Crop to coke: a script of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders

Crop to coke: a script of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Crop to coke: a script of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders Juliana Gómez-Quintero, Hervé Borrion, Spencer Chainey This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Published Journal Publication published 15 Jan, 2026 Read the published version in Trends in Organized Crime → Version 1 posted 7 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The cocaine trade within Colombia involves complex processes, from coca cultivation to end-user distribution and is marked by violence, corruption, environmental damage and health risks. Despite substantial efforts by successive governments to disrupt it, there is no detailed, peer-reviewed process model of the trade and its consequences. This study employs crime script analysis to map the stages of the cocaine trade and explore the contextual factors influencing its dynamics. We used relevant academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism materials, and expert interviews to identify relevant information. The analysis of the crime script confirms the critical role of armed groups and the widespread impact of corruption and violence within Colombia on the cocaine trade. This research enhances the field by offering a structured framework for crime scripting and improving replicability. The resulting crime script is a valuable tool that can help policymakers, law enforcement, and researchers gain a holistic understanding of the cocaine trade, identify associated crimes, and develop targeted strategies to combat trafficking and the harms it causes. cocaine crime script analysis Colombia coca crops drug trafficking Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Introduction Cocaine production is at an all-time high, with Colombia continuing to be the leading global supplier 1 . The latest UNODC coca census for Colombia estimated that cocaine production in 2023 amounted to 2,664 tonnes, produced from 253,000 hectares of coca crops (UNODC-SIMCI, 2024). This is five times more crops and more than nine times more cocaine than the estimates for 2013. While Colombian cartels are notorious for exporting cocaine around the world, it is less known that about 3% of the production (80 tonnes) stays in the country for domestic consumption (Mejía & Rico, 2017). In addition to the health harms associated with cocaine use, the cocaine trade also generates significant levels of violence, corruption, money laundering, and environmental destruction (EMCDDA & EUROPOL, 2019; Global Commission on Drug Policy, 2020; UNODC, 2020a). While destination countries, such as the USA, UK, and Australia, concentrate their efforts on countering the trafficking and retail distribution of illicit drugs, illicit drug-producing nations like Colombia must address all stages of the drug trade: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation. The Evaluation of Drug Policy Report for Colombia by the Commission of the Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism (2019) underscores the complex nature of this challenge. The report highlighted Colombia's commendable efforts in reducing drug supply, particularly at the production and trafficking stages, and the initiatives to address drug abuse. The country has implemented programmes to alleviate poverty in regions most affected by coca crops, sustained preventive measures targeting youth, and established treatment centres to mitigate the harms of drug use (Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism, 2019). But despite these efforts, the current large volume of cocaine production underscores the difficulty of the task for producing countries. To unpack the complexity of crime, scientists increasingly rely on a technique known as crime scripting and analysis (Cornish, 1994). Crime scripts are knowledge structures that represent the sequential logical steps involved in committing a crime. These procedural models can be used to highlight ‘the choices and decisions made by offenders before, during and after committing a specific type of crime’, and are ‘designed to provide a standardized, systematic and comprehensive understanding of crime-commission processes’ (Leclerc, 2017: 119). Relevant to our aim, crime scripts were found especially useful in understanding the activities of organised crime groups (Chainey & Alonso Berbotto, 2022; Hancock & Laycock, 2010; Leclerc, 2017). This study employs crime script analysis to characterise the Colombian cocaine trade, spanning from coca cultivation to end-user distribution, while also examining the trade conditions. By scripting each stage of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders, our goal is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the entire process. This paper not only maps the stages of the cocaine trade but also introduces a refined method framework for crime scripting and analysis. Our approach includes a systematic search strategy and a structured format that provides a comprehensive yet concise trade representation. A comprehensive crime script of the cocaine trade in Colombia across all stages offers numerous advantages for both comprehension and policy formulation. Firstly, it provides a panoramic view of the phenomenon and sheds light on the interconnectedness of different elements within the trade. This, in turn, can facilitate the identification of crimes and harms associated with the trade, both within and across stages. It can help law enforcement agencies and policymakers identify critical nodes of the trade. It is, therefore, a helpful step towards designing and evaluating counter-drug interventions, facilitating evidence-based decision-making and resource allocation across the different stages. Furthermore, the crime script is a foundation for comparing crime scripts of other illicit drug trades. We start with an overview of the literature on crime scripts and their use for analysing drug trafficking. We then describe the method applied to script the cocaine trade in Colombia. The result is then used to analyse and discuss how the cocaine trade unfolds in the Colombian context. Crime scripts In this paper, we use crime scripts to identify the decision-making processes and contextual factors involved in the cocaine trade in Colombia. Findings of (pseudo) rational behaviour in drug trafficking suggest that analysing criminals' decisions can help us understand the phenomenon. Purvis and Gundur (2019), for instance, highlighted the constant adaptation of drug traffickers to evolving circumstances, including changes in supply dynamics, heightened interdiction risks, and market competition. Cocaine traffickers operating at the port of Rotterdam were observed to leverage insider knowledge and organisational cooperation as part of their rational strategies to circumvent detection and enhance their smuggling operations (Staring et al., 2023). Drug trafficking organisations are known to adeptly adjust their strategies in response to law enforcement interdiction operations (Toth & Mitchell, 2018). These behaviours corroborate the hypothesis that offenders assess the utility of their actions, so we proposed using the Rational Choice Perspective as a theoretical framework in this research. Introduced by Cornish (1994), these event models delineate the sequential steps and decision points inherent in criminal activities. Borrowed from cognitive science, crime scripting and analysis provides a structured approach to understanding performed crime commission processes, but also planned and potential ones (Borrion, 2013). Crime scripts can be crafted at various levels of abstraction, from the most specific instances known as tracks to more general ones termed metascripts (Cornish, 1994). These descriptions can be visualised through tables, flowcharts, or textual narratives (Dehghanniri & Borrion, 2019). Tables show detailed components for each scene but cannot depict activity flows. In contrast, process diagrams can represent more complex connections between and within scenes (e.g., Sytsma & Piza, 2018). Published scripts about drug trafficking Table 1 summarises the features (e.g., substance of interest, stages of the drug trade and settings) of published research on the illegal drugs trade, including but not limited to the cocaine trade. These studies, spanning from 2011 to 2023, have all used a script-based approach to reveal the procedural aspects of illicit drug trades. All of them show that these trades comprise interconnected stages, typically commencing with growing and processing in the case of plant-based drugs like cocaine or heroin or manufacturing in the case of synthetic drugs. Subsequent stages involve distribution and commercialisation , encompassing wholesale and retail sales (Purvis & Gundur, 2019). Despite the breadth of research, there remain critical gaps in understanding, as highlighted by Staring et al. (2023), who emphasise that there is limited knowledge of logistical processes in source and transit countries. Of these 17 studies, only two, conducted by Staring et al. (2019, 2023) and van Santvoord and van Ruitenburg (2022), have specifically analysed cocaine smuggling during the distribution stage in the Netherlands. Only one (Mantilla, 2021) has examined the illicit drug trade in Colombia, with a focus on the Bronx - a notorious hub of illicit activity in Bogotá, marked by rampant drug trafficking, crime, and extreme poverty. Interestingly, none of the studies have comprehensively scripted the cocaine trade across all stages within Colombian borders. Table 1 Overview of crime script studies on drug trafficking Study Substance Stage Setting Bright and Delaney (2013) Methamphetamine Manufacturing, distribution, commercialisation Australia Chainey and Guererro (2019) Opium Cultivation, processing Mexico Chiu et al. (2011) Ecstasy and methamphetamine Manufacturing Australia Duijn et al. (2014) Cannabis Cultivation, distribution Netherlands Jacques and Bernasco (2013) Unspecified Commercialisation Netherlands Jardine (2021) Unspecified Commercialisation Internet Joyce (2023) Unspecified Commercialisation Internet Lavorgna (2014) Recreational drugs, synthetic & new psychoactive substances Production, distribution, commercialisation Internet; Italy, Netherlands, and USA Le (2013) Heroin Distribution Australia Leontiadis and Hutchings (2015) Illicit use prescription drugs Commercialisation Internet Luong (2019) Heroin and methamphetamine Distribution Laos and Vietnam Mantilla (2021) Unspecified Commercialisation Colombia Morgenthaler and Leclerc (2023) Unspecified Distribution, commercialisation Australia Staring et al. (2019, 2023) Cocaine Distribution Netherlands Sytsma and Piza (2018) Unspecified Commercialisation USA van Santvoord and van Ruitenburg (2022) Cocaine Distribution Netherlands Vidal and Décary-Hétu (2018) Methamphetamine Manufacturing USA The cocaine trade involves context and substance-specific characteristics that warrant a study focusing on these singularities. For example, the contexts where the heroin trade and the cocaine trade develop are highly dissimilar. While cocaine production is concentrated in South American countries, heroin is mainly produced in Afghanistan with some production also in Southeast Asia and Latin America (UNODC, 2021). The networks for heroin and cocaine trafficking have also been found to be different, the latter being more compact than the other (Chandra & Joba, 2015). The dynamics of the prices of heroin and cocaine have also been shown to be distinct (Groshkova et al., 2018). There are also differences among cocaine-producing countries. For instance, Bolivia, the third-largest producer of cocaine, exhibits notably lower levels of violence compared to Colombia. Grisaffi (2021) posits three reasons for this contrast: 1. Participation in the illicit trade is widespread in Bolivia; 2. The trade operates with a predominantly entrepreneurial ethos, devoid of coercive elements; and 3. In areas lacking state presence, unions serve as mediators to resolve conflicts. Identifying these contextual nuances and opportunity structures not only sheds light on why Colombia persists as the principal global cocaine producer (UNODC, 2020c) but also highlights the need for a comprehensive examination of the crime commission process within Colombian borders. As highlighted in the introduction, adopting a comprehensive view of the cocaine trade is essential for a nuanced understanding of this trade. Although existing literature provides valuable insights into various aspects of the illicit drug trade, there is a need for a more systematic and structured representation of the cocaine trade, particularly within Colombia. This study aims to address this need by using crime script analysis to outline the cocaine trade across all stages within Colombian borders. By organising this information into a crime script, we aim to provide a clear and systematic overview of the entire process, highlighting the benefits of a structured approach to understanding and combating the trade. Method To achieve our study aim, we developed and analysed a crime script of the cocaine trade within Colombia. The purpose was to better understand the processes involved in transforming coca leaves into various end-user products and the intrinsic conditions of the trade across all stages, from cultivation to commercialisation. We adopted a four-step approach: First, we searched for relevant documents (from academic literature, grey literature and investigative reports) and assessed their quality to select suitable data for this study. Next, we conducted a thematic analysis to analyse the data and produce an initial crime script following an analytic deductive approach. We then conducted expert interviews to refine and validate the script. Finally, we assessed the quality of the resulting script using Borrion's (2013) criteria. Document search and selection A systematic search was conducted to identify relevant documents, drawing explicit inspiration from systematic review studies within the field of crime science (Cockbain et al., 2018; Dehghanniri & Borrion, 2019; Tompson & Belur, 2016). Three types of documents were considered: academic articles, grey literature (e.g., reports, policy papers, working papers) and other material (books and documentaries) based on investigative reporting. Peer-reviewed academic articles undergo revision to ensure publication quality (Pappas & Williams, 2011), expectedly yielding high-quality findings. ‘Grey literature’, however, is carried out by practitioners or financed by organisations that gain no advantage from publishing their findings in peer-reviewed journals (Tompson & Belur, 2016) but can provide valuable insights. Findings from investigative journalism that can involve months or even years of work and collaborative teams of reporters and researchers can also provide helpful information not revealed by other sources (Borins & Herst, 2020; Clarke & Schultze, 2005; De Burgh, 2008; Sosnowski et al., 2020). Figure 1 summarises the document search and selection strategy that resulted in the documents selected for analysis. Academic literature was identified via keyword search in academic databases. Grey literature and investigative journalism documents were sourced using a manual search strategy. Additional investigative reporting material known to the authors was also included. Backwards and forward search was applied to all the selected documents to identify further material. Selected studies were then assessed for authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning (Scott, 2014). Inclusion criteria As shown in Table 2, document selection was purposeful, targeting pieces that contained rich descriptions about the crime commission process of cocaine trade in Colombia. For currency, only documents that reported data collected after the 30 November 2016 were selected. This date corresponds to the time when the Colombian Congress ratified the signature of peace agreements between the Government and the guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The signature was followed by the demobilisation of FARC, which greatly altered crime dynamics, including cocaine trade (Massé & Le Billon, 2018; Murillo-Sandoval et al., 2020; Norman, 2018). To avoid language bias, we considered documents in English or Spanish (Stern & Kleijnen, 2020). When multiple publications of the same study were found, only the most relevant document with substantial empirical content was included, as in Cockbain et al. (2018). Given the focus on activities of the cocaine trade and not on organised crime groups, studies that solely focused on the organisational characteristics of organised crime groups were excluded. Botany or chemistry studies detailing medical or biological aspects of coca leaves or cocaine were also discarded. Table 2 Inclusion criteria for document search Inclusion criterion Description Publication date Between 1 December 2016 and 12 December 2021. Start day is after the ratification of the signature of peace agreements (see broad relevance criteria). The end date is when the document search began. Accessibility Full text available. Broad relevance Addresses present day cocaine trade practices and uses data collected after 30 th of November 2016 – Date the Congress of the country ratified the signature of peace agreements between the Colombian Government and guerrilla group FARC. Specificity Contains information specifically about cocaine trade. Documents may mention other substances but there needs to be data specific about cocaine trade. In the case of studies about drug markets, this criterion is levied given that markets are not usually drug-specific (e.g., Jacques & Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma & Piza, 2018) Geography Concerns cocaine trade activities within Colombian borders. Language English or Spanish (the official language in Colombia) Empirical data Empirical data includes detailed descriptions of cocaine trade-related activities documented in academic literature, grey literature (reports, policy papers, working papers, etc.) available online and material (books, documentaries, media) based on investigative reporting. Theoretical, conceptual, and normative pieces were excluded. No double counting Only the most relevant document with substantial empirical content was included for multiple publications of the same study. Academic literature Figure 2 describes the concepts used to identify academic documents through keyword search (Tompson & Belur, 2016). The initial keywords focused on three concepts: substance, context, and study type. The search specifically targeted studies detailing the cocaine trade in Colombia. By employing the overarching concept of "substance," the search ensured relevance to cocaine-related studies without necessitating the specification of individual crime types. Following a refinement process, it became evident that most identified studies pertained to the illegal aspects of the cocaine trade, aligning closely with the objectives of the current study, as opposed to less pertinent topics such as the biological composition or medicinal effects of cocaine. A keyword survey study 2 guided the selection of terms for the ‘substance’ concept. In the cocaine supply chain, the substance undergoes various transformations. Participants (n=12) were queried about the raw materials (inputs) and end products (outputs) at the different stages in the cocaine trade, resulting in the identification of keywords for the ‘substance’ concept, including coca leaf (or leaves), coca paste or coca base 3 , cocaine, cocaine powder, cocaine hydrochloride 4 , crack crystal or crack cocaine 5 , coke 6 , and basuco or bazuco 7 . Subsequent refinement, informed by published studies (see for example, Jacques & Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma & Piza, 2018) expanded the ‘substance’ search terms to include “drug,” acknowledging that studies on cocaine production and distribution are substance-specific. In contrast, those focusing on drug markets often encompass various illicit drugs. The selection of keywords for retrieving research on the cocaine trade was guided by the concept of 'study type,' encompassing methods like crime script analysis, logistics approaches (Sieber & Bögel, 1993) and ethnographies (Weisheit, 2015). In total, 1216 documents were identified from ProQuest (81), Scopus (95), Web of Science (49) and Google Scholar (991) (Table 3). The large number of documents retrieved from Google Scholar is due to the impossibility of limiting the search to the title and abstract 8 . The identified titles and abstracts were then reviewed against the inclusion criteria. Most of the retrieved documents were not relevant to the cocaine trade. For example, some focused on medical drug treatments or other illicit substances (e.g., marijuana). Other excluded documents fell outside the selected time frame, were conducted in locations outside of Colombia, or addressed drug policy without providing detailed insights into the criminal activity itself. Only seven academic literature documents remained from the initial 1216. A backward search identified one additional academic document (Blattman et al., 2021). Table 3 Academic documents identified in the four sources Source No. of documents Proquest 81 Scopus 95 Web of Science 49 Google Scholar 991 Grey literature A manual search was performed to find documents in grey literature. Websites of official sources, NGOs, and think tanks related to the cocaine trade in Colombia were examined. The authors produced a list of data sources with the advice of an expert 9 with more than 10 years of experience working on drug policy in Colombia. Their suggestions were added to the initial list, resulting in the final list shown in Table 4. 14 documents were selected as a result of this search. Table 4 Websites of official sources, NGOs, and think tanks where hand search was performed to retrieve relevant grey literature documents Official Sources NGOs and Research Institutes/Think Tanks UNODC – Integrated System for the Monitoring of Illicit Crops (SIMCI) Drug Observatory (Ministry of Law and Justice of Colombia) Ministry of Defence of Colombia International Center for Strategic Studies against Drug Trafficking (CIENA) (National Police of Colombia) Center for Studies in Security and Drugs (CESED) – University of los Andes Foundation Ideas for Peace (FIP) DeJusticia Mama Coca IndePaz WOLA – Washington Office on Latin America World Drug Commission TNI Drugs and Democracy Drugs & (dis)order.org Investigative reporting In addition to information obtained from academic and grey literature, we conducted a manual search of reputable sources and investigative reporting. Two sources were consulted. First, Insight Crime, a "non-profit think-tank and media organisation" offering perspective garnered from on-the-ground research and engagement with legal and illegal actors (InsightCrime.org). Second, an episode on cocaine from the television documentary series "The Business of Drugs" (Abu-Saada & Brown, 2020), featuring interviews with growers and traffickers in Colombia. Other books were initially considered that contained detailed information on the cocaine trade. However, they did not meet the inclusion criteria. These included, for instance, the first edition of "Narconomics" (Wainwright, 2017), which is primarily focused on Mexico and was published in 2016, before our targeted timeframe. Similarly, works like "Kilo" (Muse, 2020) and “Borderland Battles” (Idler, 2019) commenced fieldwork before 2016, making it challenging to discern data collected pre- and post-peace agreement signings. Quality assessment of documents All documents selected for analysis underwent a comprehensive quality assessment (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Scott's (2014) criteria of authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaning, guided this evaluation. Authenticity involved verifying the completeness and authorship of documents. Credibility assessment ensured documents provided a clear data collection explanation and included direct examples of primary data. Representativeness was evaluated based on whether the documents encompassed the study's population of interest and gathered data from diverse stakeholders. Lastly, an assessment of meaning focused on whether the documents explained concepts and study contexts and included direct examples of primary data. Following the evaluation, one investigative reporting document was excluded. In total, 30 documents, were selected for analysis, including 7 academic articles, 14 reports from grey literature, and 6 investigative journalism pieces. 3 additional documents were identified through backward and forward searches. These searches utilised citation analysis and Google Scholar, resulting in the identification of one more academic document and 2 investigative journalism pieces. Collectively, the chosen documents covered all stages of the cocaine trade, as shown in Table 5. Appendices 1 and 2 present the list of selected documents and a breakdown of the quality assessment. Table 5 Number of documents relevant to each stage Stage Academic (8) Grey-literature (14) Investigative reporting (8) Total (30) Cultivation 5 6 4 15 Processing 3 7 6 16 Distribution 1 7 5 13 Commercialisation 2 1 1 4 The collected documents provided data on 18 (56%) of Colombia’s administrative departments. In terms of cultivation, the documents focused on four regions with the highest levels of coca crops: Putumayo (n = 8), Cauca (n = 6), Nariño (n = 3), and Norte de Santander (n = 3), and Valle del Cauca (n = 3). Collectively, Putumayo, Cauca, Nariño, and Norte de Santander emerge as the four departments in Colombia with the highest estimated levels of coca crops (UNODC-SIMCI, 2023b). Documents about the processing stage centred on Cauca (n = 8) and Putumayo (n = 6), followed by Nariño (n = 4), Norte de Santander (n = 3), and Vaupés (n = 3). Overlap between documents on cultivation and processing is expected, as processing sites are usually near cultivation areas (UNODC-SIMCI, 2023a). Regarding the distribution stage, four out of 13 documents did not specify where the data was collected from. Among the remaining studies, four detailed how cocaine is smuggled out of the country through maritime ports (Abu-Saada & Brown, 2020; Cajiao et al., 2018; Hernández-Mora, 2017b) and terrestrial routes (van Uhm & Grigore, 2021). The remaining studies described the internal distribution of cocaine within Colombia. Commercialisation was the least covered stage. Only three documents outlined commercialisation dynamics in major urban areas of Colombia, including Bogota (Pulgarín Morales, 2020), Medellin (Blattman et al., 2021), and Santa Marta (Alcaldía Distrital de Santa Marta - Secretaría de Salud del Distrito de Santa Marta & UNODC - Oficina de las Naciones Unidas contra la Droga y el Delito, 2018), and one document did not specify any departments. Appendix 3 lists the locations and stages of the cocaine trade covered by each study. Thematic analysis Analysis followed the six steps proposed by Clarke and Braun (2013), synthesised by Clark et al. (2021) as familiarisation, initial coding, theme identification, theme revision, theme review, theme definition and theme evidencing. The analysis followed a deductive approach, the systematic process of identifying themes from qualitative data beginning with existing theories or concepts, which are then applied to qualitative data analysis. In this case, analysis was guided by a crime script framework (Cornish, 1994), underpinned by the Rational Choice Perspective (Cornish & Clarke, 1986) as discussed in the background section. The principal author familiarised themselves with the content of the documents. Subsequently, initial coding (Saldaña, 2015), also referred to as open coding, was performed to develop a range of codes that described the data (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Vollstedt & Rezat, 2019). This coding stage focused on descriptive coding – indexing of the data's content – and process coding – emphasising observable and conceptual actions (Saldaña, 2015). Previous studies by Tompson and Chainey (2011) and Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022) used a template featuring a list of elements within a crime script. Guided by these, a data collection form was developed to align initial coding with the study's objectives, gathering information on the activities and contextual conditions across the four stages of the cocaine trade: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation. Themes were then identified across documents and reviewed iteratively (Clark et al., 2021), and a form was designed to collate the data from initial coding into the different stages of the cocaine trade. Lastly, themes were defined through the narrative presented in the results section of this paper and evidenced using quotes extracted from the documents. In addition to the narrative, a flow diagram was created to illustrate the crime commission process of the cocaine trade across the different stages. To ensure transparency and traceability, a detailed log was maintained to document various aspects of the research (Bachman & Schutt, 2013; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). This log contained dates and keyword combinations used in searches, details of retrieved documents, reasons for inclusion/exclusion in the analysis, coding procedures, and all researcher decisions made during the study. Interviews of experts To refine the crime script, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 experts, following the recommendations of Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022), among others (e.g. van der Valk et al., 2020). These experts had at least five years of experience investigating various stages of the cocaine trade. They represented diverse backgrounds, including academia, non-governmental organisations, law enforcement, government institutions, and independent research or investigative journalism. All interviews were recorded and transcribed with the participants' consent. The interviews utilised a graphic elicitation approach, presenting participants with the crime script and inviting them to suggest additions (for completeness), deletions (for accuracy and parsimony), and other modifications (for accuracy and precision). Noted for its effectiveness in extracting expert knowledge (Cheng, 1996), this method focuses discussions on a common framework—the crime script (Bravington & King, 2019; Ford & Sterman, 1998). Graphical representations provide concise overviews of complex topics like the cocaine trade, eliciting unique insights from participants (Crilly et al., 2006). Expert interviews also contributed to validating the script, enhancing the quality of the results (Bowen, 2009; Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Peters, 2020). Interviews were conducted sequentially, with feedback from each participant promptly integrated into the crime script before the subsequent interview, thereby refining its content iteratively. Validation was achieved after three interviewees successively confirmed that no further adjustments were deemed necessary. Quality assurance Ensuring the accuracy and reliability of crime scripts is paramount for their utility and reproducibility. To date, evaluations have focused on the quality and completeness of the data used to construct the script but not on the script itself (Dehghanniri & Borrion, 2019). To address this gap, we employed the quality assurance criteria outlined by Borrion (2013). This involved systematically evaluating the crime script's clarity, accuracy, comprehensiveness, and suitability. This assessment ensures that the script is logically structured, accurately reflects the crime phenomenon, covers relevant aspects and is suitable for its intended application (Borrion & Dehghanniri, 2023), i.e., to comprehensively characterise the Colombian cocaine trade, encompassing all stages from coca cultivation to end-user distribution. Table 6 contains the quality assurance assessment. Table 6 Quality assurance assessment based on Borrion (2013) Criterion Assessment Typology The type of script has been stated in the method section. It is a performed and perpetrator script. Traceability All the data that has been used to build the crime script can be traced back to the original source. Coding forms ensure traceability from the in finished script to the raw document. Dependencies between activities have been included in the crime script depiction. Transparency The method and codes adopted for the creation of the crime script, and the data sources used have been clearly communicated. Details can be found in the method section, and appendices 2 to 4. Consistency Scripts for the four stages (cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation) were created. Most of the activities for each of the stages are on the same level of analysis. There are however opportunities for improvement in the markets stage, where wholesale and retail have been combined due to lack of data. Context A description of the context has been included in the results section. A broader contextual description was discussed in the literature review of this thesis. Completeness The script is comprehensive and covers the cocaine trade from cultivation to retail. Because the purpose of the crime script was to aid in the understanding of the activities, conditions, the individuals involved, the associated crimes and harms, the script is deemed to be complete. Parsimony The crime script presented here only includes information relevant to activities, individuals and conditions. Precision The script has been developed to suit the author´s requirements. The requirements have been stated in the method section. Uncertainty The script only shows what was available in the documents and the data elicited from expert interviews. Unknowns that could be relevant for the purpose of the script are considered in the discussion section. Usability The script presented here was designed to understand the cocaine trade across all stages. This paper provides an rich description of the crime commission process; the script presents a synthesised visual representation. Ambiguity For clarity, a narrative has accompanied the graphical depiction of the crime script. It is expected that the narrative minimises the possibility of ambiguity. Accuracy The graphical depiction of the crime script accurately shows the dependencies and flows from one activity to another, as well as the transitions between crime scripts. Results Figure 3 presents an overview of the cocaine trade crime commission process in Colombia. Conditions are categorised into three groups: prerequisites for activities, facilitators aiding their execution, and enforcement conditions (Tompson & Chainey, 2011). Table 6 lists the roles of individuals across the different stages of the cocaine trade. The crime commission process is delineated into four acts: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation, with the latter encompassing both wholesale and retail activities. The consolidation of wholesale and retail stages into one is attributed to limited data availability, particularly concerning wholesale activities. This aligns with existing literature highlighting the clandestine nature of the wholesale segment, posing challenges for research due to a scarcity of participants (Eck & Gersh, 2000; Reuter, 2014). The following narrative provides a detailed analysis of the findings, emphasising the conditions influencing each stage. It synthesises information from documents and interviews, incorporating references to relevant studies where applicable. Cultivation Coca fields in Colombia are situated both in plain sight and in hidden locations. They are often found near municipalities, within protected natural reserves, or in secluded areas away from urban areas. Small-scale cultivation is carried out by individual growers, including those from indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Some of these growers cultivate coca on their own land, while others grow it in public areas, including natural parks. This is partly because these communities, including indigenous and Afro-Colombian individuals, settled in these areas before they were designated as protected. In other cases, growers travel to protected areas to cultivate coca crops. Large-scale coca farms, on the other hand, are typically owned by drug traffickers. The absence of formal land ownership reduces the risks and costs associated with coca cultivation. If growers do not own the land, the potential repercussions of detection are limited to losing the crops, not forfeiting any land ownership rights. Those who grow coca on public land perceive lower risks, as they believe there are no specific stakeholders overseeing the land to prevent illicit activities (Bernal et al., 2020). Growers employ various strategies to avoid detection by authorities. A common one involves controlling the size of coca plots (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). Another is to access protected areas discreetly. For instance, some growers reportedly navigate through natural reserves by boat, turning off the motor and rowing quietly for about 15 minutes before concealing their boat with vegetation (Narváez Remuy, 2019). If their illicit activities are discovered, growers may resort to bribery to prevent crop removal. Before coca crops can be cultivated, the land requires preparation, which includes clearing it of weeds and debris, especially if trees have been cut down. Illegal tree felling is common, especially in protected natural parks. These illegally felled trees are sometimes sold on the black market. Land preparation also involves obtaining supplies such as fertilisers through an informal credit system, where agricultural suppliers provide products on informal credit to be repaid once the harvest is sold. Tools like chainsaws, machetes and axes are used in land preparation processes. After preparing the land, coca crops are planted using either seeds or stalks obtained from neighbours or through the informal credit system. Growers select different coca varieties based on availability and productivity 10 . Some maintain seedbeds to continuously grow new plants, replacing old ones or those destroyed by fumigation or law enforcement. Some even resort to bribery to prevent the uprooting of their crops. Coca crops reach peak productivity between 2 to 4 years, prompting growers to replant once this cycle ends. Throughout growth, crops are often fumigated. However, the chemicals used for fertilisation and fumigation pose environmental risks. Waste from packaging, including fertilisers and fumigating agents, is left on the land, contributing to environmental contamination. Following growth, coca plants are harvested. Known as “la raspa”, this process entails manually removing the leaves from the coca plant. The crop owners perform this task and hired harvesters. Commonly referred to as “raspachines” or “jornaleros”, these temporary workers are hired during harvesting seasons, travelling between sites as needed; they may also perform various tasks other than leaf picking, like helping to prepare the land for seeding. Harvesters wrap cloth around their hands to protect them from injury and irritation. Payment for raspachines is based on the mass of the harvested leaves. Equipment for harvesting includes duffel bags and burlap sacks for packing the leaves. Raspachines are provided with essential amenities such as sleeping mats and food for the duration of their work. After harvesting, the leaves are sold to makeshift labs for conversion into paste, the initial processing stage. Harvested coca leaves are typically carried by pack animals to nearby sites, where they can be processed, sometimes by the same harvesters. Reports from 2023 indicate a variation in prices at this stage, from as high as 1.37 USD to 0.52 USD per kilogram, putting farmers under significant economic strain and contributing to hunger; this price decline contrasts with the continued demand for cocaine and the stability of prices abroad (Doherty, 2023). Researchers from the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) suggest several factors behind this decline, including an increase in coca crops in Bolivia and Peru, changes in military and police leadership, the takedown of top criminals, the erosion of hierarchy within armed and criminal groups, and criminal organisations establishing their own cultivation and distribution networks, with some shifting from cocaine production to precious-metals mining (Isacson, 2023). For coca growers, cultivating coca provides a means of survival and educational opportunities for their families. The consistent demand for coca leaves and paste and the ease of commercialisation enable growers to sustain themselves in regions lacking legal crop commerce infrastructure. An example of the difficulty in the commercialisation of legal crops, over growing coca, was expressed by one harvester (Narváez Remuy, 2019, p. 71, translated), I don't cultivate chagra – the indigenous term for legal crops – or sócalo. I grow around 300 plantain plants and yield about 200 bunches. However, there's no market for it. Transporting it to Puerto Asis – the nearest town – takes four hours, or to Puerto Leguízamo – another nearby town – it's a three-hour journey by river. It's expensive. Even if I find a buyer, it's often not worth the effort, resulting in losses and sunburn for no gain. In other cases, harvesting coca becomes a means to maintain a certain lifestyle. Another harvester remarked, “I work to afford branded clothes like Tommy Hilfiger, American jeans, quality shoes, a good motorcycle, an iPhone, and to travel to Neiva, Pitalito, and Medellín. I enjoy fine beers like Corona and Old Parr whiskey” (Narváez Remuy, 2019, p. 71, translated). Processing Processing coca leaves into cocaine involves three steps: extraction and refinement, oxidation and re-oxidation, and crystallisation. This process is demand-driven, with input material acquired as needed. Drug traffickers procure the chemicals necessary for processing paste, base, and cocaine through various means, including diverting chemicals from the legal industry, contraband, and clandestine production. During extraction, the coca alkaloid is separated from the leaves by chopping them and mixing them with quicklime or cement, sometimes with the addition of a fertiliser. The mixture is stirred and then poured into plastic bins, where it undergoes further processing with chemicals, such as gasoline, sulfuric acid, water, sodium bicarbonate, acetone, and caustic soda, to produce coca paste. Refinement involves converting the coca paste into coca base by mixing it with potassium permanganate (perga), and cooking and drying it. Some of this product is then processed into basuco. Extraction and refinement typically occur in makeshift shacks at large coca growing sites or specialised locations known as "cocinas" or "chongos”. The equipment used includes plastic bins, choppers, cloths, scales, and sticks. Coca leaves may be processed into paste and base either by coca growers, labourers, or specialised chemists known as "quimiqueros." In various regions including the Pacific, Putumayo-Caquetá and Amazon, specialists often collect leaves from various growers and process them, while in other areas, growers handle the processing themselves. Once processed, the coca base or paste is collected and stored at farmhouses, then transported via motorcycles or public transport to buyers appointed by drug traffickers (also called “commissioners”). It is them who determine the purchasing price. The average prices for 1 kg of coca paste and 1 kg of coca base in 2022 were 1,731,800 Colombian pesos (approximately 401 USD) and $2,554,000 (approximately 591 USD), respectively (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022). Following extraction and refinement, the process advances to oxidation/re-oxidation and crystallisation. Oxidation/re-oxidation is a chemical procedure aimed at achieving higher purity levels, using substances such as sulfuric acid, ammonia, and potassium permanganate. Like extraction and refinement sites, re-oxidation facilities are often shacks situated in large coca-growing areas or specialised locations. The equipment used in these sites includes washers, rudimentary filters, and stoves. Crystallisation is the last step and requires additional substances and more sophisticated equipment. Crystallisation sites are strategically concealed in challenging-to-reach places close to water sources, including jungles, mountains or mangroves. Equipment essential for this stage includes double boilers, ovens, microwaves, dryers, large lamps, and rustic filters. At this point, emissaries of drug traffickers travel to processing sites to verify the requisite purity before dispatching the product. The average price for 1 kg of cocaine was 5,243,200 Colombian pesos (approximately 1214 USD) (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022). Distribution Once cocaine is produced, it is transported along various routes, including rivers, terrestrial paths, and roads, within the country. To secure it, armed groups often form alliances and operational pacts, especially with drug traffickers, both domestically and across borders. Cocaine is ingeniously concealed during transport, sometimes concealed within timber acquired legally or illegally. Drug traffickers oversee its distribution, either for exportation or domestic wholesale and retail distribution. Concealment methods for smuggling cocaine across borders are diverse and sophisticated, including ingesting cocaine capsules or affixing them to the human body (referred to as "mules"), concealing within containers or other cargo at airports and ports, in postal packages, luggage, or employing camouflage or chemical masking techniques. However, the practice of ingesting cocaine poses significant health risks and dangers to the individuals involved (Traub et al., 2003). Large quantities of cargo are typically stored in "nurseries," which are houses and warehouses strategically located near departure points for shipment via maritime routes. The shipment process involves the collaboration between various individuals. The Gulf Clan ("Clan del Golfo"), for instance, are an armed group, notorious for playing a pivotal role in the logistics of this stage, handling the storage and transportation of cocaine abroad while managing the influx of profits. They collect cocaine from different traffickers and levy a fee for shipment services rendered. Additionally, as Cajiao et al. (2018: 17, translated) explain, the Gulf Clan possess the financial means to bribe authorities to expedite the shipping process: “Apart from sending their production, they are in charge of gathering drugs from different drug traffickers (small, medium or large) who are charged 15% of the value of the shipment to send it to destinations such as Italy, Spain or other countries (…) the ‘Clan del Golfo’ controls the ports of departure for the drug and has the economic capacity and international contacts to bribe the authorities and facilitate the transit of large drug shipments.” Individuals known as coordinators or note-takers, referred to as "apuntadores" in Spanish, serve as brokers in the process of collecting cocaine from various drug traffickers. They establish contact with intermediaries or are contacted themselves to arrange for the collection of cocaine for shipment. These coordinators take on the responsibility for the shipment and coordinate with entities such as the Gulf Clan. Additionally, they arrange for the shipment to be insured by individuals willing to invest in the operation. These investors may not be directly involved in or knowledgeable about the specifics of drug trafficking operations. Interviewee 5 highlighted how many individuals working in various professions around the world indirectly benefit from the cocaine trade: “They are not familiar with the crops, but they have the capacity to invest, and through a broker, they invest in the business (…) People in suits, quietly living all over the world and making money from this stuff.” (translated). Another interviewee (No. 15) referred to these individuals as the "invisibles," describing them as entrepreneurs who become involved in the cocaine trade because of their business ventures rather than direct criminal ties. In the event of a lost shipment, the note-taker is obligated to compensate the drug traffickers using the insurance payout. Small to medium-sized shipments are clandestinely transported via maritime, aerial, terrestrial, or riverine routes by armed groups, drug traffickers, and dissidents from former FARC-EP factions. Maritime shipments typically depart from ports and coastal areas aboard large ships, speedboats, sailboats, fishing vessels, submersibles, and semi-submersibles. Other exit points include international airports, illicit aircraft, and both formal and informal terrestrial crossings. The distribution phase of the cocaine trade is intertwined with various illicit activities, including the construction of illegal infrastructure, corruption through bribery and money laundering, and the pervasive threat of violence. Armed groups in regions with limited road networks, such as the Amazon, have established clandestine roadways to streamline the distribution process. Proceeds from drug trafficking are often laundered through illicit mining operations, while intermediaries and distributors use channels like chain stores to conceal the illegal origins of their funds. Collaboration with corrupt customs officials enables note-takers to identify available containers and their destinations, with additional bribery ensuring that containers evade inspection by law enforcement. Violence, ranging from intimidation to outright murder, is a common tactic employed by drug traffickers and armed groups to enforce compliance within the distribution network. In one interview, a coordinator revealed the grim reality of the trade: "We've lost numerous colleagues and friends. Failed shipments result in significant casualties. Without this fear, criminal organisations would lose their grip, and everyone would attempt to exploit them" (Hernández-Mora, 2017b, translated). Territorial control by armed groups and its involvement in cultivation, processing, and distribution stages Conflicts for territorial control over strategic areas for cocaine trade (from cultivating areas to trafficking corridors) have risen between armed groups after the signature of the peace agreements and the subsequent demobilisation of the FARC-EP guerrilla group (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). These include groups consolidated by dissidents, that is, previous members of FARC-EP that did not demobilise and submit to the justice system (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). Armed groups control cocaine trade areas for cultivation, processing and distribution. FIP and adelphi (2021) explained that the expansion of coca cultivation for drug trafficking and the resurgence of trafficking routes have significantly worsened security in various regions. This decline is driven by conflicts between illegal armed groups and criminal organisations vying for control over critical areas used for illicit crop production and cocaine trafficking routes. The conflicts among armed factions vying for territorial dominance breed a cycle of violence and fear within communities. With territorial control comes the authority over all aspects of the cocaine trade, including land seizures, pricing of coca leaves, and the recruitment of individuals—be it through coercion or manipulation —spanning from farmers to indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. Even minors are targeted, with organised criminal groups exploiting them for recruitment to perform activities such as extortion, drug production, smuggling, forced sex work, assassination, and frontline combat roles (Charles, 2021b) . Authorities can also be intimidated. For example, a shipment coordinator said that drug-traffickers would meet custom and antinarcotics police officers and offer them 30 million pesos for ‘collaborating’ with them (about US$7000), and then added: “when you are handed 30 million pesos for meeting you, you know that you can die if you don´t accept them” (Hernández-Mora, 2017b). Furthermore, the imposition of armed groups often obstructs governmental initiatives, leading to a dearth of development opportunities for affected communities. This imposition is compounded by the pervasive threat of violence, compelling many to flee their homes in search of safety elsewhere. Community members find themselves hemmed in this environment by intimidation and restricted mobility, while those who dare to oppose the status quo face dire consequences—illustrated by the chilling warning that even advocating against environmental destruction could result in lethal reprisal (Van Dexter & Visseren-Hamakers, 2020). Moreover, the proliferation of cocaine-related activities not only erodes the cultural fabric of indigenous and Afro-Colombian societies but also fuels a surge in addiction among community members. In this context, organised crime groups wield a complex image, perceived by some as protectors, business partners, or even arbiters of social justice, yet simultaneously regarded as adversaries to peace and stability (van Uhm & Grigore, 2021). Commercialisation 11 Cocaine, basuco, and, to a lesser extent, coca paste/base are trafficked within national borders. Likened to crack cocaine, basuco is predominantly traded within borders due to its lower cost and heightened addictive potency compared to cocaine, as noted by Interviewee 4. The wholesale and retail of these substances are controlled by drug traffickers who supply dealers operating in various settings, including public areas, tourist spots, and event venues. Retail transactions such as homes and cars also occur in public and private settings. Unfortunately, minors are often coerced or groomed into becoming drug runners and dealers. Transactions The sale and purchasing of cocaine typically occurs through trusted networks and are often arranged via social media platforms, although deception between buyers and sellers is uncommon. Moreover, retailers frequently "cut" (i.e., dilute) the drugs with other substances, both psychoactive and non-psychoactive, to increase the quantity and boost profits. Retail transactions such as the purchasing of homes and cars also occur in public and private settings. As noted in the processing stage, the average price for 1 kg of cocaine was $5,243,200 Colombian pesos (approximately 1214 USD) (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022) in Colombia. For comparison, the price of 1 kg of cocaine in 2021 was 34,611 USD in the United Kingdom and 30,500 USD in the United States (UNODC, 2024). In Medellin, the wholesale drug trade is overseen by powerful figures known as "Razones," who supply narcotics to retail gangs referred to as "Combos." These entities may operate independently or form symbiotic relationships characterised by long-term "business and military alliances" (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 12). Combos exert territorial control within their designated areas of operation, employing various tactics to maintain dominance. These include bribing police officers so that they can carry out their drug sales and other illicit activities without disruption from police, enforcing payment of debts, acting as mediators in community disputes, loan sharing and extortion. While engaging in such illegal activities, Combos also strive to cultivate a sense of loyalty and protection among residents, shielding them from law enforcement, internal conflicts, and rival gangs. The following quotes are illustrative of these dynamics: “[T]hat the neighbors love us, do not rat us out to the tombos [cops], watch us doing our stuff and do not interfere, and let us know when the police are coming.” (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 18) “the police station is across from our headquarters, and they never bother us. They know where our drug corners are and who works there. That’s why it’s important to keep the neighborhood calm: if nothing bad happens, the police don’t squeeze us and let us work.” (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 19). Discussion As Colombia remains the world's foremost cocaine producer, understanding the crime commission process and the contextual conditions facilitating it becomes imperative to facilitate the design of counter-drug policy and interventions. This paper systematically compiled reliable information on the various stages of the cocaine trade in Colombia since November 2016. It has highlighted the activities, the diverse roles of individuals, and the conditions facilitating the trade, including the influence of armed groups. The aim was to present this information in a useful structured format to understand the trade better. Four stages were scripted: 1. Cultivation, wherein growers cultivate coca crops and harvest coca leaves; 2. Processing, where growers and drug traffickers refine coca leaves into paste or base, subsequently transformed by specialists into cocaine; 3. Distribution, encompassing the domestic dispersal of cocaine by traffickers; and 4. Commercialisation, where traffickers and gangs engage in wholesale and retail transactions with end-users. The interplay of armed groups, environmental degradation, health risks, and corruption profoundly shapes the cocaine trade in Colombia. Throughout the trade's stages, from cultivation to distribution, these groups exert control through violence, coercion, and forced recruitment, including of vulnerable populations. Environmental damage results from toxic chemicals, deforestation, and illegal road networks, while health impacts arise from harvesting, chemical exposure, smuggling, and the consumption of adulterated cocaine. In the form of bribery, corruption facilitates these criminal activities by mitigating detection risks. The combination of these factors, alongside the strategic control of trade processes by armed groups and gangs, fosters a thriving cocaine trade. This analysis aligns with the UNODC-SIMCI’s (2023a) report, which highlights the role of strategic locations, institutional fragility, and armed group dominance as key factors in Colombia's cocaine trade. The comprehensive crime script developed in this paper combines insights from various sources, including academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism, and expert interviews. This integrative approach yields several notable benefits. Firstly, it consolidates scattered data, providing a more holistic portrayal of the cocaine trade in Colombia. By corroborating findings from various sources (30 documents + 15 interviews), the script confirms existing knowledge regarding the processes involved in the cocaine trade and the pervasiveness of territorial control and violence (e.g., Mejia & Restrepo, 2013; Millán‐Quijano, 2020) and corruption (e.g., Thoumi, 2012) across different stages of the trade. Including expert perspectives enriched the analysis by introducing nuanced insights not necessarily reflected in published reports. For instance, the incorporation of basuco—a derivative of cocaine—is a testament to how expert contributions enhance the comprehensiveness of the script, shedding light on aspects of the trade often overlooked in mainstream literature. Our study underscores the value of applying crime scripting and analysis to the cocaine trade within Colombia. While existing literature has explored various facets of the cocaine trade, our approach involved systematically identifying and appraising information about the various aspects of the trade and organising it into a single, coherent document. Our contribution lies in offering a structured and systematic overview of the entire crime process and demonstrating an approach that others can use to represent complex criminal activities such as illegal trade. The produced crime script is a versatile tool for understanding, combating, and mitigating the impacts of the cocaine trade. It offers a comprehensive understanding of the crime commission process, allowing for the identification of patterns and differences across trade stages—from cultivation to commercialisation. This nuanced understanding lays the groundwork for identifying associated crimes and harms at each stage. The study’s findings indicate that the cocaine trade involves a wide range of criminal activities beyond the direct cultivation, processing, distribution, and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. These include corruption, bribery, violent offences, and environmental transgressions. Aligned to Greenfield and Paoli’s (2013, 2022) harm taxonomy for organised crime harm, the findings reveal that the cocaine trade causes various types of harm—such as physical and material damage—across different domains, including individuals, the environment, and government institutions. We argue that the crime script can be used to more systematically identify crimes linked to the cocaine trade and associated harms, thereby enriching our understanding of the trade's criminal implications and harmful effects. The study's findings also show how risks are mitigated through tactics like bribery and exploitation of remote regions, and the existence of economic incentives, limited law enforcement access, and community loyalty despite logistical challenges and the threat of violence. From a situational crime prevention standpoint (Clarke, 1980), the script represents a critical tool for the structured identification of vulnerabilities and intervention points throughout the cocaine trade. As such, it might be helpful to those tasked with identifying strategic ways to disrupt the trade, appraising current counter-drug policies, and facilitating evidence-based decision-making and resource allocation. Additionally, this script can be integrated with other frameworks that cover stages beyond Colombian borders, such as Staring et al.’s (2019, 2023) crime script on cocaine smuggling in the Netherlands. This integration can enhance international cooperation and support efforts to combat transnational organised crime networks involved in drug trafficking. Lastly, the script is a foundation for comparative analysis with other illicit drug trades and organised criminal activities, enhancing our understanding of commonalities and differences across contexts and informing targeted intervention and prevention strategies. This study also contributes methodologically to the field. Traditionally, the generation of crime scripts has been characterised by intuitive methods, lacking adherence to a strict and recognised scripting protocol (Dehghanniri & Borrion, 2019). Numerous crime script studies relying on Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) lack a systematic and explicit procedure for document search, selection, and analysis (see comparison of studies in Appendix 4). In this research, we employed a method inspired by Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022), making several modifications to refine the approach. While we followed their method of identifying and selecting documents using OSINT and coding the data through thematic analysis, we introduced enhancements to the document search strategy by incorporating systematic review methods. Unlike their reliance on Google searches, our study focused on academic databases for scholarly literature, relevant grey literature sources, and investigative journalism materials, and also incorporated information elicited through expert interviews. These interviews verified activities and connections, streamlined the crime script by eliminating activities that do not consistently occur (e.g., transport between harvest and extraction), and incorporated activities not identified in the thematic analysis (e.g., synthesis of basuco). Finally, we evaluated the crime script using the quality assurance criteria proposed by Borrion (2013). The method we propose here shares some features with the framework outlined by Borrion and Dehghanniri (2023). Both approaches emphasise a systematic progression from data collection and information extraction to script development, visualisation, and rigorous verification and validation processes. Dehghanniri and Borrion (2019) advocated more structured approaches to crime scripting to enhance confidence in the resulting scripts and identified methodological deficiencies for rectification. Embracing best practices in content analysis, we have endeavoured to offer a detailed and explicit protocol to ensure replicability, clear sampling and selection criteria, and refinement of keywords for the search (Lacy et al., 2015). In sum, our methodological approach aligns with the call for structured methods in crime scripting, aiming to enhance the robustness and replicability of findings while also addressing methodological shortcomings identified in the literature. Examining the crime script also provided valuable insights into the relevance of Borrion’s (2013) quality assurance criteria. Utilising these criteria led us to uncover elements of the crime script that may have otherwise been overlooked during its development. For example, the criterion of "typology" compelled us to assess the nature of the script—whether it was enacted, planned, or another variant—while "context" demanded a thorough delineation of the contextual environment in which the crime script unfolds. The script's adequacy in terms of parsimony, completeness, precision, and ambiguity was enhanced through iterative revisions by the authors and expert interviews. However, arriving at a specific assessment for each attribute proved challenging. These challenges arose from the lack of a comparative reference for our crime script or a specific assessment method beyond describing our approach to crafting it. For instance, ambiguity could be evaluated by examining how different individuals interpret the script. The quality assurance criteria originate from requirements engineering, where a distinct user or client anticipates a specific design. Adapting them to crime-related issues and scientific inquiry may require further refinement and customisation. The current application of these criteria to crime scripting and scholarly research underscores the necessity for ongoing development and adaptation to ensure their relevance and effectiveness in these contexts. Like all research endeavours, this study is not devoid of limitations. Documents were not specifically crafted for this study's objectives, which may lead to incompleteness, misalignment with research aims, biases, and challenges in assessing authenticity and accuracy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015; Peters, 2020). However, as outlined in the method section, we thoroughly assessed document sources, with any deemed lacking in quality or trustworthiness discarded. To address potential gaps in information, we used a template which outlined that the cocaine trade comprises four stages: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation, the last of which is composed of two main activities: wholesale and retail. Following Cornish's guidance (1994), the template facilitated the identification of knowledge gaps, particularly in the wholesale and retail stages. While existing crime scripts focusing on illicit drug commercialisation offer valuable insights (Bright & Delaney, 2013; Jacques & Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma & Piza, 2018), it is important to acknowledge the diversity of drug markets. These range from seemingly serene locales like the Red-Light District (Jacques & Bernasco, 2013) to the notably violent open-air markets such as the Bronx market in Bogota (Mantilla, 2021), and those near educational institutions (Willits et al., 2015). Although interviewees didn't provide detailed specifics, they alluded to a wide array of drug markets in Colombia. Another gap in understanding pertains to how the cocaine trade operates in cyberspace. Only one document (Pulgarín Morales, 2020) briefly mentioned the use of social networks to facilitate dealings with drug dealers in Colombia, lacking further elaboration. However, some research (e.g., Dolliver et al., 2018; Foley et al., 2019; Rawat et al., 2022) and the UNODC (2023) have highlighted the substantial role of cyberspace in drug trafficking. Insight from Lavorgna's (2014) crime script on internet-mediated drug trafficking in the United States, Netherlands, and Italy, and Leontiadis and Hutchins’ (2015) script on the commercialisation of prescription drugs for illicit drugs on the Internet may offer partial understanding. However, the applicability to a developing country like Colombia, with distinct internet access and usage patterns, necessitates caution (OECD, 2017). Similarly, examining crime scripts focusing on drug markets on the darknet (Jardine, 2021; Joyce, 2023; Morgenthaler & Leclerc, 2023) could provide valuable insights. Another limitation of this study is the reliance on a single coder for the thematic analysis, precluding inter-rater reliability assessment. While efforts were made to enhance the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings through rigorous coding procedures, ongoing reflexivity and expert interviews, multiple researchers' lack of independent coding may introduce a potential source of bias or subjectivity in interpreting the data (Clark et al., 2021). The qualitative nature of this study limits the generalisability of findings to other contexts, affecting external validity. Nonetheless, the study provides a comprehensive exploration of the dynamics specific to the cocaine trade in Colombia. Conclusion This study presents a comprehensive crime script of the cocaine trade in Colombia, analysing its processes and facilitating conditions. Through a systematic review of academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism, and expert interviews, the research reveals the complex interplay of actors, activities, and factors driving this illicit trade. Findings emphasise the influence of armed groups in controlling territories and impacting various stages of the trade, posing considerable challenges for counter-drug efforts. The environmental damage, health risks, and corruption associated with the cocaine trade further underscore the need for comprehensive interventions. This study contributes a structured and systematic representation of the cocaine trade in Colombia, filling a gap in existing research. It demonstrates the value of crime scripting as a tool for understanding complex criminal activities and refines existing crime scripting methodologies by advocating for more rigorous and transparent research practices. Despite limitations related to secondary data and potential biases, this research provides a valuable foundation for future investigations and informs the design of targeted interventions. The developed crime script can facilitate international cooperation in combating drug trafficking and contribute to a deeper understanding of the broader implications of the cocaine trade. Future research should address identified knowledge gaps, particularly regarding the wholesale stage and the role of cyberspace and further explore the application and refinement of quality assurance criteria for crime scripts. By advancing our understanding of the cocaine trade, we can contribute to more effective strategies for disrupting this illicit industry and mitigating its associated harms. Declarations Ethics approval The study was reviewed by the Department of Security and Crime Science Ethics Committee and was granted an exemption from requiring approval by the UCL Research Ethics Committee. All procedures were conducted under ethical standards for research involving human participants. Consent to participate Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Funding The funding bodies had no role in the study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, or manuscript preparation. Author Contribution J.GQ. designed the study, conducted the data collection and interviews, carried out the analysis, and drafted the initial manuscript. H.B. guided the study design, reviewed the method and analysis, and refined the manuscript. S.C. provided initial guidance on the study design and contributed to manuscript refinement. All authors reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript. Acknowledgement This research was funded by the Faculty of Engineering at University College London, Fundación para el futuro de Colombia (Colfuturo), and Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation of Colombia (MinCiencias). We are grateful to Dr Amy Thornton for her guidance on the design of this study method and Professor Jyoti Belur for her feedback on earlier versions of this paper. Data Availability Extracts of the data analysed during this study are included in this published article. However, the full interview transcripts cannot be shared due to data protection considerations. References Abu-Saada, L., & Brown, G. (2020). Cocaine. In J. Sweet, The Business of Drugs. [Video file]. Retrieved from: https://www.netflix.com/gb/title/80199963 . Alcaldía Distrital de Santa Marta - Secretaría de Salud del Distrito de Santa Marta, & UNODC - Oficina de las Naciones Unidas contra la Droga y el Delito. (2018). Caracterización del consumo de drogas en el Distrito Turístico, Cultural e Histórico de Santa Marta . http://www.odc.gov.co/Portals/1/publicaciones/pdf/consumo/estudios/locales/Caracterizacion-consumo-drogas-Sta-Marta.pdf Alonso Berbotto, A., & Chainey, S. (2021). 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A group of researchers and practitioners (n = 24) with expertise in crime and security-related issues in Latin America and the Caribbean were invited to participate during the week of 8 March 2021. These individuals were either current or former postgraduate researchers with backgrounds in relevant fields. Half of the invited participants (n = 12) completed the survey. Intermediate forms of the substance before becoming cocaine. The official name for the salt form of cocaine. “cocaine base obtained from cocaine hydrochloride through conversion processes to make it suitable for smoking” UNODC. (2020b). World Drug Report 2020. Booklet 2: Drug Use and Health Consequences . UNODC. https://wdr.unodc.org/wdr2020/en/drug-use-health.html . p. 47 A street name for cocaine. See for example: Motta-Ochoa, R., Bertrand, K., Arruda, N., Jutras-Aswad, D., & Roy, É. ( 2017 ). “I love having benzos after my coke shot”: The use of psychotropic medication among cocaine users in downtown Montreal. International Journal of Drug Policy , 49 , 15–23. Bazuco, “derived from the Spanish for ‘dirty trash of cocaine’, is a psychoactive by product of cocaine production, a residual paste left at the bottom of the barrel after the pure drug has been produced” Daniels, J. P. (2015). Bogotá tackles basuco addiction. The Lancet , 386 (9998), 1027–1028. Because Google Scholar does not allow advanced searches using Booleans and truncations, the search was run using Publish and Perish. The expert is fluent in English and Spanish, has participated in drug policy design processes for Colombia and in international drug policy forums. Productivity in terms of how many leaves they produce and how much of the coca alkaloid they can extract later in the processing stage. Most of the data coded for this stage is based on the account found in Blattman et al. ( 2021 ) about gangs in Medellin. Therefore, this section first provides a summary of this account. The narrative is then complimented with data found in the other documents. Table Table 6 is available in the Supplementary Files section. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Supplementary Files Appendix.docx Table6.docx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Published Journal Publication published 15 Jan, 2026 Read the published version in Trends in Organized Crime → Version 1 posted Editorial decision: Revision requested 19 May, 2025 Reviews received at journal 18 May, 2025 Reviewers agreed at journal 28 Apr, 2025 Reviewers invited by journal 10 Mar, 2025 Editor assigned by journal 07 Mar, 2025 Submission checks completed at journal 07 Mar, 2025 First submitted to journal 26 Feb, 2025 You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6113201","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":425491322,"identity":"1de74edb-1d44-40a8-9e1a-48b3efd13326","order_by":0,"name":"Juliana Gómez-Quintero","email":"data:image/png;base64,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","orcid":"","institution":"University College London","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Juliana","middleName":"","lastName":"Gómez-Quintero","suffix":""},{"id":425491323,"identity":"588076b8-b553-4ce8-bee3-b0ff9e742960","order_by":1,"name":"Hervé Borrion","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University College London","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Hervé","middleName":"","lastName":"Borrion","suffix":""},{"id":425491324,"identity":"a1b205b8-9c45-4449-907a-ddceed1d275c","order_by":2,"name":"Spencer Chainey","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"University College London","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Spencer","middleName":"","lastName":"Chainey","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-02-26 12:38:15","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[{"content":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-025-09579-z","type":"published","date":"2026-01-15T16:28:40+00:00"}],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":78147798,"identity":"f7f21487-bb37-4f92-ab9e-b2fd4fcaa8f1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-10 11:19:50","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":69543,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eDocument search and selection strategy\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe dashed line denotes the process of conducting backward and forward research scanning on selected documents, which led to the discovery and selection of additional relevant literature. Unlike the solid lines representing direct document flow, this step served to augment the selection process by identifying supplementary materials for inclusion in the assessment phase.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/95455759ebca52f9ac31f9e4.png"},{"id":78147799,"identity":"fc654daa-00e9-4ddd-8491-7fdab92d99a6","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-10 11:19:50","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":44062,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSchematic illustration of the combination of search terms across the different concepts and Boolean operators (based on Tompson \u0026amp; Belur, 2016 adaption of Hammerstrøm, K. (no date)).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNote. Speech marks “” were used to specify that the exact phrase was needed and * were used as truncations to allow the search for different endings for the search term (e.g., coca, cocaine). Spanish terms in square brackets [ ].\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/4693c3e0bb141c24d376fe8a.png"},{"id":78147801,"identity":"1a96388e-3778-4301-b5e1-a67846cb318b","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-10 11:19:50","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":145158,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eCrime script of the cocaine trade in Colombia\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/d61bba0a6215229b71130e03.png"},{"id":100615777,"identity":"5c6e5396-e971-42c8-b01c-0489b4cce77a","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-01-19 17:36:44","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1208523,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/7bff8502-1892-4dcd-932d-306077a7b1e1.pdf"},{"id":78147800,"identity":"52cb8899-f2e5-4b1e-a9af-a9909db72993","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-10 11:19:50","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":56794,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Appendix.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/70c0697b490d47b7944676d1.docx"},{"id":78149128,"identity":"a9528f6c-e85a-4224-bda1-440bcd8b0e91","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-03-10 11:27:54","extension":"docx","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":17595,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Table6.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6113201/v1/a98a2138176a393b433e0e16.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Crop to coke: a script of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eCocaine production is at an all-time high, with Colombia continuing to be the leading global supplier\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e1\u003c/sup\u003e. The latest UNODC coca census for Colombia estimated that cocaine production in 2023 amounted to 2,664 tonnes, produced from 253,000 hectares of coca crops (UNODC-SIMCI, 2024). This is five times more crops and more than nine times more cocaine than the estimates for 2013. While Colombian cartels are notorious for exporting cocaine around the world, it is less known that about 3% of the production (80 tonnes) stays in the country for domestic consumption (Mej\u0026iacute;a \u0026amp; Rico, 2017). In addition to the health harms associated with cocaine use, the cocaine trade also generates significant levels of violence, corruption, money laundering, and environmental destruction (EMCDDA \u0026amp; EUROPOL, 2019; Global Commission on Drug Policy, 2020; UNODC, 2020a).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile destination countries, such as the USA, UK, and Australia, concentrate their efforts on countering the trafficking and retail distribution of illicit drugs, illicit drug-producing nations like Colombia must address all stages of the drug trade: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation. The Evaluation of Drug Policy Report for Colombia by the Commission of the Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism (2019) underscores the complex nature of this challenge. The report highlighted Colombia\u0026apos;s commendable efforts in reducing drug supply, particularly at the production and trafficking stages, and the initiatives to address drug abuse. The country has implemented programmes to alleviate poverty in regions most affected by coca crops, sustained preventive measures targeting youth, and established treatment centres to mitigate the harms of drug use (Multilateral Evaluation Mechanism, 2019). But despite these efforts, the current large volume of cocaine production underscores the difficulty of the task for producing countries.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo unpack the complexity of crime, scientists increasingly rely on a technique known as crime scripting and analysis (Cornish, 1994). Crime scripts are knowledge structures that represent the sequential logical steps involved in committing a crime. These procedural models can be used to highlight \u0026lsquo;the choices and decisions made by offenders before, during and after committing a specific type of crime\u0026rsquo;, and are \u0026lsquo;designed to provide a standardized, systematic and comprehensive understanding of crime-commission processes\u0026rsquo; (Leclerc, 2017: 119). Relevant to our aim, crime scripts were found especially useful in understanding the activities of organised crime groups (Chainey \u0026amp; Alonso Berbotto, 2022; Hancock \u0026amp; Laycock, 2010; Leclerc, 2017).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study employs crime script analysis to characterise the Colombian cocaine trade, spanning from coca cultivation to end-user distribution, while also examining the trade conditions. By scripting each stage of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders, our goal is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the entire process. This paper not only maps the stages of the cocaine trade but also introduces a refined method framework for crime scripting and analysis. Our approach includes a systematic search strategy and a structured format that provides a comprehensive yet concise trade representation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA comprehensive crime script of the cocaine trade in Colombia across all stages offers numerous advantages for both comprehension and policy formulation. Firstly, it provides a panoramic view of the phenomenon and sheds light on the interconnectedness of different elements within the trade. This, in turn, can facilitate the identification of crimes and harms associated with the trade, both within and across stages. It can help law enforcement agencies and policymakers identify critical nodes of the trade. It is, therefore, a helpful step towards designing and evaluating counter-drug interventions, facilitating evidence-based decision-making and resource allocation across the different stages. Furthermore, the crime script is a foundation for comparing crime scripts of other illicit drug trades.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe start with an overview of the literature on crime scripts and their use for analysing drug trafficking. We then describe the method applied to script the cocaine trade in Colombia. The result is then used to analyse and discuss how the cocaine trade unfolds in the Colombian context.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eCrime scripts\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn this paper, we use crime scripts to identify the decision-making processes and contextual factors involved in the cocaine trade in Colombia. Findings of (pseudo) rational behaviour in drug trafficking suggest that analysing criminals\u0026apos; decisions can help us understand the phenomenon. Purvis and Gundur (2019), for instance, highlighted the constant adaptation of drug traffickers to evolving circumstances, including changes in supply dynamics, heightened interdiction risks, and market competition. Cocaine traffickers operating at the port of Rotterdam were observed to leverage insider knowledge and organisational cooperation as part of their rational strategies to circumvent detection and enhance their smuggling operations (Staring et al., 2023). Drug trafficking organisations are known to adeptly adjust their strategies in response to law enforcement interdiction operations (Toth \u0026amp; Mitchell, 2018). These behaviours corroborate the hypothesis that offenders assess the utility of their actions, so we proposed using the Rational Choice Perspective as a theoretical framework in this research.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIntroduced by Cornish (1994), these event models delineate the sequential steps and decision points inherent in criminal activities. Borrowed from cognitive science, crime scripting and analysis provides a structured approach to understanding performed crime commission processes, but also planned and potential ones (Borrion, 2013). Crime scripts can be crafted at various levels of abstraction, from the most specific instances known as \u003cem\u003etracks\u003c/em\u003e to more general ones termed \u003cem\u003emetascripts\u003c/em\u003e (Cornish, 1994). These descriptions can be visualised through tables, flowcharts, or textual narratives (Dehghanniri \u0026amp; Borrion, 2019). Tables show detailed components for each scene but cannot depict activity flows. In contrast, process diagrams can represent more complex connections between and within scenes (e.g., Sytsma \u0026amp; Piza, 2018). \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003ePublished scripts about drug trafficking\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1 summarises the features (e.g., substance of interest, stages of the drug trade and settings) of published research on the illegal drugs trade, including but not limited to the cocaine trade. These studies, spanning from 2011 to 2023, have all used a script-based approach to reveal the procedural aspects of illicit drug trades. All of them show that these trades comprise interconnected stages, typically commencing with \u003cem\u003egrowing\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eprocessing\u003c/em\u003e in the case of plant-based drugs like cocaine or heroin or \u003cem\u003emanufacturing\u003c/em\u003e in the case of synthetic drugs. Subsequent stages involve \u003cem\u003edistribution\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003ecommercialisation\u003c/em\u003e, encompassing wholesale and retail sales (Purvis \u0026amp; Gundur, 2019). Despite the breadth of research, there remain critical gaps in understanding, as highlighted by Staring et al. (2023), who emphasise that there is limited knowledge of logistical processes in source and transit countries. Of these 17 studies, only two, conducted by Staring et al. (2019, 2023) and van Santvoord and van Ruitenburg (2022), have specifically analysed cocaine smuggling during the distribution stage in the Netherlands. Only one (Mantilla, 2021) has examined the illicit drug trade in Colombia, with a focus on the Bronx - a notorious hub of illicit activity in Bogot\u0026aacute;, marked by rampant drug trafficking, crime, and extreme poverty. Interestingly, none of the studies have comprehensively scripted the cocaine trade across all stages within Colombian borders.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 1 Overview of crime script studies on drug trafficking\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"99%\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStudy\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSubstance\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStage\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSetting\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBright and Delaney (2013)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMethamphetamine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eManufacturing, distribution, commercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAustralia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChainey and Guererro (2019)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOpium\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultivation, processing\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMexico\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChiu et al. (2011)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEcstasy and methamphetamine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eManufacturing\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAustralia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDuijn et al. (2014)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCannabis\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultivation, distribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNetherlands\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eJacques and Bernasco (2013)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNetherlands\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eJardine (2021)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInternet\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eJoyce (2023)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInternet\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLavorgna (2014)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRecreational drugs, synthetic \u0026amp; new psychoactive substances\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eProduction, distribution, commercialisation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInternet; Italy, Netherlands, and USA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLe (2013)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHeroin\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAustralia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLeontiadis and Hutchings (2015)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIllicit use prescription drugs\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInternet\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLuong (2019)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHeroin and methamphetamine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eLaos and Vietnam\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMantilla (2021)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eColombia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMorgenthaler and Leclerc (2023)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution, commercialisation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAustralia\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eStaring et al. (2019, 2023)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCocaine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNetherlands\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSytsma and Piza (2018)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUnspecified\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUSA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003evan Santvoord and van Ruitenburg (2022)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCocaine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNetherlands\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 30px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eVidal and D\u0026eacute;cary-H\u0026eacute;tu (2018)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMethamphetamine\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 22px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eManufacturing\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 24px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUSA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe cocaine trade involves context and substance-specific characteristics that warrant a study focusing on these singularities. For example, the contexts where the heroin trade and the cocaine trade develop are highly dissimilar. While cocaine production is concentrated in South American countries, heroin is mainly produced in Afghanistan with some production also in Southeast Asia and Latin America (UNODC, 2021). The networks for heroin and cocaine trafficking have also been found to be different, the latter being more compact than the other (Chandra \u0026amp; Joba, 2015). The dynamics of the prices of heroin and cocaine have also been shown to be distinct (Groshkova et al., 2018). There are also differences among cocaine-producing countries. For instance, Bolivia, the third-largest producer of cocaine, exhibits notably lower levels of violence compared to Colombia. Grisaffi (2021) posits three reasons for this contrast: 1. Participation in the illicit trade is widespread in Bolivia; 2. The trade operates with a predominantly entrepreneurial ethos, devoid of coercive elements; and 3. In areas lacking state presence, unions serve as mediators to resolve conflicts. Identifying these contextual nuances and opportunity structures not only sheds light on why Colombia persists as the principal global cocaine producer (UNODC, 2020c) but also highlights the need for a comprehensive examination of the crime commission process within Colombian borders. As highlighted in the introduction, adopting a comprehensive view of the cocaine trade is essential for a nuanced understanding of this trade. Although existing literature provides valuable insights into various aspects of the illicit drug trade, there is a need for a more systematic and structured representation of the cocaine trade, particularly within Colombia. This study aims to address this need by using crime script analysis to outline the cocaine trade across all stages within Colombian borders. By organising this information into a crime script, we aim to provide a clear and systematic overview of the entire process, highlighting the benefits of a structured approach to understanding and combating the trade.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Method","content":"\u003cp\u003eTo achieve our study aim, we developed and analysed a crime script of the cocaine trade within Colombia. The purpose was to better understand the processes involved in transforming coca leaves into various end-user products and the intrinsic conditions of the trade across all stages, from cultivation to commercialisation. We adopted a four-step approach: First, we searched for relevant documents (from academic literature, grey literature and investigative reports) and assessed their quality to select suitable data for this study. Next, we conducted a thematic analysis to analyse the data and produce an initial crime script following an analytic deductive approach. We then conducted expert interviews to refine and validate the script. Finally, we assessed the quality of the resulting script using Borrion\u0026apos;s\u0026nbsp;(2013) criteria.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2 id=\"_Toc94636089\"\u003eDocument search and selection\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA systematic search was conducted to identify relevant documents, drawing explicit inspiration from systematic review studies within the field of crime science (Cockbain et al., 2018; Dehghanniri \u0026amp; Borrion, 2019; Tompson \u0026amp; Belur, 2016). Three types of documents were considered: academic articles, grey literature (e.g., reports, policy papers, working papers) and other material (books and documentaries) based on investigative reporting. Peer-reviewed academic articles undergo revision to ensure publication quality (Pappas \u0026amp; Williams, 2011), expectedly yielding high-quality findings. \u0026lsquo;Grey literature\u0026rsquo;, however, \u0026nbsp;is carried out by practitioners or financed by organisations that gain no advantage from publishing their findings in peer-reviewed journals (Tompson \u0026amp; Belur, 2016) but can provide valuable insights. Findings from investigative journalism that can involve months or even years of work and collaborative teams of reporters and researchers can also provide helpful information not revealed by other sources (Borins \u0026amp; Herst, 2020; Clarke \u0026amp; Schultze, 2005; De Burgh, 2008; Sosnowski et al., 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFigure 1 summarises the document search and selection strategy that resulted in the documents selected for analysis. Academic literature was identified via keyword search in academic databases. Grey literature and investigative journalism documents were sourced using a manual search strategy. Additional investigative reporting material known to the authors was also included. Backwards and forward search was applied to all the selected documents to identify further material. Selected studies were then assessed for authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaning (Scott, 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3 id=\"_Toc94636088\"\u003eInclusion criteria\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs shown in Table 2, document selection was purposeful, targeting pieces that contained rich descriptions about the crime commission process of cocaine trade in Colombia. For currency, only documents that reported data collected after the 30 November 2016 were selected. This date corresponds to the time when the Colombian Congress ratified the signature of peace agreements between the Government and the guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The signature was followed by the demobilisation of FARC, which greatly altered crime dynamics, including cocaine trade (Mass\u0026eacute; \u0026amp; Le Billon, 2018; Murillo-Sandoval et al., 2020; Norman, 2018). To avoid language bias, we considered documents in English or Spanish (Stern \u0026amp; Kleijnen, 2020). When multiple publications of the same study were found, only the most relevant document with substantial empirical content was included, as in Cockbain et al. (2018). Given the focus on activities of the cocaine trade and not on organised crime groups, studies that solely focused on the organisational characteristics of organised crime groups were excluded. Botany or chemistry studies detailing medical or biological aspects of coca leaves or cocaine were also discarded.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 2 Inclusion criteria for document search\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"586\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInclusion criterion\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDescription\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;Publication date\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBetween 1 December 2016 and 12 December 2021. Start day is after the ratification of the signature of peace agreements (see broad relevance criteria). The end date is when the document search began.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"2\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;Accessibility\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFull text available.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"3\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;Broad relevance\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAddresses present day cocaine trade practices and uses data collected after 30\u003csup\u003eth\u003c/sup\u003e of November 2016 \u0026ndash; Date the Congress of the country ratified the signature of peace agreements between the Colombian Government and guerrilla group FARC.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"4\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eSpecificity\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eContains information specifically about cocaine trade. Documents may mention other substances but there needs to be data specific about cocaine trade. In the case of studies about drug markets, this criterion is levied given that markets are not usually drug-specific (e.g., Jacques \u0026amp; Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma \u0026amp; Piza, 2018)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"5\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eGeography\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConcerns cocaine trade activities within Colombian borders.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"6\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eLanguage\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEnglish or Spanish (the official language in Colombia)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"7\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;Empirical data\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEmpirical data includes detailed descriptions of cocaine trade-related activities documented in academic literature, grey literature (reports, policy papers, working papers, etc.) available online and material (books, documentaries, media) based on investigative reporting. Theoretical, conceptual, and normative pieces were excluded.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 151px;\"\u003e\n \u003col start=\"8\"\u003e\n \u003cli\u003e\u0026nbsp;No double counting\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ol\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 435px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eOnly the most relevant document with substantial empirical content was included for multiple publications of the same study.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eAcademic literature\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFigure 2 describes the concepts used to identify academic documents through keyword search (Tompson \u0026amp; Belur, 2016). The initial keywords focused on three concepts: substance, context, and study type. The search specifically targeted studies detailing the cocaine trade in Colombia. By employing the overarching concept of \u0026quot;substance,\u0026quot; the search ensured relevance to cocaine-related studies without necessitating the specification of individual crime types. Following a refinement process, it became evident that most identified studies pertained to the illegal aspects of the cocaine trade, aligning closely with the objectives of the current study, as opposed to less pertinent topics such as the biological composition or medicinal effects of cocaine.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA keyword survey study\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e2\u003c/sup\u003e guided the selection of terms for the \u0026lsquo;substance\u0026rsquo; concept. In the cocaine supply chain, the substance undergoes various transformations. Participants (n=12) were queried about the raw materials (inputs) and end products (outputs) at the different stages in the cocaine trade, resulting in the identification of keywords for the \u0026lsquo;substance\u0026rsquo; concept, including coca leaf (or leaves), coca paste or coca base\u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e3\u003c/sup\u003e, cocaine, cocaine powder, cocaine hydrochloride\u003ca href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e4\u003c/sup\u003e, crack crystal or crack cocaine\u003ca href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e5\u003c/sup\u003e, coke\u003ca href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e6\u003c/sup\u003e, and basuco or bazuco\u003ca href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e7\u003c/sup\u003e. Subsequent refinement, informed by published studies (see for example, \u0026nbsp;Jacques \u0026amp; Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma \u0026amp; Piza, 2018) expanded the \u0026lsquo;substance\u0026rsquo; search terms to include \u0026ldquo;drug,\u0026rdquo; acknowledging that studies on cocaine production and distribution are substance-specific. In contrast, those focusing on drug markets often encompass various illicit drugs. The selection of keywords for retrieving research on the cocaine trade was guided by the concept of \u0026apos;study type,\u0026apos; encompassing methods like crime script analysis, logistics approaches (Sieber \u0026amp; B\u0026ouml;gel, 1993) and ethnographies (Weisheit, 2015).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn total, 1216 documents were identified from ProQuest (81), Scopus (95), Web of Science (49) and Google Scholar (991) (Table 3). The large number of documents retrieved from Google Scholar is due to the impossibility of limiting the search to the title and abstract\u003ca href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e8\u003c/sup\u003e. The identified titles and abstracts were then reviewed against the inclusion criteria. Most of the retrieved documents were not relevant to the cocaine trade. For example, some focused on medical drug treatments or other illicit substances (e.g., marijuana). Other excluded documents fell outside the selected time frame, were conducted in locations outside of Colombia, or addressed drug policy without providing detailed insights into the criminal activity itself. Only seven academic literature documents remained from the initial 1216. A backward search identified one additional academic document (Blattman et al., 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 3 Academic documents identified in the four sources\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eSource\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 123px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNo. of documents\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eProquest\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 123px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e81\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eScopus\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 123px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e95\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eWeb of Science\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 123px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e49\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 113px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGoogle Scholar\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 123px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e991\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eGrey literature\u0026nbsp;\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA manual search was performed to find documents in grey literature. Websites of official sources, NGOs, and think tanks related to the cocaine trade in Colombia were examined. The authors produced a list of data sources with the advice of an expert\u003ca href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e9\u003c/sup\u003e with more than 10 years of experience working on drug policy in Colombia. Their suggestions were added to the initial list, resulting in the final list shown in Table 4. 14 documents were selected as a result of this search.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 4 Websites of official sources, NGOs, and think tanks where hand search was performed to retrieve relevant grey literature documents\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"586\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 255px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eOfficial Sources\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 331px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNGOs and Research Institutes/Think Tanks\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 255px;\"\u003e\n \u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eUNODC \u0026ndash; Integrated System for the Monitoring of Illicit Crops (SIMCI)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDrug Observatory (Ministry of Law and Justice of Colombia)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMinistry of Defence of Colombia\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eInternational Center for Strategic Studies against Drug Trafficking (CIENA) (National Police of Colombia)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ul\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 331px;\"\u003e\n \u003cul\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eCenter for Studies in Security and Drugs (CESED) \u0026ndash; University of los Andes\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eFoundation Ideas for Peace (FIP)\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDeJusticia\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eMama Coca\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eIndePaz\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWOLA \u0026ndash; Washington Office on Latin America\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eWorld Drug Commission\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eTNI Drugs and Democracy\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003cli\u003eDrugs \u0026amp; (dis)order.org\u003c/li\u003e\n \u003c/ul\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eInvestigative reporting\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn addition to information obtained from academic and grey literature, we conducted a manual search of reputable sources and investigative reporting. Two sources were consulted. First, Insight Crime, a \u0026quot;non-profit think-tank and media organisation\u0026quot; offering perspective garnered from on-the-ground research and engagement with legal and illegal actors (InsightCrime.org). Second, an episode on cocaine from the television documentary series \u0026quot;The Business of Drugs\u0026quot; (Abu-Saada \u0026amp; Brown, 2020), featuring interviews with growers and traffickers in Colombia.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOther books were initially considered that contained detailed information on the cocaine trade. However, they did not meet the inclusion criteria. These included, for instance, the first edition of \u0026quot;Narconomics\u0026quot; (Wainwright, 2017), which is primarily focused on Mexico and was published in 2016, before our targeted timeframe. Similarly, works like \u0026quot;Kilo\u0026quot; (Muse, 2020) and \u0026ldquo;Borderland Battles\u0026rdquo; (Idler, 2019) commenced fieldwork before 2016, making it challenging to discern data collected pre- and post-peace agreement signings.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eQuality assessment of documents\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll documents selected for analysis underwent a comprehensive quality assessment \u0026nbsp;(Merriam \u0026amp; Tisdell, 2015). Scott\u0026apos;s (2014) criteria of authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaning, guided this evaluation. \u003cem\u003eAuthenticity\u003c/em\u003e involved verifying the completeness and authorship of documents. \u003cem\u003eCredibility\u003c/em\u003e assessment ensured documents provided a clear data collection explanation and included direct examples of primary data. \u003cem\u003eRepresentativeness\u003c/em\u003e was evaluated based on whether the documents encompassed the study\u0026apos;s population of interest and gathered data from diverse stakeholders. Lastly, an assessment of \u003cem\u003emeaning\u003c/em\u003e focused on whether the documents explained concepts and study contexts and included direct examples of primary data. Following the evaluation, one investigative reporting document was excluded.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn total, 30 documents, were selected for analysis, including 7 academic articles, 14 reports from grey literature, and 6 investigative journalism pieces. 3 additional documents were identified through backward and forward searches. These searches utilised citation analysis and Google Scholar, resulting in the identification of one more academic document and 2 investigative journalism pieces. Collectively, the chosen documents covered all stages of the cocaine trade, as shown in Table 5. Appendices 1 and 2 present the list of selected documents and a breakdown of the quality assessment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 5 Number of documents relevant to each stage\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv align=\"\"\u003e\n \u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"83%\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 21px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eStage\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 18px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcademic\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e(8)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 20px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eGrey-literature (14)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 27px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInvestigative reporting (8)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 12px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTotal (30)\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 21px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCultivation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 18px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 20px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 27px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 12px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 21px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eProcessing\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 18px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 20px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 27px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 12px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e16\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 21px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDistribution\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 18px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 20px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 27px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 12px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 21px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCommercialisation\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 18px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 20px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 27px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 12px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n \u003c/table\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe collected documents provided data on 18 (56%) of Colombia\u0026rsquo;s administrative departments. \u0026nbsp;In terms of cultivation, the documents focused on four regions with the highest levels of coca crops: Putumayo (n = 8), Cauca (n = 6), Nari\u0026ntilde;o (n = 3), and Norte de Santander (n = 3), and Valle del Cauca (n = 3). Collectively, Putumayo, Cauca, Nari\u0026ntilde;o, and Norte de Santander emerge as the four departments in Colombia with the highest estimated levels of coca crops (UNODC-SIMCI, 2023b). Documents about the processing stage centred on Cauca (n = 8) and Putumayo (n = 6), followed by Nari\u0026ntilde;o (n = 4), Norte de Santander (n = 3), and Vaup\u0026eacute;s (n = 3). Overlap between documents on cultivation and processing is expected, as processing sites are usually near cultivation areas (UNODC-SIMCI, 2023a). Regarding the distribution stage, four out of 13 documents did not specify where the data was collected from. Among the remaining studies, four detailed how cocaine is smuggled out of the country through maritime ports (Abu-Saada \u0026amp; Brown, 2020; Cajiao et al., 2018; Hern\u0026aacute;ndez-Mora, 2017b) and terrestrial routes (van Uhm \u0026amp; Grigore, 2021). The remaining studies described the internal distribution of cocaine within Colombia. Commercialisation was the least covered stage. Only three documents outlined commercialisation dynamics in major urban areas of Colombia, including Bogota (Pulgar\u0026iacute;n Morales, 2020), Medellin (Blattman et al., 2021), and Santa Marta (Alcald\u0026iacute;a Distrital de Santa Marta - Secretar\u0026iacute;a de Salud del Distrito de Santa Marta \u0026amp; UNODC - Oficina de las Naciones Unidas contra la Droga y el Delito, 2018), and one document did not specify any departments. Appendix 3 lists the locations and stages of the cocaine trade covered by each study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eThematic analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnalysis followed the six steps proposed by\u0026nbsp;Clarke and Braun (2013), synthesised by Clark et al. (2021) as familiarisation, initial coding, theme identification, theme revision, theme review, theme definition and theme evidencing. The analysis followed a deductive approach, the systematic process of identifying themes from qualitative data beginning with existing theories or concepts, which are then applied to qualitative data analysis. In this case, analysis was guided by a crime script framework (Cornish, 1994), underpinned by the Rational Choice Perspective (Cornish \u0026amp; Clarke, 1986) as discussed in the background section.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe principal author familiarised themselves with the content of the documents. Subsequently, initial coding (Salda\u0026ntilde;a, 2015), also referred to as open coding, was performed to develop a range of codes that described the data (Merriam \u0026amp; Tisdell, 2015; Vollstedt \u0026amp; Rezat, 2019). This coding stage focused on descriptive coding \u0026ndash; indexing of the data\u0026apos;s content \u0026ndash; and process coding \u0026ndash; emphasising observable and conceptual actions (Salda\u0026ntilde;a, 2015). Previous studies by Tompson and Chainey (2011) and Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022) used a template featuring a list of elements within a crime script. Guided by these, a data collection form was developed to align initial coding with the study\u0026apos;s objectives, gathering information on the activities and contextual conditions across the four stages of the cocaine trade: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation. Themes were then identified across documents and reviewed iteratively (Clark et al., 2021), and a form was designed to collate the data from initial coding into the different stages of the cocaine trade. \u0026nbsp;Lastly, themes were defined through the narrative presented in the results section of this paper and evidenced using quotes extracted from the documents. In addition to the narrative, a flow diagram was created to illustrate the crime commission process of the cocaine trade across the different stages.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo ensure transparency and traceability, a detailed log was maintained to document various aspects of the research (Bachman \u0026amp; Schutt, 2013; Merriam \u0026amp; Tisdell, 2015). This log contained dates and keyword combinations used in searches, details of retrieved documents, reasons for inclusion/exclusion in the analysis, coding procedures, and all researcher decisions made during the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eInterviews of experts\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTo refine the crime script, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 experts, following the recommendations of\u0026nbsp;Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022), among others (e.g. van der Valk et al., 2020). These experts had at least five years of experience investigating various stages of the cocaine trade. They represented diverse backgrounds, including academia, non-governmental organisations, law enforcement, government institutions, and independent research or investigative journalism. All interviews were recorded and transcribed with the participants\u0026apos; consent.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interviews utilised a graphic elicitation approach, presenting participants with the crime script and inviting them to suggest additions (for completeness), deletions (for accuracy and parsimony), and other modifications (for accuracy and precision). Noted for its effectiveness in extracting expert knowledge (Cheng, 1996), this method focuses discussions on a common framework\u0026mdash;the crime script (Bravington \u0026amp; King, 2019; Ford \u0026amp; Sterman, 1998). Graphical representations provide concise overviews of complex topics like the cocaine trade, eliciting unique insights from participants (Crilly et al., 2006).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExpert interviews also contributed to validating the script, enhancing the quality of the results (Bowen, 2009; Merriam \u0026amp; Tisdell, 2015; Peters, 2020). Interviews were conducted sequentially, with feedback from each participant promptly integrated into the crime script before the subsequent interview, thereby refining its content iteratively. Validation was achieved after three interviewees successively confirmed that no further adjustments were deemed necessary.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eQuality assurance\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEnsuring the accuracy and reliability of crime scripts is paramount for their utility and reproducibility. To date, evaluations have focused on the quality and completeness of the data used to construct the script but not on the script itself (Dehghanniri \u0026amp; Borrion, 2019). To address this gap, we employed the quality assurance criteria outlined by Borrion (2013). This involved systematically evaluating the crime script\u0026apos;s clarity, accuracy, comprehensiveness, and suitability. This assessment ensures that the script is logically structured, accurately reflects the crime phenomenon, covers relevant aspects and is suitable for its intended application (Borrion \u0026amp; Dehghanniri, 2023), i.e., to comprehensively characterise the Colombian cocaine trade, encompassing all stages from coca cultivation to end-user distribution. Table 6 contains the quality assurance assessment.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTable 6 Quality assurance assessment based on Borrion (2013)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"0\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"100%\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCriterion\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAssessment\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTypology\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe type of script has been stated in the method section. It is a performed and perpetrator script.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTraceability\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAll the data that has been used to build the crime script can be traced back to the original source. Coding forms ensure traceability from the in finished script to the raw document. Dependencies between activities have been included in the crime script depiction.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eTransparency\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe method and codes adopted for the creation of the crime script, and the data sources used have been clearly communicated. Details can be found in the method section, and appendices 2 to 4.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eConsistency\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eScripts for the four stages (cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation) were created. Most of the activities for each of the stages are on the same level of analysis. There are however opportunities for improvement in the markets stage, where wholesale and retail have been combined due to lack of data.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eContext\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eA description of the context has been included in the results section. A broader contextual description was discussed in the literature review of this thesis.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCompleteness\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe script is comprehensive and covers the cocaine trade from cultivation to retail. Because the purpose of the crime script was to aid in the understanding of the activities, conditions, the individuals involved, the associated crimes and harms, the script is deemed to be complete.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eParsimony\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe crime script presented here only includes information relevant to activities, individuals and conditions.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ePrecision\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe script has been developed to suit the author\u0026acute;s requirements. The requirements have been stated in the method section.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUncertainty\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe script only shows what was available in the documents and the data elicited from expert interviews. Unknowns that could be relevant for the purpose of the script are considered in the discussion section.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eUsability\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe script presented here was designed to understand the cocaine trade across all stages. This paper provides an rich description of the crime commission process; the script presents a synthesised visual representation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAmbiguity\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eFor clarity, a narrative has accompanied the graphical depiction of the crime script. It is expected that the narrative minimises the possibility of ambiguity.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 15px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAccuracy\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd style=\"width: 84px;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThe graphical depiction of the crime script accurately shows the dependencies and flows from one activity to another, as well as the transitions between crime scripts.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eFigure 3 presents an overview of the cocaine trade crime commission process in Colombia. Conditions are categorised into three groups: prerequisites for activities, facilitators aiding their execution, and enforcement conditions (Tompson \u0026amp; Chainey, 2011). Table 6 lists the roles of individuals across the different stages of the cocaine trade.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe crime commission process is delineated into four acts: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation, with the latter encompassing both wholesale and retail activities. The consolidation of wholesale and retail stages into one is attributed to limited data availability, particularly concerning wholesale activities. This aligns with existing literature highlighting the clandestine nature of the wholesale segment, posing challenges for research due to a scarcity of participants (Eck \u0026amp; Gersh, 2000; Reuter, 2014). The following narrative provides a detailed analysis of the findings, emphasising the conditions influencing each stage. It synthesises information from documents and interviews, incorporating references to relevant studies where applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eCultivation\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCoca fields in Colombia are situated both in plain sight and in hidden locations. They are often found near municipalities, within protected natural reserves, or in secluded areas away from urban areas. Small-scale cultivation is carried out by individual growers, including those from indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Some of these growers cultivate coca on their own land, while others grow it in public areas, including natural parks. This is partly because these communities, including indigenous and Afro-Colombian individuals, settled in these areas before they were designated as protected. In other cases, growers travel to protected areas to cultivate coca crops. Large-scale coca farms, on the other hand, are typically owned by drug traffickers.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe absence of formal land ownership reduces the risks and costs associated with coca cultivation. If growers do not own the land, the potential repercussions of detection are limited to losing the crops, not forfeiting any land ownership rights. Those who grow coca on public land perceive lower risks, as they believe there are no specific stakeholders overseeing the land to prevent illicit activities (Bernal et al., 2020).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGrowers employ various strategies to avoid detection by authorities. A common one involves controlling the size of coca plots (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). Another is to access protected areas discreetly. For instance, some growers reportedly navigate through natural reserves by boat, turning off the motor and rowing quietly for about 15 minutes before concealing their boat with vegetation (Narv\u0026aacute;ez Remuy, 2019). If their illicit activities are discovered, growers may resort to bribery to prevent crop removal.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eBefore coca crops can be cultivated, the land requires preparation, which includes clearing it of weeds and debris, especially if trees have been cut down. Illegal tree felling is common, especially in protected natural parks. These illegally felled trees are sometimes sold on the black market. Land preparation also involves obtaining supplies such as fertilisers through an informal credit system, where agricultural suppliers provide products on informal credit to be repaid once the harvest is sold. Tools like chainsaws, machetes and axes are used in land preparation processes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAfter preparing the land, coca crops are planted using either seeds or stalks obtained from neighbours or through the informal credit system. Growers select different coca varieties based on availability and productivity\u003ca href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e10\u003c/sup\u003e. Some maintain seedbeds to continuously grow new plants, replacing old ones or those destroyed by fumigation or law enforcement. Some even resort to bribery to prevent the uprooting of their crops.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCoca crops reach peak productivity between 2 to 4 years, prompting growers to replant once this cycle ends. Throughout growth, crops are often fumigated. However, the chemicals used for fertilisation and fumigation pose environmental risks. Waste from packaging, including fertilisers and fumigating agents, is left on the land, contributing to environmental contamination.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing growth, coca plants are harvested. Known as \u0026ldquo;la raspa\u0026rdquo;, this process entails manually removing the leaves from the coca plant. The crop owners perform this task and hired harvesters. Commonly referred to as \u0026ldquo;raspachines\u0026rdquo; or \u0026ldquo;jornaleros\u0026rdquo;, these temporary workers are hired during harvesting seasons, travelling between sites as needed; they may also perform various tasks other than leaf picking, like helping to prepare the land for seeding. Harvesters wrap cloth around their hands to protect them from injury and irritation. Payment for raspachines is based on the mass of the harvested leaves. Equipment for harvesting includes duffel bags and burlap sacks for packing the leaves. Raspachines are provided with essential amenities such as sleeping mats and food for the duration of their work. After harvesting, the leaves are sold to makeshift labs for conversion into paste, the initial processing stage. Harvested coca leaves are typically carried by pack animals to nearby sites, where they can be processed, sometimes by the same harvesters.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReports from 2023 indicate a variation in prices at this stage, from as high as 1.37 USD to 0.52 USD per kilogram, putting farmers under significant economic strain and contributing to hunger; this price decline contrasts with the continued demand for cocaine and the stability of prices abroad (Doherty, 2023). Researchers from the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) suggest several factors behind this decline, including an increase in coca crops in Bolivia and Peru, changes in military and police leadership, the takedown of top criminals, the erosion of hierarchy within armed and criminal groups, and criminal organisations establishing their own cultivation and distribution networks, with some shifting from cocaine production to precious-metals mining (Isacson, 2023).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFor coca growers, cultivating coca provides a means of survival and educational opportunities for their families. The consistent demand for coca leaves and paste and the ease of commercialisation enable growers to sustain themselves in regions lacking legal crop commerce infrastructure. An example of the difficulty in the commercialisation of legal crops, over growing coca, was expressed by one harvester (Narv\u0026aacute;ez Remuy, 2019, p. 71, translated),\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eI don\u0026apos;t cultivate chagra \u0026ndash; the indigenous term for legal crops \u0026ndash; or s\u0026oacute;calo. I grow around 300 plantain plants and yield about 200 bunches. However, there\u0026apos;s no market for it. Transporting it to Puerto Asis \u0026ndash; the nearest town \u0026ndash; takes four hours, or to Puerto Legu\u0026iacute;zamo \u0026ndash; another nearby town \u0026ndash; it\u0026apos;s a three-hour journey by river. It\u0026apos;s expensive. Even if I find a buyer, it\u0026apos;s often not worth the effort, resulting in losses and sunburn for no gain.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn other cases, harvesting coca becomes a means to maintain a certain lifestyle. Another harvester remarked, \u0026ldquo;I work to afford branded clothes like Tommy Hilfiger, American jeans, quality shoes, a good motorcycle, an iPhone, and to travel to Neiva, Pitalito, and Medell\u0026iacute;n. I enjoy fine beers like Corona and Old Parr whiskey\u0026rdquo; (Narv\u0026aacute;ez Remuy, 2019, p. 71, translated).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eProcessing\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eProcessing coca leaves into cocaine involves three steps: extraction and refinement, oxidation and re-oxidation, and crystallisation. This process is demand-driven, with input material acquired as needed. Drug traffickers procure the chemicals necessary for processing paste, base, and cocaine through various means, including diverting chemicals from the legal industry, contraband, and clandestine production.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring extraction, the coca alkaloid is separated from the leaves by chopping them and mixing them with quicklime or cement, sometimes with the addition of a fertiliser. The mixture is stirred and then poured into plastic bins, where it undergoes further processing with chemicals, such as gasoline, sulfuric acid, water, sodium bicarbonate, acetone, and caustic soda, to produce coca paste. Refinement involves converting the coca paste into coca base by mixing it with potassium permanganate (perga), and cooking and drying it. Some of this product is then processed into basuco. Extraction and refinement typically occur in makeshift shacks at large coca growing sites or specialised locations known as \u0026quot;cocinas\u0026quot; or \u0026quot;chongos\u0026rdquo;. The equipment used includes plastic bins, choppers, cloths, scales, and sticks. Coca leaves may be processed into paste and base either by coca growers, labourers, or specialised chemists known as \u0026quot;quimiqueros.\u0026quot; In various regions including the Pacific, Putumayo-Caquet\u0026aacute; and Amazon, specialists often collect leaves from various growers and process them, while in other areas, growers handle the processing themselves. Once processed, the coca base or paste is collected and stored at farmhouses, then transported via motorcycles or public transport to buyers appointed by drug traffickers (also called \u0026ldquo;commissioners\u0026rdquo;). It is them who determine the purchasing price. The average prices for 1 kg of coca paste and 1 kg of coca base in 2022 were 1,731,800 Colombian pesos (approximately 401 USD) and $2,554,000 (approximately 591 USD), respectively (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFollowing extraction and refinement, the process advances to oxidation/re-oxidation and crystallisation. Oxidation/re-oxidation is a chemical procedure aimed at achieving higher purity levels, using substances such as sulfuric acid, ammonia, and potassium permanganate. Like extraction and refinement sites, re-oxidation facilities are often shacks situated in large coca-growing areas or specialised locations. The equipment used in these sites includes washers, rudimentary filters, and stoves.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCrystallisation is the last step and requires additional substances and more sophisticated equipment. Crystallisation sites are strategically concealed in challenging-to-reach places close to water sources, including jungles, mountains or mangroves. Equipment essential for this stage includes double boilers, ovens, microwaves, dryers, large lamps, and rustic filters. At this point, emissaries of drug traffickers travel to processing sites to verify the requisite purity before dispatching the product. The average price for 1 kg of cocaine was 5,243,200 Colombian pesos (approximately 1214 USD) (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eDistribution\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOnce cocaine is produced, it is transported along various routes, including rivers, terrestrial paths, and roads, within the country. To secure it, armed groups often form alliances and operational pacts, especially with drug traffickers, both domestically and across borders. Cocaine is ingeniously concealed during transport, sometimes concealed within timber acquired legally or illegally. Drug traffickers oversee its distribution, either for exportation or domestic wholesale and retail distribution. Concealment methods for smuggling cocaine across borders are diverse and sophisticated, including ingesting cocaine capsules or affixing them to the human body (referred to as \u0026quot;mules\u0026quot;), concealing within containers or other cargo at airports and ports, in postal packages, luggage, or employing camouflage or chemical masking techniques. However, the practice of ingesting cocaine poses significant health risks and dangers to the individuals involved (Traub et al., 2003).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLarge quantities of cargo are typically stored in \u0026quot;nurseries,\u0026quot; which are houses and warehouses strategically located near departure points for shipment via maritime routes. The shipment process involves the collaboration between various individuals. The Gulf Clan (\u0026quot;Clan del Golfo\u0026quot;), for instance, are an armed group, notorious for playing a pivotal role in the logistics of this stage, handling the storage and transportation of cocaine abroad while managing the influx of profits. They collect cocaine from different traffickers and levy a fee for shipment services rendered. Additionally, as Cajiao et al. (2018: 17, translated) explain, the Gulf Clan possess the financial means to bribe authorities to expedite the shipping process:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;Apart from sending their production, they are in charge of gathering drugs from different drug traffickers (small, medium or large) who are charged 15% of the value of the shipment to send it to destinations such as Italy, Spain or other countries (\u0026hellip;) the \u0026lsquo;Clan del Golfo\u0026rsquo; controls the ports of departure for the drug and has the economic capacity and international contacts to bribe the authorities and facilitate the transit of large drug shipments.\u0026rdquo;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIndividuals known as coordinators or note-takers, referred to as \u0026quot;apuntadores\u0026quot; in Spanish, serve as brokers in the process of collecting cocaine from various drug traffickers. They establish contact with intermediaries or are contacted themselves to arrange for the collection of cocaine for shipment. These coordinators take on the responsibility for the shipment and coordinate with entities such as the Gulf Clan. Additionally, they arrange for the shipment to be insured by individuals willing to invest in the operation. These investors may not be directly involved in or knowledgeable about the specifics of drug trafficking operations. Interviewee 5 highlighted how many individuals working in various professions around the world indirectly benefit from the cocaine trade: \u0026ldquo;They are not familiar with the crops, but they have the capacity to invest, and through a broker, they invest in the business (\u0026hellip;) People in suits, quietly living all over the world and making money from this stuff.\u0026rdquo; (translated). Another interviewee (No. 15) referred to these individuals as the \u0026quot;invisibles,\u0026quot; describing them as entrepreneurs who become involved in the cocaine trade because of their business ventures rather than direct criminal ties.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the event of a lost shipment, the note-taker is obligated to compensate the drug traffickers using the insurance payout. Small to medium-sized shipments are clandestinely transported via maritime, aerial, terrestrial, or riverine routes by armed groups, drug traffickers, and dissidents from former FARC-EP factions. Maritime shipments typically depart from ports and coastal areas aboard large ships, speedboats, sailboats, fishing vessels, submersibles, and semi-submersibles. Other exit points include international airports, illicit aircraft, and both formal and informal terrestrial crossings.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe distribution phase of the cocaine trade is intertwined with various illicit activities, including the construction of illegal infrastructure, corruption through bribery and money laundering, and the pervasive threat of violence. Armed groups in regions with limited road networks, such as the Amazon, have established clandestine roadways to streamline the distribution process. Proceeds from drug trafficking are often laundered through illicit mining operations, while intermediaries and distributors use channels like chain stores to conceal the illegal origins of their funds. Collaboration with corrupt customs officials enables note-takers to identify available containers and their destinations, with additional bribery ensuring that containers evade inspection by law enforcement.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eViolence, ranging from intimidation to outright murder, is a common tactic employed by drug traffickers and armed groups to enforce compliance within the distribution network. In one interview, a coordinator revealed the grim reality of the trade: \u0026quot;We\u0026apos;ve lost numerous colleagues and friends. Failed shipments result in significant casualties. Without this fear, criminal organisations would lose their grip, and everyone would attempt to exploit them\u0026quot; (Hern\u0026aacute;ndez-Mora, 2017b, translated).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eTerritorial control by armed groups and its involvement in cultivation, processing, and distribution stages\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConflicts for territorial control over strategic areas for cocaine trade (from cultivating areas to trafficking corridors) have risen between armed groups after the signature of the peace agreements and the subsequent demobilisation of the FARC-EP guerrilla group (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). These include groups consolidated by dissidents, that is, previous members of FARC-EP that did not demobilise and submit to the justice system (UNODC-SIMCI, 2021). Armed groups control cocaine trade areas for cultivation, processing and distribution. FIP and adelphi (2021) explained that the expansion of coca cultivation for drug trafficking and the resurgence of trafficking routes have significantly worsened security in various regions. This decline is driven by conflicts between illegal armed groups and criminal organisations vying for control over critical areas used for illicit crop production and cocaine trafficking routes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe conflicts among armed factions vying for territorial dominance breed a cycle of violence and fear within communities. With territorial control comes the authority over all aspects of the cocaine trade, including land seizures, pricing of coca leaves, and the recruitment of individuals\u0026mdash;be it through coercion or manipulation \u0026mdash;spanning from farmers to indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians. Even minors are targeted, with organised criminal groups exploiting them for \u0026nbsp;recruitment to perform activities such as extortion, drug production, smuggling, forced sex work, assassination, and frontline combat roles (Charles, 2021b) .\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAuthorities can also be intimidated. For example, a shipment coordinator said that drug-traffickers would meet custom and antinarcotics police officers and offer them 30 million pesos for \u0026lsquo;collaborating\u0026rsquo; with them (about US$7000), and then added: \u0026ldquo;when you are handed 30 million pesos for meeting you, you know that you can die if you don\u0026acute;t accept them\u0026rdquo; (Hern\u0026aacute;ndez-Mora, 2017b).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, the imposition of armed groups often obstructs governmental initiatives, leading to a dearth of development opportunities for affected communities. This imposition is compounded by the pervasive threat of violence, compelling many to flee their homes in search of safety elsewhere. Community members find themselves hemmed in this environment by intimidation and restricted mobility, while those who dare to oppose the status quo face dire consequences\u0026mdash;illustrated by the chilling warning that even advocating against environmental destruction could result in lethal reprisal (Van Dexter \u0026amp; Visseren-Hamakers, 2020). Moreover, the proliferation of cocaine-related activities not only erodes the cultural fabric of indigenous and Afro-Colombian societies but also fuels a surge in addiction among community members. In this context, organised crime groups wield a complex image, perceived by some as protectors, business partners, or even arbiters of social justice, yet simultaneously regarded as adversaries to peace and stability (van Uhm \u0026amp; Grigore, 2021).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eCommercialisation\u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\" title=\"\"\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003csup\u003e11\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCocaine, basuco, and, to a lesser extent, coca paste/base are trafficked within national borders. Likened to crack cocaine, basuco is predominantly traded within borders due to its lower cost and heightened addictive potency compared to cocaine, as noted by Interviewee 4.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe wholesale and retail of these substances are controlled by drug traffickers who supply dealers operating in various settings, including public areas, tourist spots, and event venues. Retail transactions such as homes and cars also occur in public and private settings. Unfortunately, minors are often coerced or groomed into becoming drug runners and dealers. Transactions The sale and purchasing of cocaine typically occurs through trusted networks and are often arranged via social media platforms, although deception between buyers and sellers is uncommon. Moreover, retailers frequently \u0026quot;cut\u0026quot; (i.e., dilute) the drugs with other substances, both psychoactive and non-psychoactive, to increase the quantity and boost profits. Retail transactions such as the purchasing of homes and cars also occur in public and private settings. As noted in the processing stage, the average price for 1 kg of cocaine was $5,243,200 Colombian pesos (approximately 1214 USD) (Observatorio de Drogas de Colombia (ODC), 2022) in Colombia. For comparison, the price of 1 kg of cocaine in 2021 was 34,611 USD in the United Kingdom and 30,500 USD in the United States (UNODC, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn Medellin, the wholesale drug trade is overseen by powerful figures known as \u0026quot;Razones,\u0026quot; who supply narcotics to retail gangs referred to as \u0026quot;Combos.\u0026quot; These entities may operate independently or form symbiotic relationships characterised by long-term \u0026quot;business and military alliances\u0026quot; (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 12). Combos exert territorial control within their designated areas of operation, employing various tactics to maintain dominance. These include bribing police officers so that they can carry out their drug sales and other illicit activities without disruption from police, enforcing payment of debts, acting as mediators in community disputes, loan sharing and extortion. While engaging in such illegal activities, Combos also strive to cultivate a sense of loyalty and protection among residents, shielding them from law enforcement, internal conflicts, and rival gangs. The following quotes are illustrative of these dynamics:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;[T]hat the neighbors love us, do not rat us out to the tombos [cops], watch us doing our stuff and do not interfere, and let us know when the police are coming.\u0026rdquo; (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 18)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;the police station is across from our headquarters, and they never bother us. They know where our drug corners are and who works there. That\u0026rsquo;s why it\u0026rsquo;s important to keep the neighborhood calm: if nothing bad happens, the police don\u0026rsquo;t squeeze us and let us work.\u0026rdquo; (Blattman et al., 2021, p. 19).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eAs Colombia remains the world\u0026apos;s foremost cocaine producer, understanding the crime commission process and the contextual conditions facilitating it becomes imperative to facilitate the design of counter-drug policy and interventions. This paper systematically compiled reliable information on the various stages of the cocaine trade in Colombia since November 2016. It has highlighted the activities, the diverse roles of individuals, and the conditions facilitating the trade, including the influence of armed groups. The aim was to present this information in a useful structured format to understand the trade better. Four stages were scripted: 1. Cultivation, wherein growers cultivate coca crops and harvest coca leaves; 2. Processing, where growers and drug traffickers refine coca leaves into paste or base, subsequently transformed by specialists into cocaine; 3. Distribution, encompassing the domestic dispersal of cocaine by traffickers; and 4. Commercialisation, where traffickers and gangs engage in wholesale and retail transactions with end-users.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interplay of armed groups, environmental degradation, health risks, and corruption profoundly shapes the cocaine trade in Colombia. Throughout the trade\u0026apos;s stages, from cultivation to distribution, these groups exert control through violence, coercion, and forced recruitment, including of vulnerable populations. Environmental damage results from toxic chemicals, deforestation, and illegal road networks, while health impacts arise from harvesting, chemical exposure, smuggling, and the consumption of adulterated cocaine. In the form of bribery, corruption facilitates these criminal activities by mitigating detection risks. The combination of these factors, alongside the strategic control of trade processes by armed groups and gangs, fosters a thriving cocaine trade. This analysis aligns with the UNODC-SIMCI\u0026rsquo;s (2023a) report, which highlights the role of strategic locations, institutional fragility, and armed group dominance as key factors in Colombia\u0026apos;s cocaine trade.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe comprehensive crime script developed in this paper combines insights from various sources, including academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism, and expert interviews. This integrative approach yields several notable benefits. Firstly, it consolidates scattered data, providing a more holistic portrayal of the cocaine trade in Colombia. By corroborating findings from various sources (30 documents + 15 interviews), the script confirms existing knowledge regarding the processes involved in the cocaine trade and the pervasiveness of territorial control and violence (e.g., Mejia \u0026amp; Restrepo, 2013; Mill\u0026aacute;n‐Quijano, 2020) and corruption (e.g., Thoumi, 2012) across different stages of the trade. Including expert perspectives enriched the analysis by introducing nuanced insights not necessarily reflected in published reports. For instance, the incorporation of basuco\u0026mdash;a derivative of cocaine\u0026mdash;is a testament to how expert contributions enhance the comprehensiveness of the script, shedding light on aspects of the trade often overlooked in mainstream literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOur study underscores the value of applying crime scripting and analysis to the cocaine trade within Colombia. While existing literature has explored various facets of the cocaine trade, our approach involved systematically identifying and appraising information about the various aspects of the trade and organising it into a single, coherent document. Our contribution lies in offering a structured and systematic overview of the entire crime process and demonstrating an approach that others can use to represent complex criminal activities such as illegal trade.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe produced crime script is a versatile tool for understanding, combating, and mitigating the impacts of the cocaine trade. It offers a comprehensive understanding of the crime commission process, allowing for the identification of patterns and differences across trade stages\u0026mdash;from cultivation to commercialisation. This nuanced understanding lays the groundwork for identifying associated crimes and harms at each stage. The study\u0026rsquo;s findings indicate that the cocaine trade involves a wide range of criminal activities beyond the direct cultivation, processing, distribution, and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. These include corruption, bribery, violent offences, and environmental transgressions. Aligned to Greenfield and Paoli\u0026rsquo;s (2013, 2022) harm taxonomy for organised crime harm, the findings reveal that the cocaine trade causes various types of harm\u0026mdash;such as physical and material damage\u0026mdash;across different domains, including individuals, the environment, and government institutions. We argue that the crime script can be used to more systematically identify crimes linked to the cocaine trade and associated harms, thereby enriching our understanding of the trade\u0026apos;s criminal implications and harmful effects. The study\u0026apos;s findings also show how risks are mitigated through tactics like bribery and exploitation of remote regions, and the existence of economic incentives, limited law enforcement access, and community loyalty despite logistical challenges and the threat of violence. From a situational crime prevention standpoint (Clarke, 1980), the script represents a critical tool for the structured identification of vulnerabilities and intervention points throughout the cocaine trade. As such, it might be helpful to those tasked with identifying strategic ways to disrupt the trade, appraising current counter-drug policies, and facilitating evidence-based decision-making and resource allocation. Additionally, this script can be integrated with other frameworks that cover stages beyond Colombian borders, such as Staring et al.\u0026rsquo;s (2019, 2023) crime script on cocaine smuggling in the Netherlands. This integration can enhance international cooperation and support efforts to combat transnational organised crime networks involved in drug trafficking. Lastly, the script is a foundation for comparative analysis with other illicit drug trades and organised criminal activities, enhancing our understanding of commonalities and differences across contexts and informing targeted intervention and prevention strategies.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study also contributes methodologically to the field. Traditionally, the generation of crime scripts has been characterised by intuitive methods, lacking adherence to a strict and recognised scripting protocol (Dehghanniri \u0026amp; Borrion, 2019). Numerous crime script studies relying on Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) lack a systematic and explicit procedure for document search, selection, and analysis (see comparison of studies in Appendix 4). In this research, we employed a method inspired by Chainey and Alonso Berbotto (2022), making several modifications to refine the approach. While we followed their method of identifying and selecting documents using OSINT and coding the data through thematic analysis, we introduced enhancements to the document search strategy by incorporating systematic review methods. Unlike their reliance on Google searches, our study focused on academic databases for scholarly literature, relevant grey literature sources, and investigative journalism materials, and also incorporated information elicited through expert interviews. These interviews verified activities and connections, streamlined the crime script by eliminating activities that do not consistently occur (e.g., transport between harvest and extraction), and incorporated activities not identified in the thematic analysis (e.g., synthesis of basuco). Finally, we evaluated the crime script using the quality assurance criteria proposed by Borrion (2013). The method we propose here shares some features with the framework outlined by Borrion and Dehghanniri (2023). Both approaches emphasise a systematic progression from data collection and information extraction to script development, visualisation, and rigorous verification and validation processes. Dehghanniri and Borrion (2019) advocated more structured approaches to crime scripting to enhance confidence in the resulting scripts and identified methodological deficiencies for rectification. Embracing best practices in content analysis, we have endeavoured to offer a detailed and explicit protocol to ensure replicability, clear sampling and selection criteria, and refinement of keywords for the search (Lacy et al., 2015). In sum, our methodological approach aligns with the call for structured methods in crime scripting, aiming to enhance the robustness and replicability of findings while also addressing methodological shortcomings identified in the literature.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExamining the crime script also provided valuable insights into the relevance of Borrion\u0026rsquo;s (2013) quality assurance criteria. Utilising these criteria led us to uncover elements of the crime script that may have otherwise been overlooked during its development. For example, the criterion of \u0026quot;typology\u0026quot; compelled us to assess the nature of the script\u0026mdash;whether it was enacted, planned, or another variant\u0026mdash;while \u0026quot;context\u0026quot; demanded a thorough delineation of the contextual environment in which the crime script unfolds. The script\u0026apos;s adequacy in terms of parsimony, completeness, precision, and ambiguity was enhanced through iterative revisions by the authors and expert interviews. However, arriving at a specific assessment for each attribute proved challenging. These challenges arose from the lack of a comparative reference for our crime script or a specific assessment method beyond describing our approach to crafting it. For instance, ambiguity could be evaluated by examining how different individuals interpret the script. The quality assurance criteria originate from requirements engineering, where a distinct user or client anticipates a specific design. Adapting them to crime-related issues and scientific inquiry may require further refinement and customisation. The current application of these criteria to crime scripting and scholarly research underscores the necessity for ongoing development and adaptation to ensure their relevance and effectiveness in these contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eLike all research endeavours, this study is not devoid of limitations. Documents were not specifically crafted for this study\u0026apos;s objectives, which may lead to incompleteness, misalignment with research aims, biases, and challenges in assessing authenticity and accuracy (Merriam \u0026amp; Tisdell, 2015; Peters, 2020). However, as outlined in the method section, we thoroughly assessed document sources, with any deemed lacking in quality or trustworthiness discarded. To address potential gaps in information, we used a template which outlined that the cocaine trade comprises four stages: cultivation, processing, distribution, and commercialisation, the last of which is composed of two main activities: wholesale and retail. Following Cornish\u0026apos;s guidance (1994), the template facilitated the identification of knowledge gaps, particularly in the wholesale and retail stages.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWhile existing crime scripts focusing on illicit drug commercialisation offer valuable insights (Bright \u0026amp; Delaney, 2013; Jacques \u0026amp; Bernasco, 2013; Mantilla, 2021; Sytsma \u0026amp; Piza, 2018), it is important to acknowledge the diversity of drug markets. These range from seemingly serene locales like the Red-Light District (Jacques \u0026amp; Bernasco, 2013) to the notably violent open-air markets such as the Bronx market in Bogota (Mantilla, 2021), and those near educational institutions (Willits et al., 2015). Although interviewees didn\u0026apos;t provide detailed specifics, they alluded to a wide array of drug markets in Colombia. Another gap in understanding pertains to how the cocaine trade operates in cyberspace. Only one document (Pulgar\u0026iacute;n Morales, 2020) briefly mentioned the use of social networks to facilitate dealings with drug dealers in Colombia, lacking further elaboration. However, some research (e.g., Dolliver et al., 2018; Foley et al., 2019; Rawat et al., 2022) and the UNODC (2023) have highlighted the substantial role of cyberspace in drug trafficking. Insight from Lavorgna\u0026apos;s (2014) crime script on internet-mediated drug trafficking in the United States, Netherlands, and Italy, and Leontiadis and Hutchins\u0026rsquo; (2015) script on the commercialisation of prescription drugs for illicit drugs on the Internet may offer partial understanding. However, the applicability to a developing country like Colombia, with distinct internet access and usage patterns, necessitates caution (OECD, 2017). Similarly, examining crime scripts focusing on drug markets on the darknet (Jardine, 2021; Joyce, 2023; Morgenthaler \u0026amp; Leclerc, 2023) could provide valuable insights. Another limitation of this study is the reliance on a single coder for the thematic analysis, precluding inter-rater reliability assessment. While efforts were made to enhance the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings through rigorous coding procedures, ongoing reflexivity and expert interviews, multiple researchers\u0026apos; lack of independent coding may introduce a potential source of bias or subjectivity in interpreting the data (Clark et al., 2021). The qualitative nature of this study limits the generalisability of findings to other contexts, affecting external validity. Nonetheless, the study provides a comprehensive exploration of the dynamics specific to the cocaine trade in Colombia.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study presents a comprehensive crime script of the cocaine trade in Colombia, analysing its processes and facilitating conditions. Through a systematic review of academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism, and expert interviews, the research reveals the complex interplay of actors, activities, and factors driving this illicit trade.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFindings emphasise the influence of armed groups in controlling territories and impacting various stages of the trade, posing considerable challenges for counter-drug efforts. The environmental damage, health risks, and corruption associated with the cocaine trade further underscore the need for comprehensive interventions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study contributes a structured and systematic representation of the cocaine trade in Colombia, filling a gap in existing research. It demonstrates the value of crime scripting as a tool for understanding complex criminal activities and refines existing crime scripting methodologies by advocating for more rigorous and transparent research practices.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite limitations related to secondary data and potential biases, this research provides a valuable foundation for future investigations and informs the design of targeted interventions. The developed crime script can facilitate international cooperation in combating drug trafficking and contribute to a deeper understanding of the broader implications of the cocaine trade.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFuture research should address identified knowledge gaps, particularly regarding the wholesale stage and the role of cyberspace and further explore the application and refinement of quality assurance criteria for crime scripts. By advancing our understanding of the cocaine trade, we can contribute to more effective strategies for disrupting this illicit industry and mitigating its associated harms.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eEthics approval\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was reviewed by the Department of Security and Crime Science Ethics Committee and was granted an exemption from requiring approval by the UCL Research Ethics Committee. All procedures were conducted under ethical standards for research involving human participants.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eConsent to participate\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eFunding\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe funding bodies had no role in the study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, or manuscript preparation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eJ.GQ. designed the study, conducted the data collection and interviews, carried out the analysis, and drafted the initial manuscript. H.B. guided the study design, reviewed the method and analysis, and refined the manuscript. S.C. provided initial guidance on the study design and contributed to manuscript refinement. All authors reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research was funded by the Faculty of Engineering at University College London, Fundaci\u0026oacute;n para el futuro de Colombia (Colfuturo), and Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation of Colombia (MinCiencias). We are grateful to Dr Amy Thornton for her guidance on the design of this study method and Professor Jyoti Belur for her feedback on earlier versions of this paper.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eExtracts of the data analysed during this study are included in this published article. However, the full interview transcripts cannot be shared due to data protection considerations.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAbu-Saada, L., \u0026amp; Brown, G. (2020). Cocaine. In J. 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When Gold Speaks, Every Tongue Is Silent: The Thin Line Between Legal, Illegal, and Informal in Peru\u0026rsquo;s Gold Supply Chain. In Y. Zabyelina \u0026amp; D. van Uhm (Eds.), \u003cem\u003eIllegal Mining: Organized Crime, Corruption, and Ecocide in a Resource-Scarce World\u003c/em\u003e (pp. 299-327). Springer International Publishing. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVan Dexter, K., \u0026amp; Visseren-Hamakers, I. (2020). Forests in the time of peace. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Land Use Science\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 15\u003c/em\u003e(2-3), 327-342. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003evan Santvoord, V. D., \u0026amp; van Ruitenburg, T. (2022). Financial crime scripting: Introducing a financial perspective to the Dutch cocaine trade. \u003cem\u003eThe Police Journal\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 0\u003c/em\u003e(0). \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003evan Uhm, D. P., \u0026amp; Grigore, A. G. (2021). Indigenous People, Organized Crime and Natural Resources: Borders, Incentives and Relations. \u003cem\u003eCritical Criminology\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 29\u003c/em\u003e(3), 487-503. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVidal, S., \u0026amp; D\u0026eacute;cary-H\u0026eacute;tu, D. (2018). Shake and Bake: Exploring Drug Producers\u0026rsquo; Adaptability to Legal Restrictions Through Online Methamphetamine Recipes. \u003cem\u003eJournal of Drug Issues\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 48\u003c/em\u003e(2), 269-284. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eViollaz, J., Graham, J., \u0026amp; Lantsman, L. (2018). Using Script Analysis to Understand the Financial Crimes Involved in Wildlife Trafficking. \u003cem\u003eCrime, Law and Social Change\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 69\u003c/em\u003e(5), 595 - 614. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eVollstedt, M., \u0026amp; Rezat, S. (2019). An introduction to grounded theory with a special focus on axial coding and the coding paradigm. \u003cem\u003eCompendium for Early Career Researchers in Mathematics Education\u003c/em\u003e, 81-100. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWainwright, T. (2017). \u003cem\u003eNarconomics: How to Run a Drug Cartel\u003c/em\u003e. Ebury Press; Penguin Random House UK. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWeisheit, R. A. (2015). Researching drug crime using qualitative methods. \u003cem\u003eThe Routledge handbook of qualitative criminology\u003c/em\u003e, 191. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eWillits, D., Broidy, L. M., \u0026amp; Denman, K. (2015). Schools and drug markets: Examining the relationship between schools and neighborhood drug crime. \u003cem\u003eYouth \u0026amp; Society\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 47\u003c/em\u003e(5), 634-658. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZulver, J., \u0026amp; Idler, A. (2020). Gendering the border effect: the double impact of Colombian insecurity and the Venezuelan refugee crisis. \u003cem\u003eThird World Quarterly\u003c/em\u003e,\u003cem\u003e 41\u003c/em\u003e(7), 1122-1140. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Footnotes","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e The UNODC (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR115\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) estimated that Colombia grew 65% of the global estimate for coca bush, followed by Peru (27%) and Bolivia (8%) in 2022.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e A keyword survey was conducted to build a rich pool of keywords related to the cocaine trade that did not rely solely on the researcher's knowledge. The keyword survey asked about stages, stakeholders, activities, inputs, outputs, equipment, locations and places, interventions, and other relevant keywords to the cocaine trade in Colombia. The form asked for keywords in English and Spanish. A group of researchers and practitioners (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;24) with expertise in crime and security-related issues in Latin America and the Caribbean were invited to participate during the week of 8 March 2021. These individuals were either current or former postgraduate researchers with backgrounds in relevant fields. Half of the invited participants (n\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;12) completed the survey.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Intermediate forms of the substance before becoming cocaine.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e The official name for the salt form of cocaine.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e \u0026ldquo;cocaine base obtained from cocaine hydrochloride through conversion processes to make it suitable for smoking\u0026rdquo; UNODC. (2020b). \u003cem\u003eWorld Drug Report 2020. Booklet 2: Drug Use and Health Consequences\u003c/em\u003e. UNODC. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://wdr.unodc.org/wdr2020/en/drug-use-health.html\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://wdr.unodc.org/wdr2020/en/drug-use-health.html\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e. p. 47\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e A street name for cocaine. See for example: Motta-Ochoa, R., Bertrand, K., Arruda, N., Jutras-Aswad, D., \u0026amp; Roy, \u0026Eacute;. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). \u0026ldquo;I love having benzos after my coke shot\u0026rdquo;: The use of psychotropic medication among cocaine users in downtown Montreal. \u003cem\u003eInternational Journal of Drug Policy\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e49\u003c/em\u003e, 15\u0026ndash;23.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Bazuco, \u0026ldquo;derived from the Spanish for \u0026lsquo;dirty trash of cocaine\u0026rsquo;, is a psychoactive by product of cocaine production, a residual paste left at the bottom of the barrel after the pure drug has been produced\u0026rdquo; Daniels, J. P. (2015). Bogot\u0026aacute; tackles basuco addiction. \u003cem\u003eThe Lancet\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e386\u003c/em\u003e(9998), 1027\u0026ndash;1028.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Because Google Scholar does not allow advanced searches using Booleans and truncations, the search was run using Publish and Perish.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e The expert is fluent in English and Spanish, has participated in drug policy design processes for Colombia and in international drug policy forums.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Productivity in terms of how many leaves they produce and how much of the coca alkaloid they can extract later in the processing stage.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003e Most of the data coded for this stage is based on the account found in Blattman et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) about gangs in Medellin. Therefore, this section first provides a summary of this account. The narrative is then complimented with data found in the other documents.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Table","content":"\u003cp\u003eTable 6 is available in the Supplementary Files section.\u003c/p\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"trends-in-organized-crime","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"tioc","sideBox":"Learn more about [Trends in Organized Crime](http://link.springer.com/journal/12117)","snPcode":"12117","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/12117/3","title":"Trends in Organized Crime","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"cocaine, crime script analysis, Colombia, coca crops, drug trafficking","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe cocaine trade within Colombia involves complex processes, from coca cultivation to end-user distribution and is marked by violence, corruption, environmental damage and health risks. Despite substantial efforts by successive governments to disrupt it, there is no detailed, peer-reviewed process model of the trade and its consequences. This study employs crime script analysis to map the stages of the cocaine trade and explore the contextual factors influencing its dynamics. We used relevant academic literature, grey literature, investigative journalism materials, and expert interviews to identify relevant information. The analysis of the crime script confirms the critical role of armed groups and the widespread impact of corruption and violence within Colombia on the cocaine trade. This research enhances the field by offering a structured framework for crime scripting and improving replicability. The resulting crime script is a valuable tool that can help policymakers, law enforcement, and researchers gain a holistic understanding of the cocaine trade, identify associated crimes, and develop targeted strategies to combat trafficking and the harms it causes.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Crop to coke: a script of the cocaine trade within Colombian borders","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-03-10 11:19:45","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6113201/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2025-05-19T07:39:29+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-05-19T00:32:12+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"200428181193178718184954224789547731553","date":"2025-04-29T02:39:57+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-03-10T11:20:55+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-03-07T08:56:23+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-03-07T08:55:05+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Trends in Organized Crime","date":"2025-02-26T12:27:21+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"trends-in-organized-crime","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"tioc","sideBox":"Learn more about [Trends in Organized Crime](http://link.springer.com/journal/12117)","snPcode":"12117","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/12117/3","title":"Trends in Organized Crime","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"a848732e-8b49-415c-b8fd-243f7850a26e","owner":[],"postedDate":"March 10th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"published-in-journal","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-19T17:02:50+00:00","versionOfRecord":{"articleIdentity":"rs-6113201","link":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-025-09579-z","journal":{"identity":"trends-in-organized-crime","isVorOnly":false,"title":"Trends in Organized Crime"},"publishedOn":"2026-01-15 16:28:40","publishedOnDateReadable":"January 15th, 2026"},"versionCreatedAt":"2025-03-10 11:19:45","video":"","vorDoi":"10.1007/s12117-025-09579-z","vorDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12117-025-09579-z","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6113201","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6113201","identity":"rs-6113201","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}