What is Coconut Water?: commodification, globalization and place

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Since the early 2000s, the beverage has gone from one consumed mostly in producer countries to one processed and shipped all over the world. In this paper, I explore the commodification and globalization of coconut water, illustrating how the material qualities of coconut — the species and maturity— influence its nutrition and taste in ways that conflict with discourses of coconut water as a natural health beverage, and the labour and productive conditions that shape and are shaped by its globalization. I draw from field research conducted in Thailand to ultimately illustrate that processes of commodification are in flux, and the case of coconut water illustrates that the relationship between global stories about coconut water and the ecological and labour conditions that underlie production are not only dialectical but still being negotiated. Ethics Statement : All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were approved by and are in accordance with the ethical standards of the Carleton University Research Ethics Board-A (CUREB-A). CUREB-A is constituted and operates in compliance with the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS2). Informed Consent and Consent to Publish : Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study, including consent to publish the photos included in this article. Data Availability Statement: Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study Coconut coconut water commodification political ecology superfoods commodity stories pig-tailed macaque Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Introduction The grateful refreshment afforded by its liquor when drunk from the young nut, whilst the outer husk is green and the kernel still gelatinous, can only be judged of by those who have travelled, under a fervid sun, in those countries where it is produced. -Marco Polo , 610, The Travels of Marco Polo In 2000, coconut water was virtually non-existent in most Western markets, but by 2010, “coconut water became the Justin Bieber of YouTube sensations in the beverage industry” (Kantu, 2017 , 8). Madonna, Rihanna and Matthew McConaughey all promoted and invested in the industry (Walker, 2017 ; Bourdeix, 2016 ; Jio 2010 ). In the past decade, the expansion of the global coconut water market has continued, such that it is now a multi-billion-dollar industry (Abeysekara et al., 2020; Ferdman et al., 2014). Known as “mother nature’s sports drink”, and often dubbed a “superfood,” 100% coconut water is full of electrolytes, making it useful for rehydration after illness and for exercise recovery, and touted for a range of other benefits. It’s great for weight loss, improves circulation and digestion, eases heartburn, aids with urinary tract conditions and kidney health, lowers blood pressure, cholesterol, and blood glucose levels, improves diabetic patient indicators, has acne-fighting and anti-aging properties, and improves sexual vigour (Women’s Health, 2023 ; Tuyekar et al., 2021 ; Matteis, 2017 ; Pipatkanaporn, 2016 ; Yong et al., 2009 ; Saat et al., 2002 ; Adams et al., 1992). But the virtues of coconut water extend beyond health: coconut farming is also often practiced in agro-forestry systems and by small farmers, avoiding many of the pitfalls associated with large-scale mono-cropped industrial agriculture plantations, with many companies emphasizing that their products are ethically produced, small farmer friendly, and protect local ecosystems (The Coconut Company, 2024 ; The VitaCoco Company, 2022; Harmless Harvest, 2022 ; Pimonratanakan, 2019 ). Taken together, these purported benefits present an ontological vision of coconut water as a sort of miracle product: environmentally beneficial, socially just, and a health powerhouse. But the commodification and globalization of coconut water have not only shaped a story about coconut water they have also shaped its material properties, including how it is produced. In this paper, I illustrate that coconut water is far from a singular product, and is instead riddled with unevenness and complexity, by exploring the question: what is coconut water? In the first line of Capital, Marx (1990 [ 1867 ]) writes, “A commodity appears an extremely obvious, trivial thing, but its analysis [on closer look] brings out that it is a very strange thing …. abounding in metaphysical subtleties.” Scholars have illustrated how our clothing, everyday goods, and natural commodities, like rubber, papayas, and flowers, can appear to consumers as singular and apolitical but are imbued with social relations (Peluso, 2012 Stoddart, 2012 ; Crewe, 2008 ; Cook, 2004 ; Hughes, 2000 ). Coconut products fit the bill here too: scholars have illustrated how coconut oil and milk are symbolic commodities that carry different meanings depending on place (Kotla, 2022 ; Bennett, 2018 ; Kantu, 2017 ). The commodification of coconut water and the parallel construction of new meanings of coconut water since the early 2000s —including the creation of its superfood status — obfuscates and hides the tangly social, environmental and economic relations that underly its power and ability to connote status and health in many Western contexts. Coconut water marketing suggests that it is singular, natural, and pristine, but on closer analysis, there is much uncertainty about commercial globalized coconut water. In this paper, I situate coconut water within its productive and ecological contexts to reveal how narratives of 100% coconut water — as a pure, natural, isotonic beverage that is good for the environment and for farmers — have emerged in tandem with its commodification, and how processes of commodification are both altering and altered by its material (nutritional and health) properties and the social relations embedded in its production, all of which are fluid and still being negotiated. Literature Review: Commodification and Coconut Water Contradictions As Bernstein (2006, 427) notes, contemporary interest in the politics of consumption, particularly as it relates to food, is tied to claims that agri-businesses, manufacturers, and corporations make about the items they sell, and how these align with the demands and aspirations of consumers, a process which he says is a “terrain full of potential confusions”. Indeed, much confusion has come with the globalization and commodification of coconut water. To illustrate, there is a wide range of estimates about the scale and value of the industry —from two to six billion USD, and between 50 million and 800 million liters sold annually, depending on the source (Tridge, 2024 ; GVR, 2024; GlobeNewswire, 2024 ; Sabetta, 2022 ; Statistica, 2022 ; imarc, 2022 ). In fact, the scale of the industry is impossible to estimate because the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the World Health Organization Food Standards Programme Codex Alimentarius lump coconut water in with other fruit juices that are otherwise classified (UN, 2024 ; CBI, 2020; Burns et al., 2020 ). The nutritional value of the coconut water that ends up on store shelves is also hard to pin down. Despite the hype, many argue that there is very little nutritional benefit from drinking commercial coconut water at all (Peart et al., 2017 ; Kalman et al., 2012 ; Idarraga et al., 2014; Saat et al., 2002 ). Finally, there is uncertainty about whether coconut water is produced ethically, particularly concerning labour (Hamlett, 2024 ). In the case of Thailand, the controversy around labour started in 2019 when the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) began investigating the use of macaques for harvesting coconuts and has since called for a boycott of all Thai coconut products (PETA, 2024 ). Thai farmers, conversely, insist not only that monkey harvesters are treated with love (with some researchers confirming that monkeys are well cared for (Vegan First, 2023; Barclay, 2015 ; Sponsel et al., 2009 ), but that macaques are not even used to pick aromatic coconuts from dwarf varieties, the species harvested for coconut water consumption. The confusion around coconut water is extremely recent and has emerged with its commodification and globalization, accompanied by discourses of coconut water as a natural, healthy, and ethical. Scholars have long emphasized that commodity fetishism is about the power that people attribute to innate things, including foods, which mask the social relations that underly systems of production, with some arguing that commodity fetishism is a necessary, perhaps inevitable, consequence of capitalist relations (Bernstein, 2006; Guthman, 2002 ). In this way, the discourses and stories that are conjured and ultimately naturalized —influenced of course by advertising firms, and branding — are in service of capital accumulation, legitimizing and reinforcing capitalist relations (Kosoy et al., 2010; Bernstein, 2006; Guthman, 2002 ; Jhally, 1987 ; Marx, 1867 ). So, when consumers imagine coconut water as natural, traditional, and ethical, and ultimately make purchases based on these imaginings, they not only enable the growth of the industry, but the emerging semiotic masks the changing social relations and ecological conditions of production, at once naturalizing utopian narratives and concealing new productive relationships that are unfolding with deepening commodification and globalization. Scholars have long emphasized how materiality shapes the social world, including how the characteristics of certain spheres of agriculture can constrain capital accumulation (Fine, 1994 ; Miller, 1998; Mann et al., 1978) and how increasing demand for a commodity or environmental resource undermines traditional productive practices and local environments (Magrach et al., 2020; Campbell et al., 2018 ; Cook, 2004 ). This paper falls in the tradition of those who illuminate the dialectic between societies and nature, suggesting that commodities both shape and are shaped by the environmental and labour conditions that produce them (Moore, 2015 ; Bakker et al., 2006). In the case of the coconuts, new meanings of coconut water shape and are shaped by the material properties of the coconut. Literature in commodity stories has sometimes sought to reveal or demystify the conditions of production that are hidden from consumers, often with a focus on uncovering exploitative relations, although this objective has been criticized by many (Cook et al., 2011 ; Page, 2005 ; Goodman, 2004 ). Here, my aim is not so much to unveil some sordid hidden truth about the coconut industry, but rather to illustrate how commodity stories and processes of commodification are always evolving and contested. Perhaps we might even consider how processes of commodification, and negotiations over what commodity stories are told, are endless. As an example, in the past two decades, a deepening of coconut water commodification has played out by extending its markets to a global scale. In this way, new global networks of consumption and production are changing the meanings, social relationships, and ecological practices that are bound up in coconut water (Stone, 2000), but these again are in flux, and new relations of power are being negotiated even as I write. Today, commodity fetishism has become so entrenched in the way products are marketed and framed that the concept has become a little putative (Ouzman, 2006 ). Still, as Peluso ( 2012 , 83) argues, natural commodities are still being created, and processes of commodification, or “transitional moments” are worth investigating because they tend to fundamentally change the social relations and ecological contexts in which they are produced. Coconut water today is in a state of such a transition, shifting from a good consumed largely in its original form, directly from the coconut in coconut-producing countries, to being processed, bottled, and marketed around the world. While coconut water may have been a commodity — an “object intended for exchange” (Appadurai, 1986 , 9) — for decades, the global scale of the industry today, the tendency towards a global market price disconnected from local communities, and oriented increasingly towards exchange rather than use value, these are new dynamics. But the commodification of coconut water is far from static, or complete. It is a product in flux, in the process of commodification, and being negotiated in important ways that impact labour, ecologies, and market expansion. To illustrate, coconuts are still, for the most part, produced by small farmers: across the over 90 coconut-producing countries, 11 million small farmers are engaged in production, most of which —over 80% — come from the Asia-Pacific (Coconut Knowledge Center, 2024). Despite industry efforts to expand coconut plantations, plant new species, and deepen the commodification of coconut water, many of the world’s coconut groves are in decline, with aging trees and often farmer disinterest in replanting (Alouw et al., 2019; Coconut Knowledge Centre, 2014; FAO, 2013 ). Similarly, many countries are experiencing shortfalls of coconut harvesters, with some farmers leaving trees unharvested for want of labourers, who are also leaving the industry because of injuries, sometimes even choosing unemployment over coconut harvesting work (Embonb, 2022; Krisnapook, 2018; Coconut Knowledge Center, 2014 ; George et al., 2012 ). But there are also other hiccups that come with commodification. In the ensuing sections, I draw from the case of Thailand to illustrate how the deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water, is at once increasingly reliant on the acceptance and naturalization of coconut water stories that suggest it is “natural”, “isotonic”, and “ethical”, and simultaneously spurring productive dynamics that are distancing coconut water from those qualities, creating the need to adjust the story of coconut water and the new story shifting productive relationships once again. Methodology This paper is informed by qualitative research that took place in Bangkok, Chachoengsao, Patham Thani, Ratchaburi, and Koh Samui, Thailand from June-August to 2023, and included site visits, participant observation and key informant interviews (n = 20, n = 11 women and n = 9 men) with coconut grove owners, labourers, as well as processors and distributors. Participants in this study were purposively recruited, with the requirement that participants were engaged in the coconut water industry. Recruitment was done in May and June 2023 by a Thai research assistant from Thamassat University. Participation in this study was voluntary, interviewees received compensation ( $ 10 US) for their time. Participants were between the ages of 20 and 65 years old, and interviews lasted between 45 and 90 minutes. All interviews were conducted in Thai and were audio recorded and translated by a Thai research assistant. The interview guide used explored: participant experiences in the coconut industry, including key challenges, and successes; the environmental and social impacts of coconut production on local communities; and the relationship between food security, and coconut production. Following transcription, interviews were analyzed using line-by-line coding to identify meta-themes. Meta-themes were oriented both by the interview guide (for example, challenges of coconut production) and emerged from interviews including Western and media perceptions that coconut water production is associated with monkey labour; the labour challenges of coconut production; and the satisfaction of producing “Nam Hom” coconuts and its value as a rural livelihood. The Emergence of Aromatic Coconut — “ Nam Hom” — In Thailand Around the world, there are over 1500 species of coconut, but the most common division is between “tall” and “dwarf” varieties, roughly 30 and five meters high, respectively (Kirker et al., 2022). In general, local communities in Asia use tall varieties for coconut milk and curries, and dwarf varieties for coconut water and each is harvested at different times, between 10 and 13 months for tall, and 6 to 9 months for dwarf varieties —sweetness peaks at about 7 months— which explains why the later are also sometimes called “young” coconuts (Jackson et al., 2004 ). In Thailand, the two most popular species are maphrao gang , a tall variety, and maphrao nam hom (“Nam Hom[1]” for short), a dwarf variety. Maphrao gang makes up the lion’s share of coconut harvests: over 1 million hectares of land is devoted to its production, with annual yields of 900 thousand tonnes. “Nam Hom, ” which is mostly used for coconut water, is produced on roughly 120 thousand hectares, producing over 300 thousand tonnes of coconut annually (Pimonratanakan, 2019 ). In the 1950s, Thai farmers began to isolate “Nam Hom” for coconut water production (Bourdeix et al., 2021), and “Nam Hom” has become so famous for its aroma that in 2010, the Thai Government classified it as “Aromatic Coconut” and sought to create a new distinct “Nam Hom” industry. Since then, there has been a rapid expansion of “Nam Hom” groves geared toward both domestic use and export, and by 2016 “Nam Hom” coconut was ranked fourth of all fruit exported from Thailand (Nikhontha et al., 2019). So, although there has been an overall decline in coconut production in Thailand (See Figure 1), most of this decline has been with tall varieties, while the expansion of the “Nam Hom” industry meant that by 2016 it was ranked fourth of all fruit exported from Thailand (Nikhontha et al., 2019). Today roughly two million “ Nam Hom” are harvested daily: one million are sold trimmed (see Photo 1; and the rest are designated for the bottled coconut water industry (Bourdeix et al., 2021; Pimonratanakan, 2019). Within Thailand, “ Nam Hom” tends to be sold trimmed as whole fruit and either fresh or barbecued, or sold as water in bags, bottles, or cans (Pimonratanakan, 2019). The main export markets for ‘ Nam Hom ’ are China and the USA: trimmed fresh coconut tends to be exported to China and other Asian countries, and packaged water is exported to North America, Europe and Australia, with the quantity and value of exports increased continuously over recent years (CBI, 2020; Pimonratanakan, 2019; Office of Agricultural Economics, 2016). When exported to Europe and North America, coconut water is processed and packaged in a range of ways: water from young or mature coconuts is packed in bulk and repackaged after import; it is concentrated through vacuum evaporation, then packaged in bulk, sometimes frozen to improve shelf-life, and reconstituted with water in the processing country[2] , which saves on transportation costs; or it is processed and packaged in-country, usually in laminated cartons or cans. Many European countries have also started to pack coconut water in coconut water-producing countries, like Thailand, through subcontracting arrangements with factories (CBI, 2020). The Quest to Globalize “Nam Hom”: concessions, trade-offs, and substitutions Coconut water is transparent, colourless and in a liquid state in the coconut fruit. When Thai folks drink coconut water, it is from dwarf varieties, usually “Nam Hom”, and is widely recognized as an isotonic drink because the mineral and carbohydrate profiles are similar to those in the human body. When shoppers encounter commercial coconut water in cans and tetra packs, it is meant to refer to this liquid, not the liquid extracted from copra, which is coconut milk or coconut cream and should also be 100% coconut water (Rethinam et al., 2022; Burns et al., 2020 ). But “Nam Hom” coconut water quickly loses its sweetness, clarity and nutritional profile when exposed to air which presents obstacles to the industry and ultimately means that not every bottle or can of coconut water shares the properties of the freshwater that is consumed in Thailand (Tuyekar et al., 2021 ; CBI, 2020; Kailaku, 2015; Prades, 2012; EFSA, 2011 ). Doctors have highlighted that to reap its nutritional benefits, consumers should "make sure it is pure coconut water” (Mats, 2019 ). But even with 100% coconut water, there is a lot of variance. As coconut water goes global, it contends with the materialities of coconut species. Even as the emerging narrative of coconut water as a natural isotonic beverage is geared towards creating a singular, and unified story, the material properties of coconuts entail that consumers will drink very different coconut waters depending on place. In Thailand and the region more broadly, coconut water tends not only to come from dwarf varieties, often a single species, but usually also from a single fruit: in Thailand, it is most likely, “Nam Hom” because it is the sweetest, most nutritious and the most satisfying. As one interviewee said, “ Maphrao nam hom is more popular, because maprao gang only produces coconut milk, the juice/water tastes sour, not as sweet.” Beyond Thailand too, people in coconut-growing countries mostly consume coconut water from young coconuts (CBI, 2020; Kalaiku, 2015). But even locally, taste and quality vary, as one interviewee emphasized, In Samut Sakhon there is only fresh water, no salt water. The water quality makes the big differences between the areas. In Chachoengsao, we can’t produce big coconuts, but the quality is better than Samut Sakhon … the water and the soil quality are better. So, they can produce a lot because they have more fresh water, but the taste is different. Regionally, “Nam Hom” coconuts are exported as trimmed whole fruits, and these have a shelf life of only one to two months, so shipping tends to be too long, and air transport too expensive to make them viable for North American and European markets (Pimonratanakan, 2019 ). So what coconut water are they drinking? Again, the material qualities of coconut species and the profit imperative that is bound up with commodification impact the coconut water available in different places. It is important, for example, that tall coconut varieties naturally contain more water than dwarf varieties, one reason that it is preferred by the industry (CBI, 2020). But perhaps more important is that coconut water from tall varieties has long been a by-product of making coconut milk and coconut cream, which involves grinding the mature coconut copra with water and straining it. Until the early 2000s, the leftover water from this process was treated as waste (Kalaiku, 2015; Prades, 2012; Smith et al., 2009 ; Unagul et al., 2007). For example, in the early 2000s, on the cusp of the global coconut water craze, Thailand produced roughly 200,000 tons of coconut water annually, the vast majority of which was discarded (Smith et al 2009 ). With declining coconut production in many countries in the 2000s, the commodification of coconut water was largely driven by the fact that it could be obtained for free. This is how coconut water from maphrao gang became a substitute for “Nam Hom” in packaged global coconut water. Overall, the perishability of young coconut water from dwarf varieties, and the coconut water volume and “waste” from tall varieties entails that tall varieties are considerably more conducive for long-distance exports, and although commercial coconut water available in Europe and North America may contain a percentage of coconut water from young aromatic varieties, they contain far more from tall varieties, and mature coconuts (Fukhrul et al., 2023; CBI, 2020; Burns et al., 2020 ). In this way, exports of coconut water from Thailand, that is sold in bottles, cans, and tetra-packs, are far less likely to be the “Nam Hom” variety — the clearest and sweetest — and instead from the maphrao gang variety, which is not nearly as sweet or aromatic (Jackson et al., 2004 ; Kalaiku, 2015). In addition to the physical attributes of coconut species impacting the types of coconut water that are commodified and globalized, the qualities of coconut species and the age of the fruit at harvest also significantly impact the nutritional composition of coconut water (Prades, 2012). Mature coconuts, for example, tend to be wholly unsuitable for the development of an “isotonic drink” (a sports drink, or rehydration beverage, that contains the unique admixture of electrolytes, energy, and B vitamins to replace water lost during physical exertion), which is a key component of coconut water stories (Stasiuk et al., 2017). Specifically, the sugar content and potassium levels tend to decrease as the coconut ages and sodium levels increase, making young coconuts much more likely to be nutritionally compatible with the isotonic drink requirements. The species of coconut also influences the vitamin content of coconut water, particularly of B vitamins, with dwarf aromatic varieties that are harvested young having much higher amounts of B1, and higher in minerals including calcium, magnesium, and potassium than tall varieties and mature coconuts (Kalaiku, 2015; Ahuja, 2013; Jackson et al., 2004). Overall, while dwarf varieties are sweeter, better able to yield an isotonic drink and maintain nutritional properties without the need for additives than tall varieties (Kalaiku, 2015; Prades, 2012) when coconut water is commercially packaged, it is from blends of coconut water from unknown sources — possibly including aromatic coconut from dwarf varieties, but definitely from tall varieties— including waste from desiccated coconut production, and coconut milk production, as noted above. This mixing creates a product far less appealing in terms of taste and aroma, which then leads to further additions; coconut water is often mixed with fruit juices “ to create more fragrant coconut water drinks” (CBI, 2020). There is a plethora of coconut water and juice blends available these days, but even though a “coconut water” label is meant to be reserved for 100% coconut water (Glotz, 2017 ), this does not mean that the liquid inside is from an aromatic variety like “Nam Hom”. It is impossible to track the amounts of coconut water from different species contained in an individual bottle: brands use different ratios of young and mature coconut water, and final products that are sweeter and tastier may either use a higher ratio of young coconut water from dwarf varieties or include added sugars, sometimes disclosed, sometimes not. This distinction is important because coconut water is considered a juice in the Codex Alimentarius and is subject to the general standards for fruit juices and nectars: added sugar is not permitted (Rethinam et al., 2022). Still, there are many examples of undeclared sugars added to coconut water. In the UK researchers found that 60% of “coconut water” samples contained added sugar (Glotz, 2017 ). Other studies have also shown that coconut water not only often contains undeclared sugars, but high fructose corn syrup, preservatives, artificial colours and flavours, and emulsifiers, and is often diluted with water (Kirker et al., 2022; Rethinam et al., 2022; Burns et al., 2020 ; Richardson et al., 2019 ; Psomiadis et al., 2018 ; iTi Tropicals, 2014 ). The deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water also impact the quality of coconut water through processing. Because it’s quick to spoil after the shell is opened, most coconut water that is shipped across vast distances goes through ultra-high temperature processing, although some companies use very low-temperature processing, and others are experimenting with micro-filtration and high-pressure systems. One distributor of 100% Nam Hom coconut water described in an interview that processing was a major barrier to expansion, noting, We experimented with high-pressure processing and tried to export to Germany. People were really excited about the taste, but we got feedback that it needed a longer shelf life. Some other brands have used the high-pressure process but not much … that technique came about only a couple years ago. Our process has a shelf life of 1–2 months because of the high pressure, whereas normal fresh coconut water would only be one to two weeks. All processing methods are geared toward improving shelf-life and maintaining food safety, but ultimately deteriorate the nutritional value, and organoleptic properties of coconut water, increasing the need for additives (Copra Coconut, 2024; Rethinam et al., 2022; Kailaku, 2015; Prades 2012). Ultra-high temperature processing is the most common method used to preserve coconut water because it is the most cost-effective, and it is the easiest to integrate with other coconut processing — coconut milk processing and coconut water can share the same ultra-high temperature packaging systems (Smith et al 2009 ) — but the flavour and clarity of coconut water are very sensitive to temperature. So, there are big impacts on the quality of coconut water that undergoes this process including significant loss of vitamins and bioactive compounds, reductions in antioxidant properties, browning and loss of clarity, and a decline in sweetness and almost total erasure of pleasant smell (Rethinam et al., 2022; Tuyekar et al., 2021 ; Ribeiro et al., 2017 ; Adubofuor et al., 2016 ). As Rethinam et al. (2022, 144) note, “thermal treatments destroy much of what consumers would like to have in their juice.” It should be no surprise then that to remedy this and align with the story the industry hinges on — that coconut water is an isotonic beverage — most coconut water sold in bottles, cans and tetra-packs is sweetened (Mentena et al., 2023; Rethinam et al., 2022). While we know that fresh young coconut water packs some important nutritional punches, there is little research on the nutritional properties of coconut water from mature fruits (Zhang et all. 2020), which is important since it is likely that this type makes up the lion’s share of coconut water that is commercially sold in cans, and tetra-packs. We do know that Saat et al. ( 2002 ) and Kalman et al. ( 2012 ) have very different interpretations of the nutritional benefits of coconut water. While both are studies on 100% coconut water, Saat et al. ( 2002 ) compared fresh young coconut water with carbohydrate-electrolyte beverages and plain water and found that coconut water provided the best rehydration noting also that it was the least likely to cause stomach upset, was the most palatable. In contrast, Kalman et al. ( 2012 ) compared bottled forms of coconut water in the U.S. (VitaCoco®) with carbohydrate-electrolyte beverages and found no meaningful difference in rehydration, and in fact, “subjects reported feeling more bloated and experienced greater stomach upset with the coconut water” (Kalman et al., 2012 ). Coconut water is riddled with nuance and complexity: the material characteristics of different species, fruit maturity, and degree of processing all bear on the nutrition, and taste of the end product with the deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water deteriorating many of the attributes — sweetness, clarity, and hydration potential — that are key to the commodity story. Processes of commodification and globalization mask the changing nature and variability of coconut water itself, and distance commercial exported coconut water from that which is consumed in coconut-producing countries. Deepening globalization and commodification also conceal the labour dynamics at play that underlie coconut water production, as I explore in the next section. Commodification, Labour and Coconut Water In addition to its story as a natural isotonic beverage, commercial globalized coconut water is also often pitched as an “ethical” beverage. Thirsty Buddha, for example, advertises that its coconut water is “ethically sourced from family farms in Vietnam, Thailand and the Philippines” (Buddha Brands, 2024 ). Harmless Harvest which advertises that it is made from Thai Nam Hom Coconuts, has a fair-for-life Fair Trade* label, emphasizing the “goal of making the most amazing coconut water in the most ethical way possible” (Harmless Harvest, 2024 ). And VitaCoco emphasizes that they “work hard every day to create ethical, sustainable, and better-for-you products” and has initiatives to “empower our farming communities” (VitaCoco, 2024 ). In North America and Europe, food meanings that position coconut water as healthy and ethical are an important part of the commodification and globalization of coconut water, but coconut water’s globalization also entails that the industry must contend with different markets with uneven expectations and definitions of “ethical.” Fair trade labels remedy this to some degree in that they represent “an attempt to establish a form of interim global market justice” (Walton 2010, 431) and ultimately aim to provide better trading conditions for producers, including protection from exploitation and harm (Boda, 2001 ). But Thailand presents an unusual case because pig-tailed macaques are used for coconut harvesting, and coconut water’s globalization has spurred a new debate about animal labour in the industry. Since 2019, and recurrently since then, PETA has called for a boycott of all coconut products produced in Thailand because of the use of monkeys for harvesting (PETA, 2024 ; Winograd, 2015 ). This has significantly impacted the industry, with retailers of coconut-based products reporting a decrease of up to 30% in sales (Fobar, 2021 ). But again, the material properties of the coconut significantly impact the labour used for harvest in ways that are masked by globalization and commodification. In this section, I explore how the material properties of the coconut shape harvesting practices, the contradictions inherent in the globalized coconut industry that hinges on marketing coconut water as ethical and traditional, yet demonizes traditional practices, and the problems with the alternatives —human labour. In the case of Thailand, the species of coconut bears heavily on harvesting practices. Tall coconut varieties can be upwards of 30 metres, and in small farmer groves, they are often planted on slopes, making harvesting both difficult and dangerous for people. So traditionally, Thai farmers have relied on northern pig-tailed macaques, to harvest tall coconut species, including maphrao gang (Schowe et al., 2021 ; Ismail, 2021 ; Bertrand, 1967 ; CFN, 1939 ). As one interviewee describes, “It's because, for curry coconut [ maphrao gang ], the tree is too tall! So, people can’t do it. So that’s why they use monkeys. But for aromatic coconut, they don’t use monkeys at all” (See Photo 3). Today some estimates suggest that around 3000 macaques are involved in the coconut industry in Thailand, and they are mostly used on small, independent farms because large-scale industrial coconut production has made macaques redundant (Fobar, 2021 ; Winn, 2020 ; Sponsel et al., 2009 ). For dwarf varieties, macaques have never been used for harvest; “Nam Hom” is harvested entirely by human labourers who either access coconuts from the ground, climb trees to harvest, or use a hooked blade that is attached to a long bamboo pole, though media has often gotten this wrong, as one interviewee described, I saw the news where it said ‘It’s confirmed that Thai aromatic coconut farmers don’t use monkeys’. It was funny because aromatic coconuts can’t use monkeys anyway! They’re not even very tall! Taken together, the small number of coconut producers who use macaques today, paired with the total absence of monkey labour in “Nam Hom” production entails that the “vast majority of coconut and coconut products do not come from farms where pig-tailed macaques are employed” (Ratcliffe, 2023). It is perhaps ironic that fresh aromatic coconut water from dwarf varieties is monkey-free, while the globalized and commercialized coconut water that can be found on supermarket shelves — marketed as ethical— may be produced with macaque labour. This is only because the water from maphrao gang is used for commercial coconut water, as discussed above, and is largely done to improve efficiency and maximize profit. Nevertheless, the global outcry around monkey labour has spurred several radical changes in Thailand: interviewees shared that some companies are creating “monkey-free” labels, even when they do not contain coconut water from maphrao gang. Criticism of Thailand’s coconut industry has also led to a push for monkey-free coconut harvesting altogether, with many major coconut water brands now emphasizing that they are only sourcing from producers who do not use macaques. Finally, the Thai Department of Agriculture has developed a Monkey Free Plus Certification Programme which prohibits monkey labour and is starting to require monkey audits of coconut farms (CBI, 2023 ; DOA, 2023 ). The outcry against Thai coconut producers has been riddled with misconceptions but has radically impacted farmers, nonetheless. As one interviewee said, “it’s all because people in Europe don’t know that coconut water is from young coconuts, they think it’s from the brown [mature] coconut. So we had to put a label on our bottles that we don’t use monkey, even though our trees are not tall!” There is an inherent contradiction here: the globalization and commodification of the coconut water industry have been reliant on discourses of coconut water as “natural” and “ethical”, yet ethical imaginations are at odds with traditional coconut water harvesting practices, specifically the use of macaques for harvesting. Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to interrogate the ethics of animal labour or the treatment of pig-tailed macaques in the Thai coconut water industry, I would like to emphasize that Thai farmers have refuted narratives of macaque exploitation (Pratruangkrai, 2020 ). In interviews, participants said things like: “They take care of the monkeys like children. Like they set a time limit for the monkeys to work, and they treat them well.” In the morning the monkeys run to the car because they are excited to do the work. When the owners or the workers stop at the snack shop the monkeys eat more than the owners, they eat milk and snacks. So, it’s like they are their children.” “They raise the monkeys really well, there is no punishment or anything. Those people take care of the monkeys very well. Many interviewees expressed that Thailand’s coconut producers have been wholly misunderstood and were frustrated with Western misunderstandings that macaques are used throughout the industry. And yet, to prevent economic catastrophe, Thai farmers have been open to reducing or eliminating monkey labour, even as many are concerned about alternatives. Coconut harvesting can be treacherous for humans, often causing health problems and injuries, including lacerations, concussions, animal stings and death from falling (Embong, 2022; WFF, 2021 ). One interviewee said, Coconut harvesting puts workers at risk because they don’t have safety hats or anything because they have to use the hook and stick to get the coconut down. They have to be careful. It’s harmful to the workers … I’m worried about the workers. In many countries, including Thailand, it is also important to consider the declining interest in coconut farming among younger generations, and the growing shortfall of coconut harvesters threatening the viability of the industry (Embong, 2022; Rethinam et al., 2022; Kirker et al., 2022; Darak et al., 2021; Krisanapook, 2018 ). As one interviewee described, The children don’t continue with the farm because they prefer to get a job or study. They don’t really help with the farm. I don’t want my children to follow my path because taking care of the coconut grove has made my life more difficult. I want my children to get a job in something else. It’s really exhausting taking care of the farm and I don’t want my children to suffer the difficulties that I have been through. Interviewees also described that it is difficult to find workers, and many coconut farm labourers are immigrants from Cambodia and Myanmar, with some speculating that there is a fair share of undocumented labourers working in the industry. The lack of workers and the low income generated from maphrao gang production has driven many farmers — in Thailand, and elsewhere— to transition to more profitable crops” (Smith et al., 2009 ). As one distributor described in an interview, “One of our farmers has a forest farm … he called me yesterday and said he’s getting older and might not be able to climb the trees for the rest of his life. So, he wants to grow lime, eggplant, vegetables instead.” The lack of labourers and decline of maphrao gang production could be part of the reason that Thailand has been importing more coconut products, as one participant described, In Thailand, they have started to import coconuts from Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines to make coconut milk. They freeze it and process it in the factory in Thailand and those factories really profit. But when we import from those countries, and there is more coconut milk on the market it reduces the price of ma pow gang , and it’s bad for farmers. The lack of harvesters and the price squeeze for coconut farmers are drastically impacting the production of tall coconut varieties, such that some are advocating for the use of macaques in harvesting. For example, writing of Malaysia, Embonb (2002) emphasizes that “With fewer people willing to take up the arduous and risky job of coconut plucking, it has adversely affected the coconut business. Training macaques is the best way as a helping hand”. PETA’s calls to boycott coconut products from Thailand are inherently wrapped up in processes of commodification and globalization and threaten not only traditional agricultural practices but also ignore local perspectives and threaten small farmers’ livelihoods. As one coconut producer said, I feel so proud that my dad decided to grow the coconut grove because having coconuts has helped our family … to send us kids to school. When my dad decided to do the coconuts Over time, my dad built the business, and he has been able to pass this business to us kids as well. So now her he is retired, but he’s mentoring and passing knowledge to us. The majority —95% — of coconut trees of both “Nam Hom” and maphrao gang varieties in Thailand are grown by smallholders and coconut production has historically contributed significantly to the economic and social well-being of rural communities (Zaino et al., 2023; Pimonratanakan, 2019 ). As coconut water is marketed to new Western consumers, the traditional use of macaques in coconut harvesting has been demonized and it has been suggested that monkey-free harvesting methods will remedy the “ethical” of coconut water (PETA, 2024 ). But casting dispersions on Thai farmers misses the big picture, that coconut water production is situated within specific ecologies and social contexts, that coconut species — tall or dwarf — tend to dictate labour and harvesting arrangements, and that the increasing global demand for coconut water, and all coconut products, while demanding monkey-free production, will put more labourers at risk. Conclusion The globalization and commercialization of coconut water have fundamentally changed the way that coconut water is consumed and has created new ontological uncertainties about coconut water — what is it really ? Since the early 2000s, coconut water has shifted from a beverage consumed usually from a single fruit, from dwarf aromatic varieties to a global commercial beverage sourced from multiple species, processed using ultra-high temperatures, diluted with water and adulterated with sugars and additives, and finally bottled and sold with varying degrees of nutrition, taste and clarity, none matching that of fresh coconut water from “Nam Hom”. Commodification and globalization have also entailed that Western perceptions of “ethics” are shaping labour in new ways, with traditional agricultural practices — the use of macaques for harvesting — denounced by some but with others calling for their increased use as harvesters. This paper reveals that marketing and stories of coconut water as “natural”, a “superfood” and “ethical” are largely fiction, but so too are claims that coconut harvesting practices are “unethical”. Both narratives are naturalized through global branding and marketing, and both are dangerous, masking the tangly nature of coconut water, and coconut labour in ways that threaten small farmers. But the commodification of coconut water is not complete, and the story is still in process, and being negotiated. Just as the emergence of a new label —monkey-free— is cropping up in the industry, so too are new opportunities for rethinking existing practices and narratives. If the global demand for coconut water continues, there is a need for more research: to compare the nutritional profiles of coconut water from aromatic dwarf varieties with that from tall varieties; to identify better ways to source coconut water from dwarf varieties and preserve taste and nutrition; and if macaque exploitation is found to exist, to engage in community-based research to identify macaque and handler training opportunities that could improve conditions. In interviews, “Nam Hom”. coconut farmers described feeling proud of their work, what they produce, and the health and quality it represents. One interviewee described this in clear terms, I feel very proud that I can produce high-quality coconuts for people because it is good for their health. In the future, I want to expand the business and sell worldwide. As a farmer I feel proud, I want to continue and for my grandchildren to inherit the business and the land. The possibility for globalized coconut water from the dwarf aromatic “Nam Hom” may yet emerge. But, stepping back from the emerging industry and commodity story, it is also important to recognize commercial coconut water for what it is now; the processes of coconut water commodification and globalization and accompanying health and ethical narratives have duped many Western consumers. Consuming coconut water from tetra-packs or cans in North America is not the same as consuming it fresh in Thailand. As Marco Polo (Wright 1818, 610) told us long ago, and the quotation at the outset of this essay suggests, coconut water should “can only be judged of by those who have travelled, under a fervid sun, in those countries where it is produced”. In this case, those of us in the West might ask ourselves, if coconut water is being shipped halfway around the world, going through ultra-high temperature processing, and already demonstrating minimal nutritional benefits, with little taste, why are we drinking it at all? Declarations Ethics Statement : All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were approved by and are in accordance with the ethical standards of the Carleton University Research Ethics Board-A (CUREB-A). CUREB-A is constituted and operates in compliance with the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS2). 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Classification Detail CPC, Version 2.1- Code 21439 (Other fruit juices, n.e.c.). Manufacture of other food products n.e.c. United Nations. VeganFirst. (2023). The coconut industry in Thailand is not cruelty-free- Here’s Why. January 8th.Vegan First Daily. https://www.veganfirst.com/article/the-coconut-industry-in-thailand-is-not-cruelty-free-heres-why VitaCoco. (2024). The VitaCoco Company. https://thevitacococompany.com/ WFF. (2021). Working together to help primates. Wildlife Friends Foundation. https://www.wfft.org/primates/working-together-to-help-primates/ Walker, R. (2017). Shelling out: Britons go nuts for coconut water. The Guardian. September 8. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2017/sep/08/shelling-out-britons-go-nuts-for-coconut-water Winn, P. (2020). A PETA campaign is scandalizing Thailand’s huge coconut industry. But some of its claims are overstated. The World. https://theworld.org/stories/2020-08-26/does-thailand-have-monkey-labor-problem Winograd, N., (2015). Did an abused monkey pick your coconut? Huffington Post. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/nathan-j-winograd/did-an-abused-monkey-pick_b_8341554.html?guccounter=1 Women’s Health. (2023). Coconut water benefits: 11 you’re probably not aware of: it’s not just super duper hydrating. https://www.womenshealthmag.com/uk/food/healthy-eating/g28322718/benefits-of-coconut-water/# Wright, T. (ed). (1854). The Travels of Marco Polo. London. Yong, J.W.H., Ge, L., Ng, Y.F., Tan, S.N. (2009). The chemical composition and biological properties of coconut (Cocos nucifera L.) water. Molecules 14(12):5144–5164. Zhang, Y., Chen, W., Chen, H., Zhong, Q., Yun, Y., Chen, W. (2020). Metabolomics analysis of the deterioration mechanism and storage time limit of tender coconut water during storage. Foods 9(1):46. Footnotes ‘Nam’ means water, while ‘Hom’ means aromatic, thus ‘Nam Hom’ means aromatic water. The Netherlands is an important European trade hub for coconut water, as well as Austria which has several large beverage processing plants. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-4978430","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":355611233,"identity":"8e4c7dd6-7f0d-40ce-addc-4d985e697730","order_by":0,"name":"Marylynn Steckley","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"Carleton University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Marylynn","middleName":"","lastName":"Steckley","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2024-08-26 13:47:45","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4978430/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4978430/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":66981595,"identity":"650f3acd-765a-4f22-848e-b8fa68c1710a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-10-18 17:47:52","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":45158,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSee image above for figure legend.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4978430/v1/6e34815d472a2fc9567198db.png"},{"id":66982034,"identity":"14225190-a2e0-40a0-ac29-ec865070babe","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-10-18 17:55:52","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":264791,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eTrimmed “Nam Hom” Coconuts for Export\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhoto taken in Chachoengsao, Thailand\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4978430/v1/615756d71a5ab5d05190edd6.png"},{"id":66981597,"identity":"27014bcd-b82c-4edb-be10-d1f97e35f212","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-10-18 17:47:52","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":636860,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eMature Maphrao gang (left) and Young “Nam Hom” (right)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePhotos taken in Koh Samui (right) and Chachoengsao, Thailand\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4978430/v1/90bc659dcdefeea0d66c265f.png"},{"id":66981596,"identity":"a87e474d-3bbf-464a-981e-9a935e3eb084","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-10-18 17:47:52","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":733697,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eNam Hom (left), \u003cem\u003eMaphrao Gang \u003c/em\u003e(right)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"5.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4978430/v1/4f836e01ec72b809f696b87e.png"},{"id":69024367,"identity":"d21e2ab0-6b10-4417-b068-14187363d07a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2024-11-14 16:38:53","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":2339820,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-4978430/v1/61603e64-8b64-45a5-ae66-4e257e6c46e2.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"What is Coconut Water?: commodification, globalization and place","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe grateful refreshment afforded by its liquor when drunk from the young nut, whilst the outer husk is green and the kernel still gelatinous, can only be judged of by those who have travelled, under a fervid sun, in those countries where it is produced.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003e-Marco Polo , 610, The Travels of Marco Polo\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn 2000, coconut water was virtually non-existent in most Western markets, but by 2010, \u0026ldquo;coconut water became the Justin Bieber of YouTube sensations in the beverage industry\u0026rdquo; (Kantu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e, 8). Madonna, Rihanna and Matthew McConaughey all promoted and invested in the industry (Walker, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR95\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Bourdeix, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Jio \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). In the past decade, the expansion of the global coconut water market has continued, such that it is now a multi-billion-dollar industry (Abeysekara et al., 2020; Ferdman et al., 2014). Known as \u0026ldquo;mother nature\u0026rsquo;s sports drink\u0026rdquo;, and often dubbed a \u0026ldquo;superfood,\u0026rdquo; 100% coconut water is full of electrolytes, making it useful for rehydration after illness and for exercise recovery, and touted for a range of other benefits. It\u0026rsquo;s great for weight loss, improves circulation and digestion, eases heartburn, aids with urinary tract conditions and kidney health, lowers blood pressure, cholesterol, and blood glucose levels, improves diabetic patient indicators, has acne-fighting and anti-aging properties, and improves sexual vigour (Women\u0026rsquo;s Health, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR98\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Tuyekar et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR90\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Matteis, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Pipatkanaporn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR70\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Yong et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR100\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Saat et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Adams et al., 1992). But the virtues of coconut water extend beyond health: coconut farming is also often practiced in agro-forestry systems and by small farmers, avoiding many of the pitfalls associated with large-scale mono-cropped industrial agriculture plantations, with many companies emphasizing that their products are ethically produced, small farmer friendly, and protect local ecosystems (The Coconut Company, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR87\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; The VitaCoco Company, 2022; Harmless Harvest, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Pimonratanakan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Taken together, these purported benefits present an ontological vision of coconut water as a sort of miracle product: environmentally beneficial, socially just, and a health powerhouse. But the commodification and globalization of coconut water have not only shaped a story about coconut water they have also shaped its material properties, including how it is produced. In this paper, I illustrate that coconut water is far from a singular product, and is instead riddled with unevenness and complexity, by exploring the question: what \u003cem\u003eis\u003c/em\u003e coconut water?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the first line of Capital, Marx (1990 [\u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1867\u003c/span\u003e]) writes, \u0026ldquo;A commodity appears an extremely obvious, trivial thing, but its analysis [on closer look] brings out that it is a very strange thing \u0026hellip;. abounding in metaphysical subtleties.\u0026rdquo; Scholars have illustrated how our clothing, everyday goods, and natural commodities, like rubber, papayas, and flowers, can appear to consumers as singular and apolitical but are imbued with social relations (Peluso, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e Stoddart, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR85\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Crewe, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Cook, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e; Hughes, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e). Coconut products fit the bill here too: scholars have illustrated how coconut oil and milk are symbolic commodities that carry different meanings depending on place (Kotla, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Bennett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Kantu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). The commodification of coconut water and the parallel construction of new meanings of coconut water since the early 2000s \u0026mdash;including the creation of its superfood status \u0026mdash; obfuscates and hides the tangly social, environmental and economic relations that underly its power and ability to connote status and health in many Western contexts. Coconut water marketing suggests that it is singular, natural, and pristine, but on closer analysis, there is much uncertainty about commercial globalized coconut water.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this paper, I situate coconut water within its productive and ecological contexts to reveal how narratives of 100% coconut water \u0026mdash; as a pure, natural, isotonic beverage that is good for the environment and for farmers \u0026mdash; have emerged in tandem with its commodification, and how processes of commodification are both altering and altered by its material (nutritional and health) properties and the social relations embedded in its production, all of which are fluid and still being negotiated.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review: Commodification and Coconut Water Contradictions","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs Bernstein (2006, 427) notes, contemporary interest in the politics of consumption, particularly as it relates to food, is tied to claims that agri-businesses, manufacturers, and corporations make about the items they sell, and how these align with the demands and aspirations of consumers, a process which he says is a \u0026ldquo;terrain full of potential confusions\u0026rdquo;. Indeed, much confusion has come with the globalization and commodification of coconut water. To illustrate, there is a wide range of estimates about the scale and value of the industry \u0026mdash;from two to six billion USD, and between 50\u0026nbsp;million and 800\u0026nbsp;million liters sold annually, depending on the source (Tridge, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR89\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; GVR, 2024; GlobeNewswire, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Sabetta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR79\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Statistica, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR84\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; imarc, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). In fact, the scale of the industry is impossible to estimate because the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the World Health Organization Food Standards Programme Codex Alimentarius lump coconut water in with other fruit juices that are otherwise classified (UN, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR91\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; CBI, 2020; Burns et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The nutritional value of the coconut water that ends up on store shelves is also hard to pin down. Despite the hype, many argue that there is very little nutritional benefit from drinking commercial coconut water at all (Peart et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR67\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Kalman et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Idarraga et al., 2014; Saat et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR78\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). Finally, there is uncertainty about whether coconut water is produced ethically, particularly concerning labour (Hamlett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). In the case of Thailand, the controversy around labour started in 2019 when the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) began investigating the use of macaques for harvesting coconuts and has since called for a boycott of all Thai coconut products (PETA, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Thai farmers, conversely, insist not only that monkey harvesters are treated with love (with some researchers confirming that monkeys are well cared for (Vegan First, 2023; Barclay, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Sponsel et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR81\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), but that macaques are not even used to pick aromatic coconuts from dwarf varieties, the species harvested for coconut water consumption.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe confusion around coconut water is extremely recent and has emerged with its commodification and globalization, accompanied by discourses of coconut water as a natural, healthy, and ethical. Scholars have long emphasized that commodity fetishism is about the power that people attribute to innate things, including foods, which mask the social relations that underly systems of production, with some arguing that commodity fetishism is a necessary, perhaps inevitable, consequence of capitalist relations (Bernstein, 2006; Guthman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). In this way, the discourses and stories that are conjured and ultimately naturalized \u0026mdash;influenced of course by advertising firms, and branding \u0026mdash; are in service of capital accumulation, legitimizing and reinforcing capitalist relations (Kosoy et al., 2010; Bernstein, 2006; Guthman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Jhally, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1987\u003c/span\u003e; Marx, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1867\u003c/span\u003e). So, when consumers imagine coconut water as natural, traditional, and ethical, and ultimately make purchases based on these imaginings, they not only enable the growth of the industry, but the emerging semiotic masks the changing social relations and ecological conditions of production, at once naturalizing utopian narratives and concealing new productive relationships that are unfolding with deepening commodification and globalization.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholars have long emphasized how materiality shapes the social world, including how the characteristics of certain spheres of agriculture can constrain capital accumulation (Fine, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e; Miller, 1998; Mann et al., 1978) and how increasing demand for a commodity or environmental resource undermines traditional productive practices and local environments (Magrach et al., 2020; Campbell et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Cook, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). This paper falls in the tradition of those who illuminate the dialectic between societies and nature, suggesting that commodities both shape and are shaped by the environmental and labour conditions that produce them (Moore, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Bakker et al., 2006). In the case of the coconuts, new meanings of coconut water shape and are shaped by the material properties of the coconut. Literature in commodity stories has sometimes sought to reveal or demystify the conditions of production that are hidden from consumers, often with a focus on uncovering exploitative relations, although this objective has been criticized by many (Cook et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Page, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Goodman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). Here, my aim is not so much to unveil some sordid hidden truth about the coconut industry, but rather to illustrate how commodity stories and processes of commodification are always evolving and contested. Perhaps we might even consider how processes of commodification, and negotiations over what commodity stories are told, are endless. As an example, in the past two decades, a deepening of coconut water commodification has played out by extending its markets to a global scale. In this way, new \u003cem\u003eglobal\u003c/em\u003e networks of consumption and production are changing the meanings, social relationships, and ecological practices that are bound up in coconut water (Stone, 2000), but these again are in flux, and new relations of power are being negotiated even as I write.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eToday, commodity fetishism has become so entrenched in the way products are marketed and framed that the concept has become a little putative (Ouzman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Still, as Peluso (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e, 83) argues, natural commodities are still being created, and processes of commodification, or \u0026ldquo;transitional moments\u0026rdquo; are worth investigating because they tend to fundamentally change the social relations and ecological contexts in which they are produced. Coconut water today is in a state of such a transition, shifting from a good consumed largely in its original form, directly from the coconut in coconut-producing countries, to being processed, bottled, and marketed around the world. While coconut water may have been a commodity \u0026mdash; an \u0026ldquo;object intended for exchange\u0026rdquo; (Appadurai, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e, 9) \u0026mdash; for decades, the global scale of the industry today, the tendency towards a global market price disconnected from local communities, and oriented increasingly towards exchange rather than use value, these are new dynamics. But the commodification of coconut water is far from static, or complete. It is a product in flux, in the process of commodification, and being negotiated in important ways that impact labour, ecologies, and market expansion. To illustrate, coconuts are still, for the most part, produced by small farmers: across the over 90 coconut-producing countries, 11\u0026nbsp;million small farmers are engaged in production, most of which \u0026mdash;over 80% \u0026mdash; come from the Asia-Pacific (Coconut Knowledge Center, 2024). Despite industry efforts to expand coconut plantations, plant new species, and deepen the commodification of coconut water, many of the world\u0026rsquo;s coconut groves are in decline, with aging trees and often farmer disinterest in replanting (Alouw et al., 2019; Coconut Knowledge Centre, 2014; FAO, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Similarly, many countries are experiencing shortfalls of coconut harvesters, with some farmers leaving trees unharvested for want of labourers, who are also leaving the industry because of injuries, sometimes even choosing unemployment over coconut harvesting work (Embonb, 2022; Krisnapook, 2018; Coconut Knowledge Center, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; George et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). But there are also other hiccups that come with commodification. In the ensuing sections, I draw from the case of Thailand to illustrate how the deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water, is at once increasingly reliant on the acceptance and naturalization of coconut water stories that suggest it is \u0026ldquo;natural\u0026rdquo;, \u0026ldquo;isotonic\u0026rdquo;, and \u0026ldquo;ethical\u0026rdquo;, and simultaneously spurring productive dynamics that are distancing coconut water from those qualities, creating the need to adjust the story of coconut water and the new story shifting productive relationships once again.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper is informed by qualitative research that took place in Bangkok, Chachoengsao, Patham Thani, Ratchaburi, and Koh Samui, Thailand from June-August to 2023, and included site visits, participant observation and key informant interviews (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;20, n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;11 women and n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;9 men) with coconut grove owners, labourers, as well as processors and distributors. Participants in this study were purposively recruited, with the requirement that participants were engaged in the coconut water industry. Recruitment was done in May and June 2023 by a Thai research assistant from Thamassat University. Participation in this study was voluntary, interviewees received compensation (\u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e10 US) for their time. Participants were between the ages of 20 and 65 years old, and interviews lasted between 45 and 90 minutes. All interviews were conducted in Thai and were audio recorded and translated by a Thai research assistant. The interview guide used explored: participant experiences in the coconut industry, including key challenges, and successes; the environmental and social impacts of coconut production on local communities; and the relationship between food security, and coconut production. Following transcription, interviews were analyzed using line-by-line coding to identify meta-themes. Meta-themes were oriented both by the interview guide (for example, challenges of coconut production) and emerged from interviews including Western and media perceptions that coconut water production is associated with monkey labour; the labour challenges of coconut production; and the satisfaction of producing \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; coconuts and its value as a rural livelihood.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThe Emergence of Aromatic Coconut \u0026mdash; \u0026ldquo;\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eNam Hom\u0026rdquo; \u0026mdash;\u003c/strong\u003e \u003cstrong\u003eIn Thailand\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAround the world, there are over 1500 species of coconut, but the most common division is between \u0026ldquo;tall\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;dwarf\u0026rdquo; varieties, roughly 30 and five meters high, respectively (Kirker et al., 2022). In general, local communities in Asia use tall varieties for coconut milk and curries, and dwarf varieties for coconut water and each is harvested at different times, between 10 and 13 months for tall, and 6 to 9 months for dwarf varieties \u0026mdash;sweetness peaks at about 7 months\u0026mdash; which explains why the later are also sometimes called \u0026ldquo;young\u0026rdquo; coconuts (Jackson et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). In Thailand, the two most popular species are \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e, a tall variety, and \u003cem\u003emaphrao nam hom\u003c/em\u003e (\u0026ldquo;Nam Hom[1]\u0026rdquo; for short), a dwarf variety. \u003cem\u003eMaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e makes up the lion\u0026rsquo;s share of coconut harvests: over 1 million hectares of land is devoted to its production, with annual yields of 900 thousand tonnes. \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom,\u003cem\u003e\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e which is mostly used for coconut water, is produced on roughly 120 thousand hectares, producing over 300 thousand tonnes of coconut annually (Pimonratanakan, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the 1950s, Thai farmers began to isolate\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; for coconut water production (Bourdeix et al., 2021), and \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; has become so famous for its aroma that in 2010, the Thai Government classified it as\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u0026ldquo;Aromatic Coconut\u0026rdquo; and sought to create a new distinct \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; industry. \u0026nbsp;Since then, there has been a rapid expansion of \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; groves geared toward both domestic use and export, and by 2016 \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; coconut was ranked fourth of all fruit exported from Thailand (Nikhontha et al., 2019). So, although there has been an overall decline in coconut production in Thailand (See Figure 1), most of this decline has been with tall varieties, while the expansion of the \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; industry meant that by 2016 it was ranked fourth of all fruit exported from Thailand (Nikhontha et al., 2019). Today roughly two million\u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;\u003c/span\u003eNam Hom\u0026rdquo; are harvested daily: one million are sold trimmed (see Photo 1; and the rest are designated for the bottled coconut water industry (Bourdeix et al., 2021; Pimonratanakan, 2019). \u0026nbsp;Within Thailand,\u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026ldquo;\u003c/span\u003eNam Hom\u0026rdquo; tends to be sold trimmed as whole\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003efruit and either fresh or barbecued, or sold as water in bags, bottles, or cans (Pimonratanakan, 2019). \u0026nbsp;The main export markets for \u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003e\u0026lsquo;\u003c/span\u003eNam Hom\u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003e\u0026rsquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/span\u003eare China and the USA: trimmed fresh coconut tends to be exported to China and other Asian countries, and packaged water is exported to North America, Europe and Australia, with the quantity and value of exports increased continuously over recent years (CBI, 2020; Pimonratanakan, 2019; Office of Agricultural Economics, 2016). \u0026nbsp;When exported to Europe and North America, coconut water is processed and packaged in a range of ways: water from young \u003cem\u003eor\u003c/em\u003e mature coconuts is packed in bulk and repackaged after import; it is concentrated through vacuum evaporation, then packaged in bulk, sometimes frozen to improve shelf-life, and reconstituted with water in the processing country[2]\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e, which saves on transportation costs; or it is processed and packaged in-country, usually in laminated cartons or cans. Many European countries have also started to pack coconut water in coconut water-producing countries, like Thailand, through subcontracting arrangements with factories (CBI, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Quest to Globalize \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo;: concessions, trade-offs, and substitutions\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCoconut water is transparent, colourless and in a liquid state in the coconut fruit. When Thai folks drink coconut water, it is from dwarf varieties, usually \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo;, and is widely recognized as an isotonic drink because the mineral and carbohydrate profiles are similar to those in the human body. When shoppers encounter commercial coconut water in cans and tetra packs, it is meant to refer to this liquid, not the liquid extracted from copra, which is coconut milk or coconut cream and should also be 100% coconut water (Rethinam et al., 2022; Burns et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). But \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; coconut water quickly loses its sweetness, clarity and nutritional profile when exposed to air which presents obstacles to the industry and ultimately means that not every bottle or can of coconut water shares the properties of the freshwater that is consumed in Thailand (Tuyekar et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; CBI, 2020; Kailaku, 2015; Prades, 2012; EFSA, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Doctors have highlighted that to reap its nutritional benefits, consumers should \u0026quot;make sure it is pure coconut water\u0026rdquo; (Mats, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). But even with 100% coconut water, there is a lot of variance.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs coconut water goes global, it contends with the materialities of coconut species. Even as the emerging narrative of coconut water as a natural isotonic beverage is geared towards creating a singular, and unified story, the material properties of coconuts entail that consumers will drink very different coconut waters depending on place. In Thailand and the region more broadly, coconut water tends not only to come from dwarf varieties, often a single species, but usually also from a single fruit: in Thailand, it is most likely, \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; because it is the sweetest, most nutritious and the most satisfying. As one interviewee said, \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eMaphrao nam hom\u003c/em\u003e is more popular, because \u003cem\u003emaprao gang\u003c/em\u003e only produces coconut milk, the juice/water tastes sour, not as sweet.\u0026rdquo; Beyond Thailand too, people in coconut-growing countries mostly consume coconut water from young coconuts (CBI, 2020; Kalaiku, 2015). But even locally, taste and quality vary, as one interviewee emphasized,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIn Samut Sakhon there is only fresh water, no salt water. The water quality makes the big differences between the areas. In Chachoengsao, we can\u0026rsquo;t produce big coconuts, but the quality is better than Samut Sakhon \u0026hellip; the water and the soil quality are better. So, they can produce a lot because they have more fresh water, but the taste is different.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegionally, \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; coconuts are exported as trimmed whole fruits, and these have a shelf life of only one to two months, so shipping tends to be too long, and air transport too expensive to make them viable for North American and European markets (Pimonratanakan, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). So what coconut water are they drinking? Again, the material qualities of coconut species and the profit imperative that is bound up with commodification impact the coconut water available in different places. It is important, for example, that tall coconut varieties naturally contain more water than dwarf varieties, one reason that it is preferred by the industry (CBI, 2020). But perhaps more important is that coconut water from tall varieties has long been a by-product of making coconut milk and coconut cream, which involves grinding the mature coconut copra with water and straining it. Until the early 2000s, the leftover water from this process was treated as waste (Kalaiku, 2015; Prades, 2012; Smith et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Unagul et al., 2007). For example, in the early 2000s, on the cusp of the global coconut water craze, Thailand produced roughly 200,000 tons of coconut water annually, the vast majority of which was discarded (Smith et al \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). With declining coconut production in many countries in the 2000s, the commodification of coconut water was largely driven by the fact that it could be obtained for free. This is how coconut water from \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e became a substitute for \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; in packaged global coconut water.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall, the perishability of young coconut water from dwarf varieties, and the coconut water volume and \u0026ldquo;waste\u0026rdquo; from tall varieties entails that tall varieties are considerably more conducive for long-distance exports, and although commercial coconut water available in Europe and North America may contain a percentage of coconut water from young aromatic varieties, they contain far more from tall varieties, and mature coconuts (Fukhrul et al., 2023; CBI, 2020; Burns et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In this way, exports of coconut water from Thailand, that is sold in bottles, cans, and tetra-packs, are far less likely to be the \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; variety \u0026mdash; the clearest and sweetest \u0026mdash; and instead from the \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e variety, which is not nearly as sweet or aromatic (Jackson et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e; Kalaiku, 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to the physical attributes of coconut species impacting the types of coconut water that are commodified and globalized, the qualities of coconut species and the age of the fruit at harvest also significantly impact the nutritional composition of coconut water (Prades, 2012). Mature coconuts, for example, tend to be wholly unsuitable for the development of an \u0026ldquo;isotonic drink\u0026rdquo; (a sports drink, or rehydration beverage, that contains the unique admixture of electrolytes, energy, and B vitamins to replace water lost during physical exertion), which is a key component of coconut water stories (Stasiuk et al., 2017). Specifically, the sugar content and potassium levels tend to decrease as the coconut ages and sodium levels increase, making young coconuts much more likely to be nutritionally compatible with the isotonic drink requirements. The species of coconut also influences the vitamin content of coconut water, particularly of B vitamins, with dwarf aromatic varieties that are harvested young having much higher amounts of B1, and higher in minerals including calcium, magnesium, and potassium than tall varieties and mature coconuts (Kalaiku, 2015; Ahuja, 2013; Jackson et al., 2004). Overall, while dwarf varieties are sweeter, better able to yield an isotonic drink and maintain nutritional properties without the need for additives than tall varieties (Kalaiku, 2015; Prades, 2012) when coconut water is\u0026nbsp;commercially packaged, it is from blends of coconut water from unknown sources \u0026mdash; possibly including aromatic coconut from dwarf varieties, but definitely from tall varieties\u0026mdash; including waste from desiccated coconut production, and coconut milk production, as noted above. This mixing creates a product far less appealing in terms of taste and aroma, which then leads to further additions; coconut water is often mixed with fruit juices\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan dir=\"RTL\"\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003c/span\u003eto create more fragrant coconut water drinks\u0026rdquo; (CBI, 2020).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere is a plethora of coconut water and juice blends available these days, but even though a \u0026ldquo;coconut water\u0026rdquo; label is meant to be reserved for 100% coconut water (Glotz, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), this does not mean that the liquid inside is from an aromatic variety like \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo;. It is impossible to track the amounts of coconut water from different species contained in an individual bottle: brands use different ratios of young and mature coconut water, and final products that are sweeter and tastier may either use a higher ratio of young coconut water from dwarf varieties or include added sugars, sometimes disclosed, sometimes not. This distinction is important because coconut water is considered a juice in the Codex Alimentarius and is subject to the general standards for fruit juices and nectars: added sugar is not permitted (Rethinam et al., 2022). Still, there are many examples of undeclared sugars added to coconut water. In the UK researchers found that 60% of \u0026ldquo;coconut water\u0026rdquo; samples contained added sugar (Glotz, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Other studies have also shown that coconut water not only often contains undeclared sugars, but high fructose corn syrup, preservatives, artificial colours and flavours, and emulsifiers, and is often diluted with water (Kirker et al., 2022; Rethinam et al., 2022; Burns et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Richardson et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Psomiadis et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; iTi Tropicals, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water also impact the quality of coconut water through processing. Because it\u0026rsquo;s quick to spoil after the shell is opened, most coconut water that is shipped across vast distances goes through ultra-high temperature processing, although some companies use very low-temperature processing, and others are experimenting with micro-filtration and high-pressure systems. One distributor of 100% Nam Hom coconut water described in an interview that processing was a major barrier to expansion, noting,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWe experimented with high-pressure processing and tried to export to Germany. People were really excited about the taste, but we got feedback that it needed a longer shelf life. Some other brands have used the high-pressure process but not much \u0026hellip; that technique came about only a couple years ago. Our process has a shelf life of 1\u0026ndash;2 months because of the high pressure, whereas normal fresh coconut water would only be one to two weeks.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll processing methods are geared toward improving shelf-life and maintaining food safety, but ultimately deteriorate the nutritional value, and organoleptic properties of coconut water, increasing the need for additives (Copra Coconut, 2024; Rethinam et al., 2022; Kailaku, 2015; Prades 2012). Ultra-high temperature processing is the most common method used to preserve coconut water because it is the most cost-effective, and it is the easiest to integrate with other coconut processing \u0026mdash; coconut milk processing and coconut water can share the same ultra-high temperature packaging systems (Smith et al \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) \u0026mdash; but the flavour and clarity of coconut water are very sensitive to temperature. So, there are big impacts on the quality of coconut water that undergoes this process including significant loss of vitamins and bioactive compounds, reductions in antioxidant properties, browning and loss of clarity, and a decline in sweetness and almost total erasure of pleasant smell (Rethinam et al., 2022; Tuyekar et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Ribeiro et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Adubofuor et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). As Rethinam et al. (2022, 144) note, \u0026ldquo;thermal treatments destroy much of what consumers would like to have in their juice.\u0026rdquo; It should be no surprise then that to remedy this and align with the story the industry hinges on \u0026mdash; that coconut water is an isotonic beverage \u0026mdash; most coconut water sold in bottles, cans and tetra-packs is sweetened (Mentena et al., 2023; Rethinam et al., 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile we know that fresh young coconut water packs some important nutritional punches, there is little research on the nutritional properties of coconut water from \u003cem\u003emature\u003c/em\u003e fruits (Zhang et all. 2020), which is important since it is likely that this type makes up the lion\u0026rsquo;s share of coconut water that is commercially sold in cans, and tetra-packs. We do know that Saat et al. (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) and Kalman et al. (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) have very different interpretations of the nutritional benefits of coconut water. While both are studies on 100% coconut water, Saat et al. (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) compared fresh young coconut water with carbohydrate-electrolyte beverages and plain water and found that coconut water provided the best rehydration noting also that it was the least likely to cause stomach upset, was the most palatable. In contrast, Kalman et al. (\u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) compared bottled forms of coconut water in the U.S. (VitaCoco\u0026reg;) with carbohydrate-electrolyte beverages and found no meaningful difference in rehydration, and in fact, \u0026ldquo;subjects reported feeling more bloated and experienced greater stomach upset with the coconut water\u0026rdquo; (Kalman et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCoconut water is riddled with nuance and complexity: the material characteristics of different species, fruit maturity, and degree of processing all bear on the nutrition, and taste of the end product with the deepening commodification and globalization of coconut water deteriorating many of the attributes \u0026mdash; sweetness, clarity, and hydration potential \u0026mdash; that are key to the commodity story. Processes of commodification and globalization mask the changing nature and variability of coconut water itself, and distance commercial exported coconut water from that which is consumed in coconut-producing countries. Deepening globalization and commodification also conceal the labour dynamics at play that underlie coconut water production, as I explore in the next section.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eCommodification, Labour and Coconut Water\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to its story as a natural isotonic beverage, commercial globalized coconut water is also often pitched as an \u0026ldquo;ethical\u0026rdquo; beverage. Thirsty Buddha, for example, advertises that its coconut water is \u0026ldquo;ethically sourced from family farms in Vietnam, Thailand and the Philippines\u0026rdquo; (Buddha Brands, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Harmless Harvest which advertises that it is made from Thai Nam Hom Coconuts, has a fair-for-life Fair Trade* label, emphasizing the \u0026ldquo;goal of making the most amazing coconut water in the most ethical way possible\u0026rdquo; (Harmless Harvest, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). And VitaCoco emphasizes that they \u0026ldquo;work hard every day to create ethical, sustainable, and better-for-you products\u0026rdquo; and has initiatives to \u0026ldquo;empower our farming communities\u0026rdquo; (VitaCoco, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). In North America and Europe, food meanings that position coconut water as healthy and ethical are an important part of the commodification and globalization of coconut water, but coconut water\u0026rsquo;s globalization also entails that the industry must contend with different markets with uneven expectations and definitions of \u0026ldquo;ethical.\u0026rdquo; Fair trade labels remedy this to some degree in that they represent \u0026ldquo;an attempt to establish a form of interim global market justice\u0026rdquo; (Walton 2010, 431) and ultimately aim to provide better trading conditions for producers, including protection from exploitation and harm (Boda, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e). But Thailand presents an unusual case because pig-tailed macaques are used for coconut harvesting, and coconut water\u0026rsquo;s globalization has spurred a new debate about animal labour in the industry. Since 2019, and recurrently since then, PETA has called for a boycott of all coconut products produced in Thailand because of the use of monkeys for harvesting (PETA, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Winograd, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). This has significantly impacted the industry, with retailers of coconut-based products reporting a decrease of up to 30% in sales (Fobar, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). But again, the material properties of the coconut significantly impact the labour used for harvest in ways that are masked by globalization and commodification. In this section, I explore how the material properties of the coconut shape harvesting practices, the contradictions inherent in the globalized coconut industry that hinges on marketing coconut water as ethical and traditional, yet demonizes traditional practices, and the problems with the alternatives \u0026mdash;human labour.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the case of Thailand, the species of coconut bears heavily on harvesting practices. Tall coconut varieties can be upwards of 30 metres, and in small farmer groves, they are often planted on slopes, making harvesting both difficult and dangerous for people. So traditionally, Thai farmers have relied on\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003enorthern pig-tailed macaques, to harvest tall coconut species, including \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e (Schowe et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Ismail, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Bertrand, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1967\u003c/span\u003e; CFN, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1939\u003c/span\u003e). As one interviewee describes, \u0026ldquo;It\u0026apos;s because, for curry coconut [\u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e], the tree is too tall! So, people can\u0026rsquo;t do it. So that\u0026rsquo;s why they use monkeys. But for aromatic coconut, they don\u0026rsquo;t use monkeys at all\u0026rdquo; (See Photo 3). Today some estimates suggest that around 3000 macaques are involved in the coconut industry in Thailand, and they are mostly used on small, independent farms because large-scale industrial coconut production has made macaques redundant (Fobar, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Winn, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Sponsel et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). For dwarf varieties, macaques have never been used for harvest; \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; is harvested entirely by human labourers who either access coconuts from the ground, climb trees to harvest, or use a hooked blade that is attached to a long bamboo pole, though media has often gotten this wrong, as one interviewee described,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI saw the news where it said \u0026lsquo;It\u0026rsquo;s confirmed that Thai aromatic coconut farmers don\u0026rsquo;t use monkeys\u0026rsquo;. It was funny because aromatic coconuts can\u0026rsquo;t use monkeys anyway! They\u0026rsquo;re not even very tall!\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTaken together, the small number of coconut producers who use macaques today, paired with the total absence of monkey labour in \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; production entails that the \u0026ldquo;vast majority of coconut and coconut products do not come from farms where pig-tailed macaques are employed\u0026rdquo; (Ratcliffe, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIt is perhaps ironic that fresh aromatic coconut water from dwarf varieties is monkey-free, while the globalized and commercialized coconut water that can be found on supermarket shelves \u0026mdash; marketed as ethical\u0026mdash; may be produced with macaque labour. This is only because the water from \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e is used for commercial coconut water, as discussed above, and is largely done to improve efficiency and maximize profit. Nevertheless, the global outcry around monkey labour has spurred several radical changes in Thailand: interviewees shared that some companies are creating \u0026ldquo;monkey-free\u0026rdquo; labels, even when they do not contain coconut water from \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang.\u003c/em\u003e Criticism of Thailand\u0026rsquo;s coconut industry has also led to a push for monkey-free coconut harvesting altogether, with many major coconut water brands now emphasizing that they are only sourcing from producers who do not use macaques. Finally, the Thai Department of Agriculture has developed a Monkey Free Plus Certification Programme which prohibits monkey labour and is starting to require monkey audits of coconut farms (CBI, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; DOA, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). The outcry against Thai coconut producers has been riddled with misconceptions but has radically impacted farmers, nonetheless. As one interviewee said, \u0026ldquo;it\u0026rsquo;s all because people in Europe don\u0026rsquo;t know that coconut water is from young coconuts, they think it\u0026rsquo;s from the brown [mature] coconut. So we had to put a label on our bottles that we don\u0026rsquo;t use monkey, even though our trees are not tall!\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThere is an inherent contradiction here: the globalization and commodification of the coconut water industry have been reliant on discourses of coconut water as \u0026ldquo;natural\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;ethical\u0026rdquo;, yet ethical imaginations are at odds with traditional coconut water harvesting practices, specifically the use of macaques for harvesting. Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to interrogate the ethics of animal labour or the treatment of pig-tailed macaques in the Thai coconut water industry, I would like to emphasize that Thai farmers have refuted narratives of macaque exploitation (Pratruangkrai, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). In interviews, participants said things like:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;They take care of the monkeys like children. Like they set a time limit for the monkeys to work, and they treat them well.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIn the morning the monkeys run to the car because they are excited to do the work. When the owners or the workers stop at the snack shop the monkeys eat more than the owners, they eat milk and snacks. So, it\u0026rsquo;s like they are their children.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;They raise the monkeys really well, there is no punishment or anything. Those people take care of the monkeys very well.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ul\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany interviewees expressed that Thailand\u0026rsquo;s coconut producers have been wholly misunderstood and were frustrated with Western misunderstandings that macaques are used throughout the industry. And yet, to prevent economic catastrophe, Thai farmers have been open to reducing or eliminating monkey labour, even as many are concerned about alternatives. Coconut harvesting can be treacherous for humans, often causing health problems and injuries, including lacerations, concussions, animal stings and death from falling (Embong, 2022; WFF, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). One interviewee said,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCoconut harvesting puts workers at risk because they don\u0026rsquo;t have safety hats or anything because they have to use the hook and stick to get the coconut down. They have to be careful. It\u0026rsquo;s harmful to the workers \u0026hellip; I\u0026rsquo;m worried about the workers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn many countries, including Thailand, it is also important to consider the declining interest in coconut farming among younger generations, and the growing shortfall of coconut harvesters threatening the viability of the industry (Embong, 2022; Rethinam et al., 2022; Kirker et al., 2022; Darak et al., 2021; Krisanapook, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). As one interviewee described,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe children don\u0026rsquo;t continue with the farm because they prefer to get a job or study. They don\u0026rsquo;t really help with the farm. I don\u0026rsquo;t want my children to follow my path because taking care of the coconut grove has made my life more difficult. I want my children to get a job in something else. It\u0026rsquo;s really exhausting taking care of the farm and I don\u0026rsquo;t want my children to suffer the difficulties that I have been through.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInterviewees also described that it is difficult to find workers, and many coconut farm labourers are immigrants from Cambodia and Myanmar, with some speculating that there is a fair share of undocumented labourers working in the industry. The lack of workers and the low income generated from \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e production has driven many farmers \u0026mdash; in Thailand, and elsewhere\u0026mdash; to transition to more profitable crops\u0026rdquo; (Smith et al., \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). As one distributor described in an interview,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;One of our farmers has a forest farm \u0026hellip; he called me yesterday and said he\u0026rsquo;s getting older and might not be able to climb the trees for the rest of his life. So, he wants to grow lime, eggplant, vegetables instead.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe lack of labourers and decline of \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e production could be part of the reason that Thailand has been importing more coconut products, as one participant described,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIn Thailand, they have started to import coconuts from Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines to make coconut milk. They freeze it and process it in the factory in Thailand and those factories really profit. But when we import from those countries, and there is more coconut milk on the market it reduces the price of \u003cem\u003ema pow gang\u003c/em\u003e, and it\u0026rsquo;s bad for farmers.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe lack of harvesters and the price squeeze for coconut farmers are drastically impacting the production of tall coconut varieties, such that some are advocating for the use of macaques in harvesting. For example, writing of Malaysia, Embonb (2002) emphasizes that \u0026ldquo;With fewer people willing to take up the arduous and risky job of coconut plucking, it has adversely affected the coconut business. Training macaques is the best way as a helping hand\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003ePETA\u0026rsquo;s calls to boycott coconut products from Thailand are inherently wrapped up in processes of commodification and globalization and threaten not only traditional agricultural practices but also ignore local perspectives and threaten small farmers\u0026rsquo; livelihoods. As one coconut producer said,\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eI feel so proud that my dad decided to grow the coconut grove because having coconuts has helped our family \u0026hellip; to send us kids to school. When my dad decided to do the coconuts Over time, my dad built the business, and he has been able to pass this business to us kids as well. So now her he is retired, but he\u0026rsquo;s mentoring and passing knowledge to us.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe majority \u0026mdash;95% \u0026mdash; of coconut trees of both \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; and \u003cem\u003emaphrao gang\u003c/em\u003e varieties in Thailand are grown by smallholders and coconut production has historically contributed significantly to the economic and social well-being of rural communities (Zaino et al., 2023; Pimonratanakan, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). As coconut water is marketed to new Western consumers, the traditional use of macaques in coconut harvesting has been demonized and it has been suggested that monkey-free harvesting methods will remedy the \u0026ldquo;ethical\u0026rdquo; of coconut water (PETA, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). But casting dispersions on Thai farmers misses the big picture, that coconut water production is situated within specific ecologies and social contexts, that coconut species \u0026mdash; tall or dwarf \u0026mdash; tend to dictate labour and harvesting arrangements, and that the increasing global demand for coconut water, and all coconut products, while demanding monkey-free production, will put more labourers at risk.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe globalization and commercialization of coconut water have fundamentally changed the way that coconut water is consumed and has created new ontological uncertainties about coconut water \u0026mdash; what is it \u003cem\u003ereally\u003c/em\u003e? Since the early 2000s, coconut water has shifted from a beverage consumed usually from a single fruit, from dwarf aromatic varieties to a global commercial beverage sourced from multiple species, processed using ultra-high temperatures, diluted with water and adulterated with sugars and additives, and finally bottled and sold with varying degrees of nutrition, taste and clarity, none matching that of fresh coconut water from \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo;. Commodification and globalization have also entailed that Western perceptions of \u0026ldquo;ethics\u0026rdquo; are shaping labour in new ways, with traditional agricultural practices \u0026mdash; the use of macaques for harvesting \u0026mdash; denounced by some but with others calling for their increased use as harvesters. This paper reveals that marketing and stories of coconut water as \u0026ldquo;natural\u0026rdquo;, a \u0026ldquo;superfood\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;ethical\u0026rdquo; are largely fiction, but so too are claims that coconut harvesting practices are \u0026ldquo;unethical\u0026rdquo;. Both narratives are naturalized through global branding and marketing, and both are dangerous, masking the tangly nature of coconut water, and coconut labour in ways that threaten small farmers. But the commodification of coconut water is not complete, and the story is still in process, and being negotiated. Just as the emergence of a new label \u0026mdash;monkey-free\u0026mdash; is cropping up in the industry, so too are new opportunities for rethinking existing practices and narratives. If the global demand for coconut water continues, there is a need for more research: to compare the nutritional profiles of coconut water from aromatic dwarf varieties with that from tall varieties; to identify better ways to source coconut water from dwarf varieties and preserve taste and nutrition; and if macaque exploitation is found to exist, to engage in community-based research to identify macaque and handler training opportunities that could improve conditions. In interviews, \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo;. coconut farmers described feeling proud of their work, what they produce, and the health and quality it represents. One interviewee described this in clear terms,\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eI feel very proud that I can produce high-quality coconuts for people because it is good for their health. In the future, I want to expand the business and sell worldwide. As a farmer I feel proud, I want to continue and for my grandchildren to inherit the business and the land.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe possibility for globalized coconut water from the dwarf aromatic \u0026ldquo;Nam Hom\u0026rdquo; may yet emerge. But, stepping back from the emerging industry and commodity story, it is also important to recognize commercial coconut water for what it is now; the processes of coconut water commodification and globalization and accompanying health and ethical narratives have duped many Western consumers. Consuming coconut water from tetra-packs or cans in North America is not the same as consuming it fresh in Thailand. As Marco Polo (Wright 1818, 610) told us long ago, and the quotation at the outset of this essay suggests, coconut water should \u0026ldquo;can only be judged of by those who have travelled, under a fervid sun, in those countries where it is produced\u0026rdquo;. In this case, those of us in the West might ask ourselves, if coconut water is being shipped halfway around the world, going through ultra-high temperature processing, and already demonstrating minimal nutritional benefits, with little taste, why are we drinking it at all?\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics Statement\u003c/strong\u003e: All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were approved by and are in \u003cstrong\u003eaccordance\u003c/strong\u003e with the ethical standards of the Carleton University Research Ethics Board-A (CUREB-A). CUREB-A is constituted and operates in compliance with the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS2).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInformed Consent and Consent to Publish\u003c/strong\u003e: Informed consent\u0026nbsp;was obtained from all individual participants included in the study, including consent to publish the photos included in this article.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData Availability Statement\u003c/strong\u003e: \u0026nbsp;Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAbeysekara, M.G.D.; Waidyarathne, K. 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Metabolomics analysis of the deterioration mechanism and storage time limit of tender coconut water during storage. \u003cem\u003eFoods\u003c/em\u003e 9(1):46. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026lsquo;Nam\u0026rsquo; means water, while \u0026lsquo;Hom\u0026rsquo; means aromatic, thus \u0026lsquo;Nam Hom\u0026rsquo; means aromatic water.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eThe Netherlands is an important European trade hub for coconut water, as well as Austria which has several large beverage processing plants.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Coconut, coconut water, commodification, political ecology, superfoods, commodity stories, pig-tailed macaque","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4978430/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-4978430/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe globalization of coconut water in the past two decades has made it a multi-billion-dollar industry. Since the early 2000s, the beverage has gone from one consumed mostly in producer countries to one processed and shipped all over the world. In this paper, I explore the commodification and globalization of coconut water, illustrating how the material qualities of coconut \u0026mdash; the species and maturity\u0026mdash; influence its nutrition and taste in ways that conflict with discourses of coconut water as a natural health beverage, and the labour and productive conditions that shape and are shaped by its globalization. I draw from field research conducted in Thailand to ultimately illustrate that processes of commodification are in flux, and the case of coconut water illustrates that the relationship between global stories about coconut water and the ecological and labour conditions that underlie production are not only dialectical but still being negotiated.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eEthics Statement\u003c/b\u003e: All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were approved by and are in \u003cb\u003eaccordance\u003c/b\u003e with the ethical standards of the Carleton University Research Ethics Board-A (CUREB-A). CUREB-A is constituted and operates in compliance with the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS2).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eInformed Consent and Consent to Publish\u003c/b\u003e: Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study, including consent to publish the photos included in this article.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"Heading\"\u003eData Availability Statement:\u003c/div\u003e \u003cp\u003eData sharing is not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"What is Coconut Water?: commodification, globalization and place","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2024-10-18 17:47:47","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-4978430/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"0926afd0-5b5b-48dd-a559-bf9110b8faa9","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 18th, 2024","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2024-11-14T16:38:38+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2024-10-18 17:47:47","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-4978430","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-4978430","identity":"rs-4978430","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"qtupq5eGEP_6zYnWcrvyt","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}