging shares some characteristics with life story work.
The blogs were autonomous virtual spaces, where their authors made decisions
about tone, style and content. Aside from Ken, setting up a blog had been a
deliberate act for all the bloggers, and in some cases they had spent
considerable time reading other people’s blogs, and defining the tone of
their own.
Valerie’s experience differed in some ways to the other bloggers. She had
been a writer for many years, and for her, the blog was just one outlet
among many through which to continue her writing: ‘Little words still flow
through me, little sentences…’. She felt sharing these snippets of thoughts
and poetry would be more beneficial for her than sharing too much of ‘me and
my doom and gloom’, because ‘I think that would have a negative impact on me, because I try and
work out all the things I can do rather than the things that I
can’t’ (Valerie).
‘I think that would have a negative impact on me, because I try and
work out all the things I can do rather than the things that I
can’t’ (Valerie).
The other bloggers did also share positive experiences and other elements of
life, but were more specifically focused on sharing about their experience
of dementia.
All of the bloggers were very aware of issues around privacy, and the impact
of their writing on other people, and had given considerable thought to what
they were willing to share. For example some, like George, did not write
about their own medical appointments, whereas others were quite candid about
their health, but did not mention family members or personal
relationships.
The asynchronous nature of blogging gave people with dementia the ability to
join in ongoing conversations in a way that they may otherwise have been
unable to, as dementia can make speaking in public, particularly in group
settings, more challenging. In this way, blogging made people feel 'normal’ again. ‘I can type quicker than I can think and speak the words. Because
that part of my brain hasn’t broken, typing just makes me feel
normal again. I can do it far better than talking to people’
(Wendy).
‘I can type quicker than I can think and speak the words. Because
that part of my brain hasn’t broken, typing just makes me feel
normal again. I can do it far better than talking to people’
(Wendy).
Each blogger set out practical strategies for facilitating their writing,
such as drafting and editing over several days, or having a friend read a
post before publishing.
Several bloggers had started their blogs with an explicit aim of providing
support to others, and all listed this as one of their motivations to continue
writing. This support took two forms: solidarity with other people with
dementia, and reassurance for family and friends.
Bloggers talked about using their blogs to demonstrate to other people with
dementia that life could continue after a diagnosis – ‘to show that you can
continue to lead a normal, active, well, not a normal life, but an active
life’ (Carol).
Some people mentioned how scared they themselves had been after their own
diagnosis. Meeting other people with dementia and reading their words had
helped them see they could continue to live a good life and they wanted to
pass this encouragement to other people with dementia, to let them know ‘that life doesn’t end with a diagnosis, that it opens up a different
world, and it’s just all about adapting and doing things
differently, but there’s still lots out there to be done’
(Wendy).
‘that life doesn’t end with a diagnosis, that it opens up a different
world, and it’s just all about adapting and doing things
differently, but there’s still lots out there to be done’
(Wendy).
The bloggers treated their work in this area seriously, and considered
themselves part of a peer network providing support to other people with
dementia. The online element of blogging was thought to be valuable in this
respect, as after diagnosis, ‘people very quickly don’t go out, they lose
their confidence, and they sit and home and watch tv’ (George). Having
online access to the experiences of other people with dementia was therefore
a way of gaining a sense of community, without being compelled into a face
to face social situation. ‘We live in our little individual bubbles, and it’d probably be the
same for any other disease as well, but it’s really important to
know that we’re not alone’ (George).
‘We live in our little individual bubbles, and it’d probably be the
same for any other disease as well, but it’s really important to
know that we’re not alone’ (George).
It was this that had encouraged Carol to begin writing her own blog.
The bloggers also found that they were providing comfort and reassurance to
people whose relatives were living with dementia. For example Ken first
realised his blog was public when he clicked on a ‘comments’ box 1 day and found ‘about 200 comments from people, all over the world, saying thank you
for this, because you’ve explained so much the doctors won’t tell
us’ (Ken).
‘about 200 comments from people, all over the world, saying thank you
for this, because you’ve explained so much the doctors won’t tell
us’ (Ken).
Ken was initially ‘terrified’ at this discovery, but decided to continue
writing, because ‘it’s humbling to think you’re helping somebody’ – a
sentiment shared by other bloggers too. This help could take a form that
others without dementia were unable to give: ‘Often people who’ve had relatives with dementia who died, they’re
saying oh I now realise why they did something, because of something
I said’ (Wendy).
‘Often people who’ve had relatives with dementia who died, they’re
saying oh I now realise why they did something, because of something
I said’ (Wendy).
The bloggers’ concept of helping people extended beyond other people with
dementia and their families to encompass two other areas: education for
healthcare professionals and others working with people with dementia; and
campaigning for change in wider society.
None of the bloggers started with an explicit aim of educating healthcare
professionals, although some found themselves doing just that. Several had
been invited to give talks to medical students, and Ken described how his
blog was being used as a ‘teaching tool’ at several universities, including
his most local one, where nursing students were encouraged to search for
specific topics on his blog, such as 'waking people up from graphic
nightmares’.
Several bloggers acknowledged their ability to communicate about dementia was
not something necessarily shared by others. For example ‘Many people may not be quite as far on the journey, but have had
their communication centres attacked, and are less able to
communicate… what I was therefore putting across in words were
things that quite often they don’t get chance for the person living
with dementia to tell them…. So it very quickly proved to be a
useful tool’ (Wayne).
‘Many people may not be quite as far on the journey, but have had
their communication centres attacked, and are less able to
communicate… what I was therefore putting across in words were
things that quite often they don’t get chance for the person living
with dementia to tell them…. So it very quickly proved to be a
useful tool’ (Wayne).
Bloggers therefore saw writing about their experiences of dementia as a
service which could help healthcare professionals and others better
understand dementia.
Some of the bloggers had deliberately started their blog as a campaigning
tool, mostly to complement other campaigning activities they were taking
part in, for example as part of the Dementia Action Alliance. ‘I’m writing for an audience, I’m not writing just because I want to
write, I could do that on a piece of paper… I’m writing as an
activist, I want people to read it and re-examine what they think
and what they do’ (George).
‘I’m writing for an audience, I’m not writing just because I want to
write, I could do that on a piece of paper… I’m writing as an
activist, I want people to read it and re-examine what they think
and what they do’ (George).
Even those who had primarily started blogging as a journal for themselves
later came to recognise the importance of the platform for raising awareness
about the realities of living with dementia, including medical appointments
and accessing services and support. In some cases, bloggers had been invited
to speak at conferences or to the staff of organisations about their
experiences.
Conclusion
This study has explored the motivations and challenges faced by bloggers with
dementia. We have found that blogging as a format offers benefits particularly
welcome to people with dementia, and that bloggers with dementia have found creative
ways to overcome technological challenges of blogging. Motivations for blogging
exist at an individual level (blogging as a journal for personal thoughts, and as a
personal online space); at a community level (as solidarity for others living with
the condition, and comfort for family and friends), and the society level (as
education and a campaign tool). By working in these spheres, blogging can enable the
enactment of some elements of active social citizenship for people with
dementia.
Bloggers with dementia are challenging assumptions about what people with dementia
are capable of, and are creating new stories of what it means to live with dementia
which can enter the public consciousness.
We should be mindful of the implications for other people with dementia. Telling
one’s story publicly should never become compulsory, but there is potential for
others with dementia, for family and friends, and for healthcare professionals, to
read and learn from the lived experience of bloggers with dementia to gain a better
understanding of what it is like to live with the condition, and to ultimately shape
better care.
Discussion
This paper argues that blogging by people with dementia expands the range of public
stories that are told about the condition, and contributes to the enactment of
‘narrative citizenship’ for people with dementia through addressing the personal,
inter-personal and institutional/structural elements and the relationships between
them (Baldwin, 2008). Blogs as a format do offer something different to other online
platforms that is particularly valuable for people with dementia. Blogs are
asynchronous, so thoughts can be formed and written over time, meaning people with
dementia can avoid problems of ‘outpacing’ ( Kitwood, 1997 ). The bloggers in this study
valued being able to write a blog post over several days; add photographs either to
enhance, or when they found words more difficult; change themes or colour schemes to
personalise their blogs and write as often and as much as they chose. There is no
obligation to take part in a conversation as there may be with a discussion forum,
and their writing appears together, rather than interspersed between the writing of
others, giving them an opportunity to create a coherent narrative. Being in control
of the environment limits the potential for encountering hostile people, as is a
possibility on social media ( Talbot et al., 2021 ).
People with dementia used their blogs to facilitate communication with, and support
for, other people with dementia, echoing the use of other forms of online
communication, such as Twitter ( Talbot et al., 2020 ; Thomas, 2017 ), internet discussion forums
( Rodriquez, 2013 )
and the purpose-built Dementia Diaries platform ( Woodall et al., 2016 ).
The long form nature of blogging allows for an enhanced level of insight into the
experiences of living with dementia, and bloggers identified that this was of
benefit to themselves, to other people with dementia, family and friends, as well as
health professionals and the general public. Bloggers chose what to write about,
what news stories and policy decisions to respond to, and made specific and nuanced
decisions about their own privacy. There has been an increased recognition of the
need for people with dementia to be included in research ( Dupuis et al., 2012 ; McKeown et al., 2010 ; Murphy et al., 2015 ), and
in the education of healthcare professionals ( Cashin et al., 2019 ), but blogging gives
them a way to set the agenda, to talk about what is important to them – not just
respond to the specific concerns of policy makers and professionals. Other research
has demonstrated that reading blogs written by someone with personal experience of a
health condition is more persuasive in changing action than blogs written by
professionals ( Neubaum &
Krämer, 2015 ).
Many of the bloggers in this study also considered themselves to be campaigners, and
blogging, for them, shared some similarities with campaign work by people with
dementia ( Bartlett,
2014 ), in some senses being considered campaigning in itself. Unlike other
forms of campaigning, for example speaking in public, blogging allowed the bloggers
time and space to articulate their points of view, the challenges faced in sharing
personal experiences in public, and the difficulties involved in overcoming these
challenges. These blogs, as longer form narratives accessible to be read by other
people, go some way to bridging this gap between experience and understanding,
making this emotional, and sometimes physical, ‘backstage’ labour visible. This is
the ‘backstage’ work that participants in Bartlett’s (2014) study found often went
unrecognised by audiences.
This presentation of the ‘backstage’ work involved in telling personal stories of
dementia in public is important. In recent years, people with dementia have been
‘increasingly finding both a voice and a narrative space’ (Baldwin, 2008, p. 225).
However, this can come at a cost, as demonstrated by many of Bartlett’s (2014) participants having their
diagnoses questioned as they did not ‘behave in a way that one might “expect” a
person with dementia to behave, (p. 1300). The bloggers in this study are giving
extensive, ongoing accounts of the realities of living with dementia, sharing both
positive and negative experiences. By telling their stories slowly, in their own
time, and their own voice, they are increasing the variety of public narratives of
what it means to live with dementia.
Blogging as an activity is, of course, not available to everyone. Income, age,
household composition, mobility and memory are all contributors to digital exclusion
( Age UK, 2018 ).
Internet use is increasing in all age groups, but in 2018, over half of all adult
internet non-users were over the age of 75 ( Office for National Statistics, 2019 ).
There are moves towards more technological interventions for people with dementia,
for example the use of iPads in care homes ( Evans et al., 2017 ), but specific
interventions mediated by staff members are very different to independent blogging.
There is evidence that more older people began using the internet during the Covid
19 pandemic ( Ageing Better,
2020 ), but no evidence about internet use by people with dementia.
This study is small by nature. At the time of participant recruitment, only eight
bloggers with dementia were identified in the UK, and six of those agreed to
interview. The bloggers included in this study all lived in England, spoke English,
were white, did not live in residential care, and had some support from family or
friends. They were all diagnosed with some form of young onset dementia between the
ages of 56 and 63. None of them had previous blogging experience, but they had all
had some degree of computer literacy.
Voices are still missing from the blogging community in England, and therefore from
this research. The experience of dementia is very different for people with
different ethnic backgrounds ( Moriarty et al., 2011 ), who are not represented here, and according to
sexuality ( McGovern,
2014 ) and socio-economic status, which this study did not collect data
about. Older and more frail people with dementia are missing from the blogging
space, and therefore from this study, too. Similar omissions were found in research
about the use of Twitter by people with dementia ( Talbot et al., 2021 ).
It is unsurprising that relatively young, computer literate people might take to
blogging about their experiences of dementia in greater numbers than people who are
older, have little experience of computer use throughout their life, or are more
frail and therefore perhaps unable to use such technology without support. People
with dementia who are involved in campaigning work more widely tend to be relatively
young and healthy ( Bartlett,
2014 ). The voices of people with dementia have been absent in the public
narrative for so long that any are a welcome addition and contribute to the public
understanding of living with the condition. However, the relative demographic
homogeneity of bloggers with dementia, does mean that the variety of stories
available in this space is limited. There is a risk that those with different
experiences of living with dementia remain unheard.
Recommendations
Blogging is a personal activity for a public audience. This study has identified that
bloggers are motivated at the personal, community, and societal level to share their
stories, but not everyone with dementia will want to share their thoughts online.
When they do, there may be some value to technical support from other people. Some
studies have started to explore the specific needs of internet users with dementia,
particularly in relation to website design ( Freeman et al., 2005 ; Schnelli et al., 2021 ),
and if implemented by blogging software providers this may go some way to reducing
the technological challenges experienced by some of the participants in this study.
It is also possible that existing bloggers without dementia may develop the
condition in the future and continue their blogging activities, leading perhaps to a
wider range of voices and subjects written about by people with dementia.
Writing in general may be a useful way for people with dementia to ‘grow positively
with dementia’ ( Ryan et al.,
2009 : p. 156), and blogging can be beneficial for the writer themselves,
for readers, and for education and raising awareness in the wider community. Writing
a blog does not require the commitment of writing a book, and provides some of the
social and community benefits to the writer themselves of other forms of online
communication, whilst shielding them from some of the more negative aspects
associated with some forms of social media ( Talbot et al., 2021 ). It is tempting to
recommend that blogging be attempted more widely by people with dementia, but one of
the key motivations for blogging is being able to share personal stories in a
personal way, so editorial control should remain with the blogger.
Blogs blur the boundary between public and private space ( Snee, 2013 ) and there are potential
ethical issues in using them in a way not intended by the author. It may be useful
for professionals to read blogs written by people with dementia to gain an insight
into the everyday reality of living with the condition, and to hear experiences that
may not be heard in healthcare settings – but they should be mindful that there
still are voices and perspectives missing, and not assume that the stories are
representative. For the bloggers in this study, raising awareness among
professionals was an important outcome of blogging. However, anyone using a personal
blog in a professional context should be mindful of the author’s intentions, perhaps
following Whiteman’s
(2010) suggestion to check the author shows an awareness of unknown
readers in their writing.
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