Results
To investigate what women in Australia know about SRH, 85 sources were included in this scoping review. These sources are presented in Table 2 . The sources' year of publication ranged between 2012 and 2022 with the most ( n = 12) published in 2020 and the least ( n = 4) in 2016. The majority ( n = 38) utilised a nationwide approach to participant location or did not specify location. The next most common locations were Victoria ( n = 21) and New South Wales ( n = 14). Tasmania ( n = 1), the Northern Territory ( n = 2), and South Australia ( n = 1) were the least frequent locations. No sources indicated participant location exclusively from the Australian Capital Territory. Most sources exclusively reported a quantitative approach to data collection ( n = 46), and 31 sources reported qualitative data only.
Included sources and key findings.
Quantitative
(Survey) H
Quantitative
(Survey) S
Quantitative
(Survey) S
Quantitative
(Survey) MSV
Quantitative
(Survey) M
Quantitative
(Survey) M
Quantitative
(Survey) M
Quantitative
(Survey)
Quantitative
(Survey) M
Note : H HCP assessment; S Self‐assessment; M Measured assessment; and V SRH knowledge assessment utilised a validated survey tool.
Abbreviations: ACT, Australian Capital Territory; NSW, New South Wales; QLD, Queensland; TAS, Tasmania; VIC, Victoria; WA, Western Australia.
In analysing the objectives addressed, it was found that most sources ( n = 79) addressed how SRH knowledge was assessed. Many sources addressed the ways women learn about their SRH ( n = 54) and a smaller number reported on the enablers and barriers to women's SRH knowledge ( n = 31). Only nine sources described interventions to facilitate women's SRH knowledge in Australia. Findings related to each of the review objectives are reported in further detail below.
Additionally, a visual representation of the populations of women and topics of SRH knowledge is presented in the heatmap below including those highlighted in the National Women's Health Strategy
1
(see Figure 2 ). This heatmap highlights the SRH topics that reviewed sources have concentrated their efforts on within the past 10 years and identifies clear gaps for future research direction and investment. For example, while 19 sources reported on young women and girls' knowledge about STIs and blood‐borne viruses, no sources were identified that reported on Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander women's knowledge of sexual pain. The topic General SRH refers to sources in which the specific SRH topic was not reported or SRH knowledge was explored broadly without a specific focus.
In examining the way SRH knowledge was assessed and reported in the reviewed sources, three key concepts were identified; (i) the focus of knowledge assessment within the source, (ii) the types of assessment tools used, and (iii) the way in which those tools measured SRH knowledge.
In 59% ( n = 50) of all sources, the assessment of women's SRH knowledge was considered a primary focus.
24
,
27
,
29
,
31
,
33
,
35
,
36
,
37
,
39
,
41
,
44
,
45
,
49
,
50
,
51
,
52
,
53
,
54
,
56
,
57
,
58
,
59
,
61
,
63
,
64
,
66
,
67
,
68
,
69
,
71
,
72
,
73
,
74
,
76
,
77
,
78
,
84
,
88
,
90
,
91
,
92
,
93
,
94
,
95
,
96
,
100
,
102
,
103
,
104
,
105
Knowledge assessment was considered a primary focus where it was explicitly described in either the title or aim. For example, one study investigated fertility knowledge and beliefs about fertility treatment of men and women trying to conceive.
27
Another qualitative study explored contraception knowledge and attitudes amongst African Australian teenage mothers in Melbourne.
84
In many cases ( n = 29), knowledge assessment was not identified within the primary aims of the reviewed source but was reported as part of a broader research topic related to SRH.
21
,
22
,
23
,
25
,
26
,
28
,
32
,
34
,
38
,
40
,
42
,
43
,
46
,
48
,
60
,
62
,
65
,
75
,
81
,
82
,
83
,
85
,
86
,
87
,
89
,
97
,
98
,
99
,
101
For example, the primary aim of a Sydney‐based study was to assess the confidence in menstrual management of female university students.
81
Knowledge related to menstruation was assessed using four survey items and higher knowledge scores were found to positively predict confidence. In another case, knowledge of female fertility formed part of a survey to determine Australian women's willingness to freeze their eggs.
28
A small number of sources ( n = 6) did not directly explore assessment of SRH knowledge but reported on it in other ways.
30
,
47
,
55
,
70
,
79
,
80
For example, one study explored menstrual health education in Australian schools and reported on what information students recalled receiving during health and physical education classes.
30
In another source, older heterosexual Australians were asked to report on sources of STI information.
70
In most cases, assessment of SRH knowledge was conducted using assessment tools that were developed by the research teams and authors did not report tool validation. Tool development included both creation of questions directly by the team based on expert knowledge or current evidence on the topic of interest, or by utilising questions from existing questionnaires reported in previous studies. Only two reviewed sources reported using validated tools in their studies. One of these
24
used five validated tools in the context of delivering an educational resource aimed at improving menstrual health literacy. The questions used to measure knowledge on menstrual health however were included in an 11‐item questionnaire developed by the research team and were not measured by any of the validated tools. Another source used 15 items from a 29‐item validated tool to measure knowledge about human papillomavirus in three countries, including Australian women.
71
Within the reviewed sources, SRH knowledge assessment occurred using three strategies. These are indicated in Table 2 using a symbol next to the data collection method ( H = HCP assessment; S = Self‐assessment; M = Measured assessment; V = SRH knowledge assessment utilised a validated survey tool). In 17 sources,
21
,
22
,
23
,
32
,
43
,
46
,
48
,
60
,
62
,
64
,
65
,
72
,
85
,
86
,
97
,
98
,
99
a self‐assessment of participants' knowledge on a topic was exclusively used. In the case of a qualitative investigation, for example, during interviews, a woman may have expressed they know a lot or little about an SRH topic.
98
This involved either expressing a subjective measure of how much they know either in response to a specific question measuring knowledge or as an incidental comment describing their knowledge. In studies that utilised quantitative assessment, women may have been asked to quantify how much they know about a topic on a scale, for example, a Likert‐style scale.
28
A second strategy used exclusively in 38 reviewed sources,
25
,
26
,
27
,
31
,
33
,
35
,
36
,
37
,
38
,
39
,
40
,
41
,
42
,
49
,
50
,
51
,
53
,
54
,
57
,
59
,
63
,
66
,
67
,
68
,
69
,
71
,
76
,
77
,
78
,
88
,
89
,
91
,
95
,
96
,
101
,
102
,
103
,
105
measured and reported whether participants who were asked questions about a topic of SRH answered correctly or not (measured assessment). Where this assessment occurred using a qualitative approach, an assessment of whether responses were correct or not was reported based on the researcher having analysed the responses to interview questions. When using a quantitative approach, it was common for questions to be asked on SRH topics for which there was a correct and incorrect answer. Participants' scores were then calculated and reported to indicate their knowledge level.
In some sources ( n = 18),
24
,
28
,
29
,
44
,
45
,
52
,
56
,
58
,
61
,
74
,
81
,
83
,
84
,
87
,
90
,
92
,
94
,
100
both subjective self‐assessment of knowledge and a measured assessment of knowledge were used to form a broader picture of knowledge of the sample on a topic.
In four sources,
34
,
75
,
82
,
93
the SRH knowledge of women was not directly assessed, but instead was reported on by HCPs. For example, in one source, the contraceptive knowledge of Chinese migrant women living in Australia was described during interviews by health professionals who provided contraceptive care.
34
Finally, eight sources did not directly assess the SRH knowledge of women in Australia but reported on knowledge more broadly, for example, as a short communication,
73
or reported on other relevant points, such as sources of SRH information
70
or what women learnt during sex education at school.
47
A total of 54 sources reported on ways that women learnt about their SRH. Typically, survey tools captured the type of information sources that women used or preferred to use, reporting sources by frequency and often using predetermined response options.
23
,
24
,
31
,
54
,
63
,
67
,
70
,
77
,
90
,
94
,
96
,
102
,
103
Other aspects reported on included the perceived trustworthiness of the information source,
23
,
31
which sources participants most relied on,
70
perceived relevance to participants' own needs,
38
,
39
,
77
if participants accessed a specific source,
30
,
49
,
57
which sources women were most likely to access
96
and the number of sources women sought information from.
54
,
56
Qualitative studies explored women's experiences of learning about a specific aspect of SRH,
32
,
33
,
43
,
47
,
82
,
83
,
84
,
85
,
92
,
97
,
98
,
99
,
100
,
101
such as long‐acting reversible contraception (LARC),
43
or a specific way of learning such as school‐based education.
47
One systematic review consolidated quantitative and qualitative reports of emergency contraception information sources.
78
Nine sources reported on interventions to facilitate women's learning about SRH.
24
,
33
,
36
,
40
,
68
,
72
,
80
,
89
,
101
These are reported against Objective 4.
Within the reviewed sources, the most frequently identified way of learning was through HCPs or services ( n = 31).
21
,
23
,
24
,
31
,
33
,
34
,
43
,
50
,
54
,
56
,
57
,
58
,
62
,
65
,
70
,
73
,
75
,
77
,
78
,
82
,
84
,
85
,
90
,
94
,
96
,
97
,
98
,
100
,
101
,
102
,
103
These referred to specific professionals such as nurses
21
,
23
,
34
,
90
or doctors,
21
,
23
,
24
,
31
,
33
,
34
,
43
,
50
,
78
,
85
,
90
,
94
,
96
,
98
,
100
,
102
or to written or audio‐visual materials provided through health services.
57
,
58
,
62
,
90
Trained teachers of fertility awareness were also reported as information sources specific to fertility knowledge.
54
,
56
Friends or peers ( n = 29)
23
,
24
,
34
,
38
,
39
,
47
,
48
,
50
,
54
,
56
,
57
,
62
,
64
,
65
,
67
,
74
,
77
,
78
,
82
,
83
,
84
,
90
,
96
,
97
,
99
,
100
,
101
,
102
,
103
and family ( n = 26)
23
,
24
,
29
,
31
,
34
,
38
,
39
,
43
,
48
,
50
,
57
,
62
,
64
,
65
,
67
,
74
,
77
,
78
,
82
,
90
,
92
,
96
,
97
,
101
,
102
,
103
were the next most frequently identified way of learning. Some articles reported on women learning from specific family members such as mothers
23
,
24
,
29
,
31
,
39
,
43
,
64
,
74
,
77
or sisters.
23
,
24
,
29
,
31
,
39
,
43
,
64
,
74
,
77
Learning from or with partners
48
,
57
,
62
,
102
was similarly but less frequently reported. Nine studies specifically identified learning through others' or own experiences as a way of learning.
39
,
47
,
64
,
65
,
70
,
82
,
83
,
85
,
92
,
99
According to the reviewed sources, women also reported learning through the internet ( n = 23)
23
,
24
,
38
,
39
,
47
,
48
,
54
,
56
,
62
,
63
,
65
,
70
,
77
,
82
,
85
,
90
,
94
,
96
,
97
,
100
,
101
,
102
,
103
and media ( n = 18).
23
,
24
,
39
,
48
,
50
,
65
,
67
,
70
,
74
,
78
,
83
,
84
,
94
,
96
,
97
,
100
,
103
Ways of learning using the internet included online searches,
23
,
24
,
47
,
65
,
101
social media
23
,
24
,
47
,
48
,
65
,
96
and forums.
47
,
65
Within the sources, media included magazines,
23
,
24
,
48
,
65
,
67
,
74
,
78
,
94
,
96
,
103
books,
48
,
54
,
56
,
70
,
94
television programs or films,
23
,
48
,
50
,
65
,
67
,
96
and pornography or sexually explicit material.
39
,
48
,
61
Finally, 19 reviewed sources
23
,
24
,
30
,
38
,
39
,
43
,
48
,
49
,
50
,
65
,
67
,
74
,
77
,
78
,
92
,
96
,
99
,
100
,
102
reported on learning through school. They predominantly focused on class content, such as information described as heteronormative and fear‐based,
47
or simply identified school as an information source broadly.
43
One quantitative study specifically identified different class types in which girls received SRH information: health and physical education, science or biology and religious instruction.
77
School staff such as counsellors or teachers were also identified specifically as information sources.
77
In a similar vein, professional studies or training, such as those for health professionals, educators or armed forces, were reported as sources of SRH information in a small number of studies.
65
,
70
,
74
,
102
Barriers or enablers to women's SRH knowledge were reported in 31 sources. Most sources were qualitative ( n = 23).
32
,
33
,
43
,
47
,
48
,
58
,
62
,
64
,
74
,
75
,
82
,
83
,
84
,
85
,
87
,
92
,
93
,
97
,
98
,
99
,
101
,
104
,
105
Factors commonly reported as enablers or barriers included information content, delivery, timing, and accessibility,
30
,
32
,
43
,
47
,
62
,
73
,
74
,
82
,
101
interactions with those providing information,
62
,
64
,
101
cultural and gendered norms,
47
,
48
,
74
,
83
,
84
,
98
pre‐migration experiences, and competing priorities
62
,
74
,
75
,
83
,
84
and functional health literacy.
62
The content of SRH information was repeatedly reported as a barrier or enabler to women's SRH knowledge irrespective of the type of information source of SRH or knowledge topic. For example, some sources reported that women did not receive sufficient education about a topic such as different types of contraception
43
or that the information was not practical or appropriate to the women's information needs, such as menstruation education in schools.
30
It was reported that the focus of sex and relationships education (SRE) in schools was framed as too biological and sanitised, heteronormative, fear‐based, and not encompassing of the holistic aspects of SRH that women and girls required.
30
,
47
,
74
Sources reported misinformation and misconceptions in a range of contexts as a barrier to women's SRH knowledge and this affected the accuracy of information that was shared with peers and daughters.
43
,
47
,
62
,
82
,
83
,
84
Examples included lesbian, bisexual, and queer women being taught that they did not need routine cervical screening in SRE
47
and misinformation about LARC from HCPs and mothers.
43
Reported factors that contributed to misinformation also included pre‐migration experiences,
83
,
84
,
92
negative parental attitudes and knowledge or lack of knowledge intersecting with cultural and gendered influences.
64
,
83
,
84
,
92
Some sources suggested that where SRH education or information was not perceived to be meaningful in the context of their lives or health needs, it was deemed insufficient and women or girls were described as disengaging from it or not seeking it out.
30
,
32
,
47
,
74
,
83
,
84
,
101
This may indicate a low priority being attributed to preventative or SRH in the context of competing priorities and cultural and gendered norms, both recurring barriers in a range of reviewed sources.
48
,
64
,
74
,
75
,
83
,
84
,
89
,
92
,
93
For example, closed attitudes within families and communities, self‐policing and stigma towards discussing SRH were described as limiting SRH knowledge for some women.
48
,
64
,
74
,
75
,
87
,
89
,
92
,
97
,
98
,
99
,
104
,
105
However, for others, exposure to Australian culture and shifting cultural values in Australia could facilitate increased SRH knowledge.
48
,
93
,
98
,
105
Timing and delivery of health information were also reported as barriers and enablers within the reviewed sources. When women and girls did not have access to SRH information when they needed it or too much information was delivered at once, timing was framed as a barrier to knowledge.
30
,
32
,
43
,
47
,
62
,
89
Pamphlets at the point of care were framed as valuable resources.
57
,
58
,
62
Being able to interact with and ask questions of an information source online or in person was valued as enabling women's SRH knowledge and often a preference for information delivery.
57
,
62
,
89
,
101
However, interactions with HCPs without specific and current SRH knowledge
43
,
57
,
64
,
73
,
89
or perceived negative interactions with HCPs or family members were reported as potential barriers that could impede women's SRH knowledge.
58
,
74
,
93
,
97
For example, negative maternal attitudes inhibited women learning from their mothers about SRH
83
,
84
while other women described feeling judged and concerned about confidentiality, impeding discussion of SRH information needs with HCPs.
58
,
74
,
85
,
99
It was reported that availability of information in different accessible sources
32
and culturally appropriate information in different languages including engaging interpreters
75
,
80
,
87
,
89
,
92
,
93
,
97
,
98
,
104
could facilitate women's SRH. However in one reviewed qualitative study, a lack of functional health literacy, although not formally measured, was suggested amongst Aboriginal women as a barrier to postpartum contraception knowledge, with women described as not knowing what information to ask for, where to find and how to obtain information.
62
This was similarly reflected in other sources around how the women engaged with the internet, reporting difficulties identifying reliable sources of information. Women of migrant backgrounds were also described within the sources as lacking knowledge about the role of health services, and preventative and baseline SRH knowledge, which then prevented them from seeking out further information or HCPs from being able to engage them in SRH education.
75
,
83
,
84
,
87
,
97
Of the 85 sources reviewed, only nine directly reported on interventions that aimed to facilitate women's SRH knowledge. Four sources included traditional in‐person, face‐to‐face learning modalities. One of these used a health professional to present information on changes to cervical screening.
33
Two were designed specifically for Australian Aboriginal populations, including SRH education modules delivered in person, and face‐to‐face workshops on the dilemmas facing Aboriginal youth more broadly but including topics of SRH.
36
,
40
Power et al.
89
described a range of culturally tailored education forums for women of culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds that were presented either in person or using an online meeting platform. Four interventions reported by reviewed sources included digital learning modalities including self‐paced online education modules on menstrual disturbance symptoms and symptom‐relief strategies,
24
SMS text messages on sexual health promotion,
68
an online video on contraception choices
72
and a computer‐generated health professional providing preconception lifestyle advice.
101
One source did not report detailed information on the intervention delivery style.
80