The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model: A Life Course Framework for Understanding Matrescence, Attachment, and Relational Transformation in Black Families

The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model: A Life Course Framework for Understanding Matrescence, Attachment, and Relational Transformation in Black Families | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model: A Life Course Framework for Understanding Matrescence, Attachment, and Relational Transformation in Black Families Brianna Baker This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This manuscript introduces the Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM), a life course conceptual framework developed to capture the dynamic, intergenerational evolution of Black mother-daughter relationships. Informed by Black Feminist Thought, family systems theory, and the sociocultural construct of matrescence, this study draws on in-depth qualitative interviews with 18 Black women ranging in age from 18 to 65. Using a constructivist grounded theory approach, participants’ narratives were analyzed to theorize the developmental processes, emotional shifts, and relational ruptures and repairs that shape the Black mother-daughter bond across the life span. Findings culminated in a five-stage developmental model including the emergence of Black matrescence , a concept grounded in participant narratives that theorizes the uniquely racialized and gendered experience of becoming a mother as a Black woman: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence. These stages trace relational movement from prenatal bonding and early attachment, through adolescence and emotional rupture, to reattachment and intergenerational transformation. Gendered racial socialization emerged as a central thread across all stages, influencing identity development, caregiving practices, emotional regulation, and intergenerational resilience. The BMDDM offers a culturally grounded and developmentally sensitive framework with implications for maternal mental health, clinical intervention, and prevention strategies aimed at supporting intergenerational healing and family wellness within Black communities. Psychology Psychiatry Black matrescence Mother-daughter relationships. Grounded theory. Gendered racial socialization Black women and girls Figures Figure 1 Introduction Unpacking Blackness and the Black American Family African Americans, including those who identify as Black, compose 12.4% of the United States population (United States Census Bureau, 2021 ). The identity of Black Americans, and by proxy the structure and function of Black American families, is situated at the nexus of anti-Black racism, Afrocentric values, historical trauma, and cultural resilience. The institution of the Black family remains one of the most misunderstood and misrepresented formations in both scientific literature and public discourse (Sue et al., 2022 ). Black identity has been historically defined in relation to trauma, oppression, and marginalization (Suslovic & Lett, 2023). This perspective, while acknowledging the real and persistent effects of structural racism, obscures the complexity and vitality of Black cultural and psychosocial life. Blackness cannot be reduced to suffering alone. It encompasses a full spectrum of human experience, including joy, community, creativity, and resistance. To navigate the world as a Black person is to do so within a matrix of intersecting identities shaped by race, gender, class, phenotype, religion, and geography, among others. As Pierre ( 2012 ) asserts, understanding Blackness requires grappling with the globalized disdain for Blackness alongside the rich diversity of diasporic life. The Black Family Structure The structure and functioning of Black families in the United States have been the subject of sustained scrutiny, distortion, and pathologization across sociopolitical and academic discourses. One of the most enduring and damaging examples of this was the Negro Family: The Case for National Action (commonly known as the Moynihan Report, 1965), which attributed the perceived “breakdown” of the Black family to its matriarchal structure. Drawing from a deficit-based framework, the report positioned female-headed households as a root cause of Black poverty and social dysfunction, thereby locating familial challenges within the internal dynamics of Black communities rather than in the broader historical and structural forces that produced them (Rainwater & Yancey, 1967 ; Franklin, 1997 ). This framing contributed to decades of public policy and psychological theory that either ignored or misrepresented the diversity and resilience of Black family life. Contemporary scholarship has thoroughly deconstructed these narratives, demonstrating that the matrifocal and flexible kinship arrangements often observed in Black families are not evidence of dysfunction but rather culturally adaptive responses to structural exclusion, systemic racism, and economic marginalization (Stack, 1974 ; Taylor et al., 1990; McAdoo, 2007 ). Historically, the forced separation of families during enslavement, coupled with limited access to legal marriage and employment protections, fostered nontraditional yet highly functional family forms that prioritized communal caregiving and collective survival (Collins, 1995 ; Billingsley, 1992 ). These adaptations are not anomalies but expressions of cultural resilience, and they continue to inform contemporary practices of child rearing, resource sharing, and identity development within Black communities. Black women, in particular, have long played central roles in maintaining family cohesion and economic stability, often acting as primary breadwinners and decision-makers in the face of systemic labor exclusion, gendered wage gaps, and disproportionately high rates of male incarceration and unemployment (Glynn, 2019 ; Hunter, 2001 ; Roberts, 1997 ). This gendered dynamic shapes the structure of power, care, and authority in many Black households, contributing to a familial ecosystem in which women’s emotional and material labor is central to both survival and identity transmission. As a result, Black mothers often assume multiple roles simultaneously, caretaker, disciplinarian, cultural historian, and protector, roles that influence attachment processes and socialization strategies in powerful and enduring ways (Jarrett, 1994 ; Burton, 1990 ). Despite this strength, the enduring legacy of structural violence, including slavery, segregation, redlining, mass incarceration, and child welfare surveillance, continues to shape Black family formation, relational dynamics, and developmental trajectories across generations (Alexander, 2012 ; Roberts, 2002 ; Wildeman & Wang, 2017 ). These structural constraints compound intergenerational trauma, manifesting in both psychological distress and somatic symptomatology that disproportionately affect Black communities (Gump, 2010; Bryant-Davis et al., 2017 ). At the same time, the Black family remains a vital source of support, identity, and resilience, anchored by traditions of communal care, spiritual grounding, and narrative endurance (Boyd-Franklin, 2003 ; Nobles, 2006 ). In sum, any examination of the Black mother-daughter relationship must be situated within this broader historical and cultural context, one in which the family operates not merely as a private unit of socialization, but as a dynamic site of resistance, reparation, and relational transformation. Understanding the structure of Black families through a strengths-based, culturally grounded lens is essential to interrogating the intergenerational patterns of attachment, socialization, and identity development that inform the model proposed in this manuscript. Black Mother-Daughter Relationships and Gendered Racial Socialization Within the sociopolitical landscape of the United States, the Black mother-daughter relationship occupies a distinctive and vital role in shaping psychological development, cultural identity, and intergenerational meaning-making. As primary attachment figures and cultural gatekeepers, Black mothers are tasked with the complex and often contradictory labor of fostering emotional security and transmitting survival strategies necessary for navigating the intersecting oppressions of racism, sexism, and classism (Hill Collins, 2000 ; Hurd & Sellers, 2013). This dyad is not merely an affective unit but a site of sociocultural production, one through which daughters learn how to interpret, endure, and resist societal messages about their worth, beauty, and belonging as Black girls and women (Brown et al., 2010 ; Leath et al., 2021 ). A central mechanism through which this transmission occurs is gendered racial socialization, a nuanced extension of racial socialization that incorporates the intersectional dimensions of race and gender. Defined as the process by which caregivers transmit culturally grounded messages about identity, values, and coping strategies to help children navigate racialized and gendered environments, gendered racial socialization is particularly salient in the lives of Black girls (Hughes et al., 2006 ; Thomas & King, 2007 ). These messages may address themes such as racial pride, awareness of bias, emotional restraint, self-presentation, and the politics of respectability, each situated within a broader matrix of historical trauma, cultural legacy, and social constraint (Lewis et al., 2013 ; Jones & Neblett, 2017 ; Smith & Moore, 2013 ). Black mothers, having internalized and navigated these systems themselves, often draw on both personal experience and community knowledge in shaping the messages they deliver, intentionally or otherwise. Importantly, gendered racial socialization is not monolithic. Research suggests that its content, frequency, and tone vary across contexts and are shaped by a range of maternal factors, including experiences of discrimination, mental health status, parenting stress, and socioeconomic positioning (Lesane-Brown, 2006 ; Dunbar et al., 2015 ; Burton et al., 2010 ). Moreover, the process is deeply relational, occurring through both direct instruction (e.g., conversations about discrimination) and indirect modeling (e.g., how mothers respond to racism or manage interpersonal boundaries). While some messages function as protective strategies that enhance self-esteem and racial identity (Neblett et al., 2009 ), others may inadvertently reinforce limiting norms around emotional suppression, hyper-independence, or self-sacrifice, norms often rooted in the politics of survival within a structurally oppressive society (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009 ; Thomas et al., 2020 ). Despite the richness of this literature, few empirical studies have examined how gendered racial socialization unfolds specifically within the Black mother-daughter dyad across the life course. Much of the existing research is concentrated in childhood and adolescence, with limited attention to how these relational patterns evolve, or are disrupted, during major developmental transitions such as emerging adulthood, matrescence, or aging (Everet et al., 2016 ; Leath et al., 2021 ). This temporal gap constrains our understanding of the dyadic dynamics that shape Black women’s identities, attachment patterns, and intergenerational healing over time. In addition, prevailing models of attachment and mothering have historically centered Eurocentric, nuclear family norms that overlook the complexity of Black familial structures and relational strategies (Chodorow, 1978 ; O’Connor, 2000; Hill Collins, 1990 ). These dominant frameworks often fail to capture how Black mother-daughter relationships are shaped by broader structural forces such as mass incarceration, economic inequality, historical dislocation, and community-based caregiving systems. As such, they inadequately theorize the cultural labor performed by Black mothers, particularly in preparing daughters to confront intersecting systems of marginalization while also nurturing their capacity for joy, intimacy, and self-definition (McLoyd et al., 2000 ; Staples, 1985 ). Scholars have called for the development of culturally responsive models that reflect the specific socialization practices, attachment processes, and relational meanings embedded within Black families (Thomas et al., 2016 ; Anderson & Stevenson, 2019 ). Answering this call, the present study explores the Black mother-daughter relationship as a dynamic, evolving developmental system shaped by historical trauma, cultural resistance, and shifting maternal roles over time. By attending to both the intrapsychic and intergenerational dimensions of gendered racial socialization, this work conceptualizes the Black mother-daughter bond not only as a site of transmission, but also of transformation, where inherited wounds may be replicated, resisted, and reimagined through processes of relational reflection, rupture, and repair. Matrescence as a Framework for Understanding Transformation The developmental construct of matrescence , first introduced by anthropologist Dana Raphael and later expanded by psychoanalytic theorists, describes the complex psychological, emotional, and social changes that occur as women transition into motherhood (Raphael-Leff, 1991 ). Rather than a singular or static shift, matrescence is understood as a nonlinear, evolving process that begins in pregnancy and continues across the parenting life course. It entails profound transformations in identity, body, attachment, and relational orientation. For Black women, matrescence occurs within a racialized sociopolitical terrain shaped by medical racism, gendered surveillance, economic precarity, and historical narratives of maternal dispossession. These conditions often magnify psychological strain while simultaneously intensifying the stakes of caregiving, identity negotiation, and intergenerational responsibility. While matrescence has traditionally been conceptualized as a normative developmental process encompassing psychological, hormonal, and relational change during motherhood (Raphael-Leff, 1991 ; Athan, 2024 ), these frameworks often fail to consider the racialized contexts in which such transitions occur. This study introduces the term Black matrescence to capture the ways in which matrescence is shaped by anti-Black racism, cultural transmission, reproductive surveillance, and historical trauma. Rather than a universal experience, Black matrescence emerged from the data as a distinct, contextually situated phenomenon, highlighting the affective and social labor of Black women as they transition into motherhood within a structurally hostile environment. Emerging research has begun to explore how matrescence not only transforms the individual mother, but also reconfigures intergenerational relational dynamics, particularly in mother-daughter dyads. As daughters become mothers, they frequently revisit formative experiences with their own mothers, reflect on inherited models of care, and renegotiate the emotional terms of the relationship. This recursive process may evoke feelings of gratitude, ambivalence, or unresolved grief, and often involves a conscious decision to either replicate or depart from earlier patterns of parenting. Some scholars have identified this transition as a potential site of relational rupture or repair, noting that the experience of becoming a mother can catalyze renewed closeness, insight, and even boundary renegotiation between generations. However, empirical research capturing this recursive and relational dimension of matrescence, especially among Black families, remains scarce. This study builds on these foundational insights by centering the Black mother-daughter relationship as a critical site of developmental transformation, cultural transmission, and identity renegotiation across the maternal life course. Through this lens, matrescence is not solely an individual psychological shift, but a dynamic and intergenerational process shaped by the simultaneous unfolding of maternal, racial, and relational identities. The Family Life Cycle Model and Black Families Developmental theories of the family have long attempted to capture the ways in which families evolve over time through predictable stages marked by changes in structure, role, and relational function. Among the most widely cited frameworks is the Family Life Cycle Theory, originally proposed by Carter and McGoldrick ( 1988 ), which outlines a series of normative transitions, such as coupling, child-rearing, launching children, and aging, that families are expected to navigate across the life course. This model has been influential in clinical and developmental psychology for its emphasis on the interplay between individual development and systemic family change. Yet, despite its widespread application, the theory has been critiqued for its reliance on assumptions grounded in White, middle-class, nuclear family norms that do not account for the diversity of family forms or the impact of structural inequality (McGoldrick, 1992 ; Imber-Black, 1993 ). In its original formulation, the Family Life Cycle Theory conceptualized developmental transitions as largely universal, emphasizing normative sequences and intrafamilial adjustments while neglecting the broader sociopolitical forces that shape family trajectories. The framework assumes a level of economic stability, intergenerational continuity, and social autonomy that is often inaccessible to families marginalized by racism, poverty, incarceration, or immigration-related disruption (McAdoo, 2007 ; Franklin, 1997 ). Though McGoldrick ( 1992 ) later revised the theory to acknowledge cultural and contextual variation, including race, class, and systemic inequity, these additions have often remained peripheral to the model’s core structure and logic. As such, the theory struggles to fully capture the complexity of family development among non-White communities, particularly Black families navigating intergenerational trauma, structural exclusion, and alternative kinship systems. For Black families, developmental transitions are shaped not only by the internal dynamics of family systems but by a long history of external disruption and adaptation. Enslavement, legal and extralegal racial violence, housing segregation, chronic economic disinvestment, and mass incarceration have all disrupted normative family development pathways and necessitated flexible, culturally grounded adaptations (Billingsley, 1992 ; Staples, 1985 ; Roberts, 2002 ). These conditions have given rise to distinct relational forms, such as multigenerational households, fictive kin networks, and female-headed family units, that challenge mainstream notions of what constitutes a "healthy" or "complete" family system (Stack, 1974 ; Hill Collins, 1990 ). Importantly, transitions across the life course in Black families are deeply mediated by the centrality of matriarchs, spiritual and religious coping strategies, and collectivist childrearing practices that distribute caregiving across extended kin networks (Hunter, 1997; Boyd-Franklin, 2003 ). The role of the mother, particularly the Black mother, is not confined to the nuclear parenting unit but is embedded within a larger network of emotional, cultural, and financial responsibility. Developmental shifts such as a daughter becoming a mother, a mother becoming a grandmother, or a family member assuming caregiving responsibilities for a sibling's or cousin's child are not anomalous disruptions, but normative expressions of Black family resilience and relational continuity (Jarrett & Burton, 1999 ; Burton et al., 2010 ). Given these realities, there is a growing consensus among scholars that developmental models of the family must move beyond linear, Eurocentric stages and incorporate the structural, cultural, and affective dimensions of family life in marginalized communities (Anderson & Stevenson, 2019 ; Thomas et al., 2016 ). This includes accounting for the cyclical and recursive nature of role transitions, the psychological toll of navigating racialized systems, and the ways in which identity and attachment are negotiated across multiple, often overlapping caregiving relationships. These considerations are essential for developing a comprehensive understanding of Black family development, one that recognizes not only the burdens families carry, but the generative strategies they employ to survive, adapt, and thrive. The Present Study Given the profound gaps in the literature, this study sought to construct a life course developmental model of the Black mother-daughter relationship based on the narratives of Black women across generations. Using qualitative interviews with 18 participants, the study explored how attachment, identity development, trauma transmission, and healing unfolded over time. Particular attention was given to how gendered racial socialization shaped each stage of the relationship. The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model that emerged from this study offers five key stages: Black matrescence and prenatal conditions, initial attachment, separation and detachment, negotiation and reattachment, and matrescence redux and grandmatrescence. This manuscript details each stage and presents the model as a framework for clinicians, researchers, and community-based practitioners who seek to support Black family wellness through culturally grounded, developmentally attuned interventions. Methodology This study employed a qualitative, constructivist grounded theory design to examine the lived experiences of Black mothers and the developmental trajectories of their relationships with their daughters. The primary aim was to generate a theoretical model that reflects the dynamic, racialized, and gendered processes embedded within Black mother-daughter relationships across the life course. Grounded theory was selected for its emphasis on theory-building from participants’ narratives and its capacity to illuminate relational processes as they unfold over time and context (Charmaz, 2006 ). This approach aligns with Black Feminist Thought (Collins, 2000 ) and Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1989 ), which provided critical epistemological grounding throughout the research process. Recruitment Participants were 18 self-identified Black or African American mothers (N = 18) residing in the United States, each with at least one daughter aged five or older. To facilitate reflection on intergenerational dynamics, inclusion criteria required that participants had sustained communication with their own mothers during their upbringing. Recruitment used purposive and snowball sampling strategies, combining virtual outreach (e.g., social media, professional networks, and community listservs) with in-person community-based efforts (e.g., flyers in Black-owned hair salons, churches, and community centers). Participants completed a brief demographic questionnaire and were scheduled for a virtual, semi-structured interview conducted via Zoom. Participants Consistent with best practices in qualitative inquiry, particularly constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006 ) and recommendations for sample adequacy in thematic saturation research (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022), this study recruited 18 participants (N = 18) to capture a wide range of perspectives while privileging depth of narrative over breadth of generalizability. All participants self-identified as Black or African American women and as mothers of at least one daughter aged five or older. This purposive sample was intentionally homogeneous with respect to gendered racial identity to allow for rich exploration of intragroup variation within Black mother-daughter relationships. At the same time, the sample reflected diversity across geographic regions, educational attainment, socioeconomic background, and current household income. factors known to shape worldview and relational processes. The average age of participants was 42.6 years, with the majority in their thirties. Although the sample was geographically distributed across the United States, no participants were based on the West Coast. Educationally, the sample was highly educated: all but one participant held at least a bachelor's degree, and the majority had obtained a postgraduate degree. Participants’ daughters ranged in age from 5 to 29 years, with an average age of 14.2 years. Participants also provided information on both their current household income and the socioeconomic class they associated with during childhood. Eleven participants reported being raised in working-class households, three described growing up in poverty or under impoverished conditions, two identified as low-income, and two identified as middle class. At the time of the study, household income levels were distributed as follows: five participants reported annual incomes between $ 50,000 and $ 89,999, five reported incomes between $ 90,000 and $ 129,999, six reported incomes above $ 130,000, and two reported incomes below $ 49,000. A complete demographic profile of the participants can be found in Table 1 . This combination of shared racial-gender identity and socioeconomic heterogeneity allowed for the emergence of both collective themes and nuanced divergences, enriching the grounded theory development of the Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM). Data Collection Interviews averaged 79 minutes in length and followed a semi-structured protocol designed to elicit narratives across four thematic domains: (1) racialized and gendered lived experience, (2) daughterhood and maternal memory, (3) motherhood and parenting practice, and (4) hope, healing, and intergenerational legacy. The interview guide was informed by previous scholarship on racial socialization, matrescence, and Black family systems, and was refined in consultation with Black maternal health experts. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and de-identified. Participants received a $ 50 Visa e-gift card in appreciation for their time and insights. Data Analysis A constructivist grounded theory approach guided the analytic process, centering participants’ meaning-making and the co-construction of knowledge between interviewer and participant (Charmaz, 2006 ). This method allowed for inductive theorizing that remained grounded in the data while attending to the sociopolitical contexts in which mother-daughter relationships are embedded. The analytic process proceeded in three overlapping phases: initial coding, focused coding, and theoretical coding. Initial coding involved a close, line-by-line reading of each transcript to identify meaningful segments that reflected relational processes, emotional shifts, or sociocultural references. Coding was conducted using gerunds (e.g., navigating rejection , withholding affection , redefining boundaries ) to maintain a focus on action and process. Codes were generated without pre-imposed categories to preserve analytic openness. Focused coding entailed identifying the most frequent or significant codes across transcripts and grouping them into broader conceptual categories. This phase emphasized identifying patterns related to attachment, rupture, reattachment, identity negotiation, and maternal transformation. Memos were written throughout this phase to capture evolving theoretical insights and analytic hunches. Theoretical coding synthesized conceptual categories into a coherent framework that captured the developmental trajectories and recursive processes within the mother-daughter relationship. Constant comparison methods were employed at every phase, with codes compared within and across transcripts to refine concepts and ensure analytic rigor. Peer debriefings were held regularly with a diverse research team comprising Black scholars and clinician-researchers who shared cultural and experiential proximity to the participants. Reflexivity was embedded throughout the research process. Analytic memos and team discussions addressed how researchers’ positionalities, as Black women, daughters, scholars, and in some cases, mothers, influenced interpretation. By foregrounding standpoint theory and embodied epistemologies, the team remained accountable to the cultural specificity of participants’ narratives and resistant to pathologizing interpretations. Model Development Through iterative analysis and theoretical integration, the Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM) emerged as a grounded theory capturing the dynamic, nonlinear evolution of the Black mother-daughter relationship across five interrelated stages: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence. Each stage was constructed from coded data and supported by axial connections across multiple transcripts, representing a developmental arc shaped by attachment processes, sociopolitical context, cultural identity, and intergenerational adaptation. By anchoring analysis in grounded theory methodology, this study generated an original theoretical model that is deeply rooted in the lived experiences of Black mothers. The BMDDM offers a developmentally sensitive, culturally specific, and relationally complex framework that advances psychological theory and practice concerning Black family life. Results: The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model The findings of this study led to the development of the Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM) (See Fig. 1 ), a five-stage framework that theorizes the evolving relational trajectories of the Black mother-daughter dyad across the life course. This model was generated through a constructivist grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2006 ), which enabled an inductive, iterative analysis of participants’ narratives with attention to relational processes, identity shifts, and sociocultural meaning-making. Guided by Black Feminist Thought (Collins, 2000 ) and Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1991), the analytic process emphasized the co-construction of knowledge between researcher and participant and situated meaning within the historical, structural, and cultural realities of Black family life. The BMDDM comprises five interdependent stages: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence. Graphic 1: The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM) Stage One: Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions This initial stage captures the formative period during pregnancy when the mother-daughter relationship begins to take shape, both somatically and psychologically. This stage introduces Black matrescence , a term developed inductively from participant narratives to describe the uniquely racialized and gendered experience of becoming a mother as a Black woman. While existing literature defines matrescence as a broad psychosocial transition into motherhood (Athan, 2024 ; Raphael-Leff, 1991 ), participants in this study articulated a more complex, culturally situated version of this transition, one that encompasses joy, fear, historical reckoning, and anticipatory socialization under conditions of structural racism. Participants described pregnancy as a time of psychic and emotional recalibration marked by profound ambivalence. One mother shared, “I was excited, but I was also scared. I didn’t want to become the kind of mother my mother was to me.” Importantly, several mothers described a relational bond forming even before birth. “I remember being pregnant and having a relationship with her when she was in utero,” one participant noted, echoing research on prenatal attachment and maternal mentalization (Muller & Mercer, 1993 ; Cataudella et al., 2016 ). However, this emerging bond was shaped by external conditions. Participants who experienced emotional support, housing security, and reproductive autonomy described their pregnancies as hopeful and affirming. In contrast, participants facing intimate partner violence, homelessness, or medical neglect described pregnancy as a time of disorientation and isolation. These findings are consistent with research on perinatal mental health disparities among Black women, who are disproportionately affected by depression, anxiety, and obstetric racism during pregnancy (Guintivano et al., 2018 ; Crear-Perry et al., 2021 ). Stage Two: Initial Attachment This stage begins with childbirth and extends through early childhood. For many participants, this was a phase of deep emotional investment, intense caregiving, and hope for relational repair. Mothers frequently articulated their desire to “break the cycle” of intergenerational trauma: “I didn’t want her to feel the way I felt growing up. I wanted to love her loudly.” Yet, maternal trauma histories, postpartum depression, and systemic stressors, including financial strain, child welfare involvement, or solo parenting, often complicated early bonding. Despite these challenges, participants expressed a commitment to forging strong attachments, even if this required relying on others. The role of “Other-Mothers”, grandmothers, aunts, godmothers, was a recurrent theme. One mother reflected, “My mama wasn’t there for me, but my aunt was everything to my daughter. She helped raise her while I got myself together.” These findings reflect Afrocentric kinship traditions that prioritize collective caregiving and reinforce the adaptability of attachment processes in Black families (Collins, 1987 ; Stack, 1974 ). Mothers also discussed how their own childhood attachments influenced their maternal strategies. Some replicated the emotional distance they had experienced; others intentionally pursued openness and affection. Thus, attachment was not static but dynamically negotiated across internalized memory, current emotional capacity, and external structural context. Stage Three: Separation and Detachment Adolescence marked a relational inflection point characterized by emotional distancing, boundary negotiation, and identity divergence. Participants described this stage as turbulent but developmentally necessary. Daughters’ increasing autonomy often activated maternal fear or grief. One mother stated, “I was losing her and didn’t know how to hold on without hurting her.” This struggle reflects the psychological tension inherent in adolescent individuation, especially within marginalized communities where mothers often perceive the world as unsafe for their daughters (Branje, 2018 ; Hurd & Sellers, 2013). Mothers reported difficulties managing shifting roles, from caregiver to guide, especially when adolescents challenged parental authority or internalized racialized gender scripts from school or media. These conflicts were exacerbated by environmental stressors: racial bullying, academic pressure, police surveillance, or parental job loss. Yet, some mothers described conscious efforts to allow daughters room to self-define: “I gave her space to be herself. I didn’t want her to resent me for holding too tight.” This stage also revealed how daughters began to form narratives about their mothers, reinterpreting past behaviors in light of new experiences, often without yet having the language or developmental readiness for full empathy. Emotional detachment, then, was not necessarily rejection, but a recalibration of closeness in response to evolving needs. Stage Four: Negotiation and Reattachment This stage typically occurred in early adulthood, often precipitated by a life event, college graduation, a health crisis, or the birth of a child, that catalyzed introspection and reengagement. Participants described this phase as emotionally complex. Daughters began to see their mothers not as omnipotent caregivers, but as women shaped by their own traumas and limitations. As one participant explained, “I had to unlearn who I thought she was in order to actually see her.” Mothers, too, grappled with their evolving role. Some expressed relief at shedding the disciplinary persona, while others struggled to relate to daughters on more equal footing. Reattachment often required confrontation of unresolved wounds. These conversations were described as painful but healing. “She finally told me why she left my dad. I was angry for years, but I didn’t know the whole story,” one daughter shared. Emotional reparation was rarely linear. Several participants noted multiple cycles of rupture and repair, often mediated by individual therapy, spiritual practice, or shifts in family structure. These findings resonate with research on adult renegotiation of attachment and intergenerational communication (Rastogi & Wampler, 1999 ; Shrier et al., 2004 ). Stage Five: Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence The final stage captures a recursive process: as daughters enter matrescence themselves, or mothers become grandmothers, a new layer of relational reflection unfolds. This stage was described as both redemptive and destabilizing. For some, motherhood brought clarity: “Once I had my own daughter, I got it. I finally understood why my mom was so scared all the time.” For others, it unearthed buried resentment or guilt: “I swore I’d never be like her, but I found myself saying the same things. That scared me.” This recursive dimension, matrescence redux , highlights how maternal identity is not static but continually reworked in relation to past and future generations. Grandmatrescence, a concept introduced in this study, refers to the psychological and emotional transition into grandmotherhood. While many grandmothers described this role as joyful and grounding, it also revived unresolved tensions around control, boundaries, and recognition. “She wanted me to be involved but on her terms. I had to learn to take a step back and just be Nana.” These multigenerational dynamics often culminated in a more nuanced understanding of familial legacy, where silence, survival, rupture, and repair coexist in tension. The grandmother role became a space of both continuity and transformation, embodying what several participants called “a second chance.” Discussion The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM) offers a life course framework for understanding the evolving relational, psychological, and cultural dynamics within Black mother-daughter dyads. Drawing on rich qualitative narratives analyzed through Black Feminist and Intersectionality lenses, the model traces how maternal identity, attachment, and intergenerational meaning-making unfold in five distinct, though overlapping, developmental stages. Each stage, Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, Initial Attachment, Separation and Detachment, Negotiation and Reattachment, and Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence, demonstrates how the mother-daughter relationship is shaped not solely by individual characteristics or intrafamilial dynamics, but by broader sociopolitical forces such as structural racism, gendered stereotypes, historical trauma, and cultural survival strategies. Consistent with prior work on racial and gendered socialization (Hughes et al., 2006 ; Thomas & King, 2007 ; Lewis et al., 2013 ), the findings affirm that Black mothers are key socializing agents who transmit both protective and prescriptive messages. A key contribution of this study is the introduction of Black matrescence as a distinct theoretical construct. By naming the racialized contours of the maternal transition, this concept expands matrescence literature beyond its often race-neutral framing and offers a culturally situated lens for understanding how maternal identity is forged in contexts of structural inequality, cultural transmission, and intergenerational labor. Additionally, the BMDDM expands this literature by showing how such messages are not static but dynamically reinterpreted across the life course. The data reveal that attachment, rupture, and repair are not confined to childhood and adolescence but recur as daughters transition into new relational roles, particularly motherhood. This recursive, relational process aligns with contemporary developmental theories that emphasize nonlinear, bidirectional, and contextually embedded pathways of psychological development (Rogoff, 2003 ; Elder et al., 2003 ). The model also provides a corrective to Eurocentric developmental frameworks, such as the Family Life Cycle Theory (Carter & McGoldrick, 1988 ), which inadequately account for racialized and non-nuclear family systems. While traditional developmental frameworks such as the Family Life Cycle Theory (Carter & McGoldrick, 1988 ) offer a valuable scaffolding for understanding family transitions, they fall short in capturing the complex interplay of structural oppression, racialized gender dynamics, and culturally specific caregiving norms that shape family development in marginalized communities. The BMDDM both builds upon and departs from these models by centering Black matrifocal structures, fluid kinship roles, and intergenerational adaptation within a racialized sociopolitical context. Unlike stage-based models that assume linearity, autonomy, and nuclear family arrangements, the BMDDM recognizes that developmental shifts in Black mother-daughter relationships are recursive, nonlinear, and often shaped by collective caregiving and structural constraint. Furthermore, while attachment theory has traditionally emphasized dyadic security established in early childhood, the BMDDM expands this framework by illustrating how attachment is continually negotiated and reconfigured across the life course through processes of rupture, reflection, and reattachment. In this way, the BMDDM offers a culturally grounded corrective that challenges both the universality and neutrality of dominant paradigms in developmental psychology and family systems theory. One of the most significant contributions of this study is the theorization of matrescence redux and grandmatrescence , concepts that capture how maternal identity is recursively reconstructed when a daughter becomes a mother or when a mother becomes a grandmother. These transitions are not merely biological or role-based, but deeply affective and meaning-laden. They often catalyze emotional re-evaluation, shifts in boundaries, and potential healing of past wounds. This insight extends existing matrescence literature, which has largely focused on individual transformation, by highlighting how matrescence can also serve as a relational and intergenerational developmental turning point (Athan, 2024 ; Raphael-Leff, 1991 ). Implications for Practice and Policy The BMDDM has several practical and policy implications. First, mental health providers working with Black women and families must adopt a developmental and culturally grounded approach to relational healing. Interventions should attend to matrescence not only as a personal transition but also as an intergenerational opportunity for rupture or repair. Therapeutic approaches grounded in attachment theory, family systems, and cultural humility can be adapted to support mothers and daughters as they navigate complex relational histories. Second, maternal and perinatal health services should integrate racial equity frameworks that validate and support Black women’s experiences of pregnancy, motherhood, and intergenerational caregiving. Screening for historical trauma, family conflict, and culturally specific stressors should be incorporated into perinatal mental health assessments. Programs that offer culturally relevant psychoeducation on matrescence and mother-daughter dynamics may prevent isolation and strengthen emotional support systems. Finally, policies that affect family life, such as child welfare, public housing, and maternal health care, must be informed by an understanding of how structural violence disrupts Black family development. Supporting multigenerational households, reducing criminalization of Black mothers, and protecting reproductive autonomy are critical for fostering healthy relational development across generations. Limitations This study is not without limitations. First, while the sample included a diverse range of Black women in terms of age, region, and maternal status, it was limited by language (English-speaking only) and access (participants with time and ability to participate in qualitative interviews). As such, the experiences of undocumented Black women, non-English speakers, or those experiencing acute crises may be underrepresented. Second, the cross-sectional nature of the interviews limits causal inference about how participants’ relationships evolved over time. Though life course stages were reconstructed through retrospective narrative, future studies may benefit from longitudinal or ethnographic approaches that capture these transitions as they unfold. Third, although this study aimed to highlight Black women’s voices, it does not account for the perspectives of daughters who may not identify as women, or for queer, trans, or nonbinary relational identities within mother-daughter dyads. Future research should explore how gender expansiveness intersects with maternal attachment and identity in Black families. Future Directions Future research should expand the BMDDM through broader and more intersectional sampling. Studies that center the experiences of queer, trans, disabled, or immigrant Black families will enrich the model’s applicability and deepen our understanding of relational diversity. Additionally, quantitative studies could test the predictive utility of the BMDDM, e.g., examining whether certain stage transitions correlate with mental health outcomes, identity formation, or relationship satisfaction. Another promising direction involves adapting the model for clinical intervention. For instance, developing group therapy curricula, mother-daughter dyadic interventions, or community workshops based on the BMDDM could offer scalable solutions to enhance relational healing in Black communities. Lastly, integrating this model into maternal health and parenting policy frameworks may offer an innovative path forward for addressing intergenerational trauma and family resilience in racially marginalized populations. Conclusion This study offers a grounded theoretical contribution to the developmental and psychological literature by centering the lived experiences of Black women in theorizing the Black mother-daughter relationship across the life course. The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM) advances existing understandings of attachment, identity, and intergenerational transmission by situating these processes within the unique cultural, historical, and structural contexts that shape Black family life. Through five interconnected stages, Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, Initial Attachment, Separation and Detachment, Negotiation and Reattachment, and Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence, the model traces how the mother-daughter relationship evolves in response to developmental transitions, sociopolitical conditions, and relational ruptures and repairs. By integrating grounded theory methodology with Black Feminist Thought and Intersectionality, this study affirms that Black maternal relationships are not only sites of survival but also of transformation, healing, and meaning-making. The BMDDM challenges deficit-based narratives by highlighting the resilience, adaptability, and emotional complexity within Black families. It offers a culturally grounded framework with relevance for clinical practice, perinatal and maternal mental health, and the development of culturally responsive interventions. Ultimately, this model honors the relational labor of Black motherhood and daughterhood, and affirms the need for theoretical paradigms that reflect the fullness of Black women’s intergenerational lives. Declarations This study was reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board of Teachers College, Columbia University (Protocol #22-407). All participants provided informed consent prior to participation. References Alexander, M. (2012). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness . The New Press. Anderson, R. E., & Stevenson, H. C. (2019). RECASTing racial stress and trauma: Theorizing the healing potential of racial socialization in families. 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McGoldrick (Eds.), The expanded family life cycle: Individual, family, and social perspectives (pp. 169–182). Allyn & Bacon. McLoyd, V. C., Hill, N. E., & Dodge, K. A. (2000). Developmental psychopathology in African American children. In A. J. Sameroff, M. Lewis, & S. M. Miller (Eds.), Handbook of developmental psychopathology (2nd ed., pp. 185–200). Springer. Muller, M. E., & Mercer, R. T. (1993). Development of the prenatal attachment inventory. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 15 (2), 199–215. https://doi.org/10.1177/019394599301500204 Neblett, E. W., Jr., Smalls, C. P., Ford, K. R., Nguyên, H. X., & Sellers, R. M. (2009). Racial socialization and racial identity: African American parents' messages about race as precursors to identity. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 38 (2), 189–203. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-008-9359-z Nobles, W. W. (2006). Seeking the Sakhu: Foundational writings for an African psychology . Third World Press. Pierre, J. (2012). The predicament of Blackness: Postcolonial Ghana and the politics of race . University of Chicago Press. Rainwater, L., & Yancey, W. (1967). The Moynihan Report and the politics of controversy . MIT Press. Raphael-Leff, J. (1991). Psychological processes of childbearing . Chapman and Hall. Rastogi, M., & Wampler, K. S. (1999). Adult daughters’ perceptions of their relationships with their mothers: A cross-cultural comparison. Family Relations, 48 (3), 327–336. https://doi.org/10.2307/585636 Roberts, D. (1997). Killing the Black body: Race, reproduction, and the meaning of liberty . Vintage. Roberts, D. (2002). Shattered bonds: The color of child welfare . Basic Books. Rogoff, B. (2003). The cultural nature of human development . Oxford University Press. Shrier, D. K., Tompsett, M., & Shrier, L. A. (2004). Adult mother–daughter relationships: A review. Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry, 32 (1), 91–115. Smith, S. S., & Moore, M. R. (2013). Not fit to be a wife: Black women and the stigma of marriage. Sociological Spectrum, 33 (4), 326–347. https://doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2013.818502 Stack, C. B. (1974). All our kin: Strategies for survival in a Black community . Harper & Row. Staples, R. (1985). Changes in Black family structure: The conflict between family ideology and structural conditions. Journal of Marriage and Family, 47 (4), 1005–1013. Sue, D. W., Rivera, D. P., Watkins, N. L., Kim, R. H., & Phan, M. (2022). Microaggressions and marginality: Manifestation, dynamics, and impact (2nd ed.). Wiley. Thomas, A. J., & King, C. T. (2007). Gendered racial socialization of African American mothers and daughters. The Counseling Psychologist, 35 (6), 784–807. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011000007304216 Thomas, A. J., Witherspoon, K. M., & Speight, S. L. (2016). Gendered racism, psychological distress, and coping styles of African American women. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 14 (4), 307–314. https://doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.14.4.307 Thomas, A. J., Davidson, J. D., & Garner, A. S. (2020). The myth of the strong Black woman: Gendered racial socialization and internalized oppression in Black women. Journal of Black Psychology, 46 (3), 195–216. https://doi.org/10.1177/0095798419887042 United States Census Bureau. (2021). QuickFacts: United States. https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/US Watkins, D. C. (2017). Rapid and Rigorous Qualitative Data Analysis: The “RADaR” Technique for Applied Research. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 16 (1). https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406917712131 Wildeman, C., & Wang, E. A. (2017). Mass incarceration, public health, and widening inequality in the USA. The Lancet, 389 (10077), 1464–1474. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(17)30259-3 Graphic 1 Graphic 1 is available in the Supplementary Files section. Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Supplementary Files Appendix.docx Graphic1.docx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-6580883","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":451275671,"identity":"61efd240-aa03-4907-9668-d82f5829ac7f","order_by":0,"name":"Brianna Baker","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAAA/UlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYBACAwYexgcfftjIQbgFQBFmEIMNrxZmw5k9acY8UC5RWtikedgOJ/bAtTAQ0GLOfvaABA/P4fT97AcYP3wwOBxtzs78gOFD2WGcWix78hIMJCzSc3t4EpglZxgczt3ZzGbAOOMcbi0GB3IMEgx4rHN7JBjYmHmAWjYcBnqHtw2PlvNvDA4ksDGn8yC0sH9g/otPy40cw4YDbM4JSFp4DJgZ8WixnPEumbGxJ82w50xiM9Av6UC/8BQc7DmXjlOLOX/u8d9/ftjIs7cfPvjhQ4V17nb+4xsf/CizxqkFCTA2wJkHiFE/CkbBKBgFowA3AACi+FOzqGqexwAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8286-7200","institution":"Teachers College, Columbia University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Brianna","middleName":"","lastName":"Baker","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-05-02 21:08:59","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":{"humanSubjects":true,"vertebrateSubjects":false,"conflictsOfInterestStatement":false,"humanSubjectEthicalGuidelines":true,"humanSubjectConsent":true,"humanSubjectClinicalTrial":false,"humanSubjectCaseReport":false,"vertebrateSubjectEthicalGuidelines":false},"doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":82070834,"identity":"1d0c2f32-b0e3-44c4-89c9-eb3283b6e3f7","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-06 13:17:14","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":287616,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6580883/v1/360c95a26498639475c2806a.png"},{"id":82072493,"identity":"76e688ec-55c5-4fc1-9d24-717505c39342","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-06 13:25:15","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1069122,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6580883/v1/80ed5ec2-5d11-4c5a-abc0-7b71fada43fa.pdf"},{"id":82070116,"identity":"1e97e1b4-2923-4abc-a633-8744cfe1fa85","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-06 13:09:15","extension":"docx","order_by":1,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":18556,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Appendix.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6580883/v1/2bdaba9f5a14fbb12bd1dcef.docx"},{"id":82070117,"identity":"7a66ed8a-1a8d-492e-9be9-b47688132f69","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-05-06 13:09:15","extension":"docx","order_by":2,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":182646,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"Graphic1.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-6580883/v1/172229f3f22e10f2346499b4.docx"}],"financialInterests":"The authors declare no competing interests.","formattedTitle":"\u003cp\u003eThe Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model: A Life Course Framework for Understanding Matrescence, Attachment, and Relational Transformation in Black Families\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec2\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eUnpacking Blackness and the Black American Family\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eAfrican Americans, including those who identify as Black, compose 12.4% of the United States population (United States Census Bureau, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR59\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The identity of Black Americans, and by proxy the structure and function of Black American families, is situated at the nexus of anti-Black racism, Afrocentric values, historical trauma, and cultural resilience. The institution of the Black family remains one of the most misunderstood and misrepresented formations in both scientific literature and public discourse (Sue et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBlack identity has been historically defined in relation to trauma, oppression, and marginalization (Suslovic \u0026amp; Lett, 2023). This perspective, while acknowledging the real and persistent effects of structural racism, obscures the complexity and vitality of Black cultural and psychosocial life. Blackness cannot be reduced to suffering alone. It encompasses a full spectrum of human experience, including joy, community, creativity, and resistance. To navigate the world as a Black person is to do so within a matrix of intersecting identities shaped by race, gender, class, phenotype, religion, and geography, among others. As Pierre (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) asserts, understanding Blackness requires grappling with the globalized disdain for Blackness alongside the rich diversity of diasporic life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eThe Black Family Structure\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe structure and functioning of Black families in the United States have been the subject of sustained scrutiny, distortion, and pathologization across sociopolitical and academic discourses. One of the most enduring and damaging examples of this was the \u003cem\u003eNegro Family: The Case for National Action\u003c/em\u003e (commonly known as the Moynihan Report, 1965), which attributed the perceived “breakdown” of the Black family to its matriarchal structure. Drawing from a deficit-based framework, the report positioned female-headed households as a root cause of Black poverty and social dysfunction, thereby locating familial challenges within the internal dynamics of Black communities rather than in the broader historical and structural forces that produced them (Rainwater \u0026amp; Yancey, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1967\u003c/span\u003e; Franklin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). This framing contributed to decades of public policy and psychological theory that either ignored or misrepresented the diversity and resilience of Black family life.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eContemporary scholarship has thoroughly deconstructed these narratives, demonstrating that the matrifocal and flexible kinship arrangements often observed in Black families are not evidence of dysfunction but rather culturally adaptive responses to structural exclusion, systemic racism, and economic marginalization (Stack, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e; Taylor et al., 1990; McAdoo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Historically, the forced separation of families during enslavement, coupled with limited access to legal marriage and employment protections, fostered nontraditional yet highly functional family forms that prioritized communal caregiving and collective survival (Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1995\u003c/span\u003e; Billingsley, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e). These adaptations are not anomalies but expressions of cultural resilience, and they continue to inform contemporary practices of child rearing, resource sharing, and identity development within Black communities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBlack women, in particular, have long played central roles in maintaining family cohesion and economic stability, often acting as primary breadwinners and decision-makers in the face of systemic labor exclusion, gendered wage gaps, and disproportionately high rates of male incarceration and unemployment (Glynn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Hunter, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e; Roberts, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). This gendered dynamic shapes the structure of power, care, and authority in many Black households, contributing to a familial ecosystem in which women’s emotional and material labor is central to both survival and identity transmission. As a result, Black mothers often assume multiple roles simultaneously, caretaker, disciplinarian, cultural historian, and protector, roles that influence attachment processes and socialization strategies in powerful and enduring ways (Jarrett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e; Burton, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite this strength, the enduring legacy of structural violence, including slavery, segregation, redlining, mass incarceration, and child welfare surveillance, continues to shape Black family formation, relational dynamics, and developmental trajectories across generations (Alexander, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Roberts, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Wildeman \u0026amp; Wang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR61\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). These structural constraints compound intergenerational trauma, manifesting in both psychological distress and somatic symptomatology that disproportionately affect Black communities (Gump, 2010; Bryant-Davis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). At the same time, the Black family remains a vital source of support, identity, and resilience, anchored by traditions of communal care, spiritual grounding, and narrative endurance (Boyd-Franklin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Nobles, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn sum, any examination of the Black mother-daughter relationship must be situated within this broader historical and cultural context, one in which the family operates not merely as a private unit of socialization, but as a dynamic site of resistance, reparation, and relational transformation. Understanding the structure of Black families through a strengths-based, culturally grounded lens is essential to interrogating the intergenerational patterns of attachment, socialization, and identity development that inform the model proposed in this manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Relationships and Gendered Racial Socialization\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin the sociopolitical landscape of the United States, the Black mother-daughter relationship occupies a distinctive and vital role in shaping psychological development, cultural identity, and intergenerational meaning-making. As primary attachment figures and cultural gatekeepers, Black mothers are tasked with the complex and often contradictory labor of fostering emotional security and transmitting survival strategies necessary for navigating the intersecting oppressions of racism, sexism, and classism (Hill Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Hurd \u0026amp; Sellers, 2013). This dyad is not merely an affective unit but a site of sociocultural production, one through which daughters learn how to interpret, endure, and resist societal messages about their worth, beauty, and belonging as Black girls and women (Brown et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Leath et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eA central mechanism through which this transmission occurs is gendered racial socialization, a nuanced extension of racial socialization that incorporates the intersectional dimensions of race and gender. Defined as the process by which caregivers transmit culturally grounded messages about identity, values, and coping strategies to help children navigate racialized and gendered environments, gendered racial socialization is particularly salient in the lives of Black girls (Hughes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Thomas \u0026amp; King, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). These messages may address themes such as racial pride, awareness of bias, emotional restraint, self-presentation, and the politics of respectability, each situated within a broader matrix of historical trauma, cultural legacy, and social constraint (Lewis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Jones \u0026amp; Neblett, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Smith \u0026amp; Moore, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Black mothers, having internalized and navigated these systems themselves, often draw on both personal experience and community knowledge in shaping the messages they deliver, intentionally or otherwise.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImportantly, gendered racial socialization is not monolithic. Research suggests that its content, frequency, and tone vary across contexts and are shaped by a range of maternal factors, including experiences of discrimination, mental health status, parenting stress, and socioeconomic positioning (Lesane-Brown, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Dunbar et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Burton et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, the process is deeply relational, occurring through both direct instruction (e.g., conversations about discrimination) and indirect modeling (e.g., how mothers respond to racism or manage interpersonal boundaries). While some messages function as protective strategies that enhance self-esteem and racial identity (Neblett et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), others may inadvertently reinforce limiting norms around emotional suppression, hyper-independence, or self-sacrifice, norms often rooted in the politics of survival within a structurally oppressive society (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e; Thomas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite the richness of this literature, few empirical studies have examined how gendered racial socialization unfolds specifically within the Black mother-daughter dyad across the life course. Much of the existing research is concentrated in childhood and adolescence, with limited attention to how these relational patterns evolve, or are disrupted, during major developmental transitions such as emerging adulthood, matrescence, or aging (Everet et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Leath et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). This temporal gap constrains our understanding of the dyadic dynamics that shape Black women’s identities, attachment patterns, and intergenerational healing over time.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn addition, prevailing models of attachment and mothering have historically centered Eurocentric, nuclear family norms that overlook the complexity of Black familial structures and relational strategies (Chodorow, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1978\u003c/span\u003e; O’Connor, 2000; Hill Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). These dominant frameworks often fail to capture how Black mother-daughter relationships are shaped by broader structural forces such as mass incarceration, economic inequality, historical dislocation, and community-based caregiving systems. As such, they inadequately theorize the cultural labor performed by Black mothers, particularly in preparing daughters to confront intersecting systems of marginalization while also nurturing their capacity for joy, intimacy, and self-definition (McLoyd et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Staples, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1985\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eScholars have called for the development of culturally responsive models that reflect the specific socialization practices, attachment processes, and relational meanings embedded within Black families (Thomas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Anderson \u0026amp; Stevenson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Answering this call, the present study explores the Black mother-daughter relationship as a dynamic, evolving developmental system shaped by historical trauma, cultural resistance, and shifting maternal roles over time. By attending to both the intrapsychic and intergenerational dimensions of gendered racial socialization, this work conceptualizes the Black mother-daughter bond not only as a site of transmission, but also of transformation, where inherited wounds may be replicated, resisted, and reimagined through processes of relational reflection, rupture, and repair.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eMatrescence as a Framework for Understanding Transformation\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe developmental construct of \u003cem\u003ematrescence\u003c/em\u003e, first introduced by anthropologist Dana Raphael and later expanded by psychoanalytic theorists, describes the complex psychological, emotional, and social changes that occur as women transition into motherhood (Raphael-Leff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e). Rather than a singular or static shift, matrescence is understood as a nonlinear, evolving process that begins in pregnancy and continues across the parenting life course. It entails profound transformations in identity, body, attachment, and relational orientation. For Black women, matrescence occurs within a racialized sociopolitical terrain shaped by medical racism, gendered surveillance, economic precarity, and historical narratives of maternal dispossession. These conditions often magnify psychological strain while simultaneously intensifying the stakes of caregiving, identity negotiation, and intergenerational responsibility.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile matrescence has traditionally been conceptualized as a normative developmental process encompassing psychological, hormonal, and relational change during motherhood (Raphael-Leff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e; Athan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), these frameworks often fail to consider the racialized contexts in which such transitions occur. This study introduces the term \u003cem\u003eBlack matrescence\u003c/em\u003e to capture the ways in which matrescence is shaped by anti-Black racism, cultural transmission, reproductive surveillance, and historical trauma. Rather than a universal experience, \u003cem\u003eBlack matrescence\u003c/em\u003e emerged from the data as a distinct, contextually situated phenomenon, highlighting the affective and social labor of Black women as they transition into motherhood within a structurally hostile environment.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEmerging research has begun to explore how matrescence not only transforms the individual mother, but also reconfigures intergenerational relational dynamics, particularly in mother-daughter dyads. As daughters become mothers, they frequently revisit formative experiences with their own mothers, reflect on inherited models of care, and renegotiate the emotional terms of the relationship. This recursive process may evoke feelings of gratitude, ambivalence, or unresolved grief, and often involves a conscious decision to either replicate or depart from earlier patterns of parenting. Some scholars have identified this transition as a potential site of relational rupture or repair, noting that the experience of becoming a mother can catalyze renewed closeness, insight, and even boundary renegotiation between generations. However, empirical research capturing this recursive and relational dimension of matrescence, especially among Black families, remains scarce.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study builds on these foundational insights by centering the Black mother-daughter relationship as a critical site of developmental transformation, cultural transmission, and identity renegotiation across the maternal life course. Through this lens, matrescence is not solely an individual psychological shift, but a dynamic and intergenerational process shaped by the simultaneous unfolding of maternal, racial, and relational identities.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe Family Life Cycle Model and Black Families\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDevelopmental theories of the family have long attempted to capture the ways in which families evolve over time through predictable stages marked by changes in structure, role, and relational function. Among the most widely cited frameworks is the Family Life Cycle Theory, originally proposed by Carter and McGoldrick (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e), which outlines a series of normative transitions, such as coupling, child-rearing, launching children, and aging, that families are expected to navigate across the life course. This model has been influential in clinical and developmental psychology for its emphasis on the interplay between individual development and systemic family change. Yet, despite its widespread application, the theory has been critiqued for its reliance on assumptions grounded in White, middle-class, nuclear family norms that do not account for the diversity of family forms or the impact of structural inequality (McGoldrick, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e; Imber-Black, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn its original formulation, the Family Life Cycle Theory conceptualized developmental transitions as largely universal, emphasizing normative sequences and intrafamilial adjustments while neglecting the broader sociopolitical forces that shape family trajectories. The framework assumes a level of economic stability, intergenerational continuity, and social autonomy that is often inaccessible to families marginalized by racism, poverty, incarceration, or immigration-related disruption (McAdoo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Franklin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). Though McGoldrick (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e) later revised the theory to acknowledge cultural and contextual variation, including race, class, and systemic inequity, these additions have often remained peripheral to the model’s core structure and logic. As such, the theory struggles to fully capture the complexity of family development among non-White communities, particularly Black families navigating intergenerational trauma, structural exclusion, and alternative kinship systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor Black families, developmental transitions are shaped not only by the internal dynamics of family systems but by a long history of external disruption and adaptation. Enslavement, legal and extralegal racial violence, housing segregation, chronic economic disinvestment, and mass incarceration have all disrupted normative family development pathways and necessitated flexible, culturally grounded adaptations (Billingsley, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1992\u003c/span\u003e; Staples, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1985\u003c/span\u003e; Roberts, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). These conditions have given rise to distinct relational forms, such as multigenerational households, fictive kin networks, and female-headed family units, that challenge mainstream notions of what constitutes a \"healthy\" or \"complete\" family system (Stack, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e; Hill Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eImportantly, transitions across the life course in Black families are deeply mediated by the centrality of matriarchs, spiritual and religious coping strategies, and collectivist childrearing practices that distribute caregiving across extended kin networks (Hunter, 1997; Boyd-Franklin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). The role of the mother, particularly the Black mother, is not confined to the nuclear parenting unit but is embedded within a larger network of emotional, cultural, and financial responsibility. Developmental shifts such as a daughter becoming a mother, a mother becoming a grandmother, or a family member assuming caregiving responsibilities for a sibling's or cousin's child are not anomalous disruptions, but normative expressions of Black family resilience and relational continuity (Jarrett \u0026amp; Burton, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e; Burton et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGiven these realities, there is a growing consensus among scholars that developmental models of the family must move beyond linear, Eurocentric stages and incorporate the structural, cultural, and affective dimensions of family life in marginalized communities (Anderson \u0026amp; Stevenson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Thomas et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR57\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). This includes accounting for the cyclical and recursive nature of role transitions, the psychological toll of navigating racialized systems, and the ways in which identity and attachment are negotiated across multiple, often overlapping caregiving relationships. These considerations are essential for developing a comprehensive understanding of Black family development, one that recognizes not only the burdens families carry, but the generative strategies they employ to survive, adapt, and thrive.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe Present Study\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eGiven the profound gaps in the literature, this study sought to construct a life course developmental model of the Black mother-daughter relationship based on the narratives of Black women across generations. Using qualitative interviews with 18 participants, the study explored how attachment, identity development, trauma transmission, and healing unfolded over time. Particular attention was given to how gendered racial socialization shaped each stage of the relationship.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model that emerged from this study offers five key stages: Black matrescence and prenatal conditions, initial attachment, separation and detachment, negotiation and reattachment, and matrescence redux and grandmatrescence. This manuscript details each stage and presents the model as a framework for clinicians, researchers, and community-based practitioners who seek to support Black family wellness through culturally grounded, developmentally attuned interventions.\u003c/p\u003e "},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study employed a qualitative, constructivist grounded theory design to examine the lived experiences of Black mothers and the developmental trajectories of their relationships with their daughters. The primary aim was to generate a theoretical model that reflects the dynamic, racialized, and gendered processes embedded within Black mother-daughter relationships across the life course. Grounded theory was selected for its emphasis on theory-building from participants\u0026rsquo; narratives and its capacity to illuminate relational processes as they unfold over time and context (Charmaz, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This approach aligns with Black Feminist Thought (Collins, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) and Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e), which provided critical epistemological grounding throughout the research process.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eRecruitment\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants were 18 self-identified Black or African American mothers (N\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;18) residing in the United States, each with at least one daughter aged five or older. To facilitate reflection on intergenerational dynamics, inclusion criteria required that participants had sustained communication with their own mothers during their upbringing. Recruitment used purposive and snowball sampling strategies, combining virtual outreach (e.g., social media, professional networks, and community listservs) with in-person community-based efforts (e.g., flyers in Black-owned hair salons, churches, and community centers). Participants completed a brief demographic questionnaire and were scheduled for a virtual, semi-structured interview conducted via Zoom.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eParticipants\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eConsistent with best practices in qualitative inquiry, particularly constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e) and recommendations for sample adequacy in thematic saturation research (Hennink \u0026amp; Kaiser, 2022), this study recruited 18 participants (N\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;18) to capture a wide range of perspectives while privileging depth of narrative over breadth of generalizability. All participants self-identified as Black or African American women and as mothers of at least one daughter aged five or older. This purposive sample was intentionally homogeneous with respect to gendered racial identity to allow for rich exploration of intragroup variation within Black mother-daughter relationships. At the same time, the sample reflected diversity across geographic regions, educational attainment, socioeconomic background, and current household income. factors known to shape worldview and relational processes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe average age of participants was 42.6 years, with the majority in their thirties. Although the sample was geographically distributed across the United States, no participants were based on the West Coast. Educationally, the sample was highly educated: all but one participant held at least a bachelor\u0026apos;s degree, and the majority had obtained a postgraduate degree. Participants\u0026rsquo; daughters ranged in age from 5 to 29 years, with an average age of 14.2 years.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants also provided information on both their current household income and the socioeconomic class they associated with during childhood. Eleven participants reported being raised in working-class households, three described growing up in poverty or under impoverished conditions, two identified as low-income, and two identified as middle class. At the time of the study, household income levels were distributed as follows: five participants reported annual incomes between \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e50,000 and \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e89,999, five reported incomes between \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e90,000 and \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e129,999, six reported incomes above \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e130,000, and two reported incomes below \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e49,000. A complete demographic profile of the participants can be found in Table \u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis combination of shared racial-gender identity and socioeconomic heterogeneity allowed for the emergence of both collective themes and nuanced divergences, enriching the grounded theory development of the Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model (BMDDM).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eData Collection\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eInterviews averaged 79 minutes in length and followed a semi-structured protocol designed to elicit narratives across four thematic domains: (1) racialized and gendered lived experience, (2) daughterhood and maternal memory, (3) motherhood and parenting practice, and (4) hope, healing, and intergenerational legacy. The interview guide was informed by previous scholarship on racial socialization, matrescence, and Black family systems, and was refined in consultation with Black maternal health experts. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and de-identified. Participants received a \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e50 Visa e-gift card in appreciation for their time and insights.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eA constructivist grounded theory approach guided the analytic process, centering participants\u0026rsquo; meaning-making and the co-construction of knowledge between interviewer and participant (Charmaz, \u003cspan class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). This method allowed for inductive theorizing that remained grounded in the data while attending to the sociopolitical contexts in which mother-daughter relationships are embedded. The analytic process proceeded in three overlapping phases: initial coding, focused coding, and theoretical coding.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eInitial coding\u003c/em\u003e involved a close, line-by-line reading of each transcript to identify meaningful segments that reflected relational processes, emotional shifts, or sociocultural references. Coding was conducted using gerunds (e.g., \u003cem\u003enavigating rejection\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003ewithholding affection\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003eredefining boundaries\u003c/em\u003e) to maintain a focus on action and process. Codes were generated without pre-imposed categories to preserve analytic openness.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eFocused coding\u003c/em\u003e entailed identifying the most frequent or significant codes across transcripts and grouping them into broader conceptual categories. This phase emphasized identifying patterns related to attachment, rupture, reattachment, identity negotiation, and maternal transformation. Memos were written throughout this phase to capture evolving theoretical insights and analytic hunches.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eTheoretical coding\u003c/em\u003e synthesized conceptual categories into a coherent framework that captured the developmental trajectories and recursive processes within the mother-daughter relationship. Constant comparison methods were employed at every phase, with codes compared within and across transcripts to refine concepts and ensure analytic rigor. Peer debriefings were held regularly with a diverse research team comprising Black scholars and clinician-researchers who shared cultural and experiential proximity to the participants.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eReflexivity was embedded throughout the research process. Analytic memos and team discussions addressed how researchers\u0026rsquo; positionalities, as Black women, daughters, scholars, and in some cases, mothers, influenced interpretation. By foregrounding standpoint theory and embodied epistemologies, the team remained accountable to the cultural specificity of participants\u0026rsquo; narratives and resistant to pathologizing interpretations.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\n \u003ch2\u003eModel Development\u003c/h2\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eThrough iterative analysis and theoretical integration, the \u003cem\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e (BMDDM) emerged as a grounded theory capturing the dynamic, nonlinear evolution of the Black mother-daughter relationship across five interrelated stages: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence. Each stage was constructed from coded data and supported by axial connections across multiple transcripts, representing a developmental arc shaped by attachment processes, sociopolitical context, cultural identity, and intergenerational adaptation.\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eBy anchoring analysis in grounded theory methodology, this study generated an original theoretical model that is deeply rooted in the lived experiences of Black mothers. The BMDDM offers a developmentally sensitive, culturally specific, and relationally complex framework that advances psychological theory and practice concerning Black family life.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results: The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings of this study led to the development of the \u003cem\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e (BMDDM) (See Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e), a five-stage framework that theorizes the evolving relational trajectories of the Black mother-daughter dyad across the life course. This model was generated through a constructivist grounded theory approach (Charmaz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), which enabled an inductive, iterative analysis of participants’ narratives with attention to relational processes, identity shifts, and sociocultural meaning-making. Guided by Black Feminist Thought (Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) and Intersectionality Theory (Crenshaw, 1991), the analytic process emphasized the co-construction of knowledge between researcher and participant and situated meaning within the historical, structural, and cultural realities of Black family life. The BMDDM comprises five interdependent stages: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eGraphic 1: The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e (BMDDM)\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eStage One: Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis initial stage captures the formative period during pregnancy when the mother-daughter relationship begins to take shape, both somatically and psychologically. This stage introduces \u003cem\u003eBlack matrescence\u003c/em\u003e, a term developed inductively from participant narratives to describe the uniquely racialized and gendered experience of becoming a mother as a Black woman. While existing literature defines matrescence as a broad psychosocial transition into motherhood (Athan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Raphael-Leff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e), participants in this study articulated a more complex, culturally situated version of this transition, one that encompasses joy, fear, historical reckoning, and anticipatory socialization under conditions of structural racism. Participants described pregnancy as a time of psychic and emotional recalibration marked by profound ambivalence. One mother shared, \u003cem\u003e“I was excited, but I was also scared. I didn’t want to become the kind of mother my mother was to me.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eImportantly, several mothers described a relational bond forming even before birth. \u003cem\u003e“I remember being pregnant and having a relationship with her when she was in utero,”\u003c/em\u003e one participant noted, echoing research on prenatal attachment and maternal mentalization (Muller \u0026amp; Mercer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e; Cataudella et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). However, this emerging bond was shaped by external conditions. Participants who experienced emotional support, housing security, and reproductive autonomy described their pregnancies as hopeful and affirming. In contrast, participants facing intimate partner violence, homelessness, or medical neglect described pregnancy as a time of disorientation and isolation. These findings are consistent with research on perinatal mental health disparities among Black women, who are disproportionately affected by depression, anxiety, and obstetric racism during pregnancy (Guintivano et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Crear-Perry et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eStage Two: Initial Attachment\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis stage begins with childbirth and extends through early childhood. For many participants, this was a phase of deep emotional investment, intense caregiving, and hope for relational repair. Mothers frequently articulated their desire to “break the cycle” of intergenerational trauma: \u003cem\u003e“I didn’t want her to feel the way I felt growing up. I wanted to love her loudly.”\u003c/em\u003e Yet, maternal trauma histories, postpartum depression, and systemic stressors, including financial strain, child welfare involvement, or solo parenting, often complicated early bonding.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Despite these challenges, participants expressed a commitment to forging strong attachments, even if this required relying on others. The role of “Other-Mothers”, grandmothers, aunts, godmothers, was a recurrent theme. One mother reflected, \u003cem\u003e“My mama wasn’t there for me, but my aunt was everything to my daughter. She helped raise her while I got myself together.”\u003c/em\u003e These findings reflect Afrocentric kinship traditions that prioritize collective caregiving and reinforce the adaptability of attachment processes in Black families (Collins, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1987\u003c/span\u003e; Stack, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1974\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMothers also discussed how their own childhood attachments influenced their maternal strategies. Some replicated the emotional distance they had experienced; others intentionally pursued openness and affection. Thus, attachment was not static but dynamically negotiated across internalized memory, current emotional capacity, and external structural context.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eStage Three: Separation and Detachment\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdolescence marked a relational inflection point characterized by emotional distancing, boundary negotiation, and identity divergence. Participants described this stage as turbulent but developmentally necessary. Daughters’ increasing autonomy often activated maternal fear or grief. One mother stated, \u003cem\u003e“I was losing her and didn’t know how to hold on without hurting her.”\u003c/em\u003e This struggle reflects the psychological tension inherent in adolescent individuation, especially within marginalized communities where mothers often perceive the world as unsafe for their daughters (Branje, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Hurd \u0026amp; Sellers, 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Mothers reported difficulties managing shifting roles, from caregiver to guide, especially when adolescents challenged parental authority or internalized racialized gender scripts from school or media. These conflicts were exacerbated by environmental stressors: racial bullying, academic pressure, police surveillance, or parental job loss. Yet, some mothers described conscious efforts to allow daughters room to self-define: \u003cem\u003e“I gave her space to be herself. I didn’t want her to resent me for holding too tight.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis stage also revealed how daughters began to form narratives \u003cem\u003eabout\u003c/em\u003e their mothers, reinterpreting past behaviors in light of new experiences, often without yet having the language or developmental readiness for full empathy. Emotional detachment, then, was not necessarily rejection, but a recalibration of closeness in response to evolving needs.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eStage Four: Negotiation and Reattachment\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis stage typically occurred in early adulthood, often precipitated by a life event, college graduation, a health crisis, or the birth of a child, that catalyzed introspection and reengagement. Participants described this phase as emotionally complex. Daughters began to see their mothers not as omnipotent caregivers, but as women shaped by their own traumas and limitations. As one participant explained, \u003cem\u003e“I had to unlearn who I thought she was in order to actually see her.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMothers, too, grappled with their evolving role. Some expressed relief at shedding the disciplinary persona, while others struggled to relate to daughters on more equal footing. Reattachment often required confrontation of unresolved wounds. These conversations were described as painful but healing. \u003cem\u003e“She finally told me why she left my dad. I was angry for years, but I didn’t know the whole story,”\u003c/em\u003e one daughter shared.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional reparation was rarely linear. Several participants noted multiple cycles of rupture and repair, often mediated by individual therapy, spiritual practice, or shifts in family structure. These findings resonate with research on adult renegotiation of attachment and intergenerational communication (Rastogi \u0026amp; Wampler, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e; Shrier et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eStage Five: Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe final stage captures a recursive process: as daughters enter matrescence themselves, or mothers become grandmothers, a new layer of relational reflection unfolds. This stage was described as both redemptive and destabilizing. For some, motherhood brought clarity: \u003cem\u003e“Once I had my own daughter, I got it. I finally understood why my mom was so scared all the time.”\u003c/em\u003e For others, it unearthed buried resentment or guilt: \u003cem\u003e“I swore I’d never be like her, but I found myself saying the same things. That scared me.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis recursive dimension, \u003cem\u003ematrescence redux\u003c/em\u003e, highlights how maternal identity is not static but continually reworked in relation to past and future generations. Grandmatrescence, a concept introduced in this study, refers to the psychological and emotional transition into grandmotherhood. While many grandmothers described this role as joyful and grounding, it also revived unresolved tensions around control, boundaries, and recognition. \u003cem\u003e“She wanted me to be involved but on her terms. I had to learn to take a step back and just be Nana.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese multigenerational dynamics often culminated in a more nuanced understanding of familial legacy, where silence, survival, rupture, and repair coexist in tension. The grandmother role became a space of both continuity and transformation, embodying what several participants called \u003cem\u003e“a second chance.”\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe \u003cem\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e (BMDDM) offers a life course framework for understanding the evolving relational, psychological, and cultural dynamics within Black mother-daughter dyads. Drawing on rich qualitative narratives analyzed through Black Feminist and Intersectionality lenses, the model traces how maternal identity, attachment, and intergenerational meaning-making unfold in five distinct, though overlapping, developmental stages. Each stage, Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, Initial Attachment, Separation and Detachment, Negotiation and Reattachment, and Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence, demonstrates how the mother-daughter relationship is shaped not solely by individual characteristics or intrafamilial dynamics, but by broader sociopolitical forces such as structural racism, gendered stereotypes, historical trauma, and cultural survival strategies.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eConsistent with prior work on racial and gendered socialization (Hughes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e; Thomas \u0026amp; King, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e; Lewis et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e), the findings affirm that Black mothers are key socializing agents who transmit both protective and prescriptive messages. A key contribution of this study is the introduction of \u003cem\u003eBlack matrescence\u003c/em\u003e as a distinct theoretical construct. By naming the racialized contours of the maternal transition, this concept expands matrescence literature beyond its often race-neutral framing and offers a culturally situated lens for understanding how maternal identity is forged in contexts of structural inequality, cultural transmission, and intergenerational labor.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdditionally, the BMDDM expands this literature by showing how such messages are not static but dynamically reinterpreted across the life course. The data reveal that attachment, rupture, and repair are not confined to childhood and adolescence but recur as daughters transition into new relational roles, particularly motherhood. This recursive, relational process aligns with contemporary developmental theories that emphasize nonlinear, bidirectional, and contextually embedded pathways of psychological development (Rogoff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Elder et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe model also provides a corrective to Eurocentric developmental frameworks, such as the Family Life Cycle Theory (Carter \u0026amp; McGoldrick, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e), which inadequately account for racialized and non-nuclear family systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhile traditional developmental frameworks such as the Family Life Cycle Theory (Carter \u0026amp; McGoldrick, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1988\u003c/span\u003e) offer a valuable scaffolding for understanding family transitions, they fall short in capturing the complex interplay of structural oppression, racialized gender dynamics, and culturally specific caregiving norms that shape family development in marginalized communities. The BMDDM both builds upon and departs from these models by centering Black matrifocal structures, fluid kinship roles, and intergenerational adaptation within a racialized sociopolitical context. Unlike stage-based models that assume linearity, autonomy, and nuclear family arrangements, the BMDDM recognizes that developmental shifts in Black mother-daughter relationships are recursive, nonlinear, and often shaped by collective caregiving and structural constraint. Furthermore, while attachment theory has traditionally emphasized dyadic security established in early childhood, the BMDDM expands this framework by illustrating how attachment is continually negotiated and reconfigured across the life course through processes of rupture, reflection, and reattachment. In this way, the BMDDM offers a culturally grounded corrective that challenges both the universality and neutrality of dominant paradigms in developmental psychology and family systems theory.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOne of the most significant contributions of this study is the theorization of \u003cem\u003ematrescence redux\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003egrandmatrescence\u003c/em\u003e, concepts that capture how maternal identity is recursively reconstructed when a daughter becomes a mother or when a mother becomes a grandmother. These transitions are not merely biological or role-based, but deeply affective and meaning-laden. They often catalyze emotional re-evaluation, shifts in boundaries, and potential healing of past wounds. This insight extends existing matrescence literature, which has largely focused on individual transformation, by highlighting how matrescence can also serve as a relational and intergenerational developmental turning point (Athan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e; Raphael-Leff, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1991\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications for Practice and Policy\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe BMDDM has several practical and policy implications. First, mental health providers working with Black women and families must adopt a developmental and culturally grounded approach to relational healing. Interventions should attend to matrescence not only as a personal transition but also as an intergenerational opportunity for rupture or repair. Therapeutic approaches grounded in attachment theory, family systems, and cultural humility can be adapted to support mothers and daughters as they navigate complex relational histories.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond, maternal and perinatal health services should integrate racial equity frameworks that validate and support Black women\u0026rsquo;s experiences of pregnancy, motherhood, and intergenerational caregiving. Screening for historical trauma, family conflict, and culturally specific stressors should be incorporated into perinatal mental health assessments. Programs that offer culturally relevant psychoeducation on matrescence and mother-daughter dynamics may prevent isolation and strengthen emotional support systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinally, policies that affect family life, such as child welfare, public housing, and maternal health care, must be informed by an understanding of how structural violence disrupts Black family development. Supporting multigenerational households, reducing criminalization of Black mothers, and protecting reproductive autonomy are critical for fostering healthy relational development across generations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLimitations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study is not without limitations. First, while the sample included a diverse range of Black women in terms of age, region, and maternal status, it was limited by language (English-speaking only) and access (participants with time and ability to participate in qualitative interviews). As such, the experiences of undocumented Black women, non-English speakers, or those experiencing acute crises may be underrepresented.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond, the cross-sectional nature of the interviews limits causal inference about how participants\u0026rsquo; relationships evolved over time. Though life course stages were reconstructed through retrospective narrative, future studies may benefit from longitudinal or ethnographic approaches that capture these transitions as they unfold.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThird, although this study aimed to highlight Black women\u0026rsquo;s voices, it does not account for the perspectives of daughters who may not identify as women, or for queer, trans, or nonbinary relational identities within mother-daughter dyads. Future research should explore how gender expansiveness intersects with maternal attachment and identity in Black families.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eFuture Directions\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFuture research should expand the BMDDM through broader and more intersectional sampling. Studies that center the experiences of queer, trans, disabled, or immigrant Black families will enrich the model\u0026rsquo;s applicability and deepen our understanding of relational diversity. Additionally, quantitative studies could test the predictive utility of the BMDDM, e.g., examining whether certain stage transitions correlate with mental health outcomes, identity formation, or relationship satisfaction.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnother promising direction involves adapting the model for clinical intervention. For instance, developing group therapy curricula, mother-daughter dyadic interventions, or community workshops based on the BMDDM could offer scalable solutions to enhance relational healing in Black communities. Lastly, integrating this model into maternal health and parenting policy frameworks may offer an innovative path forward for addressing intergenerational trauma and family resilience in racially marginalized populations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study offers a grounded theoretical contribution to the developmental and psychological literature by centering the lived experiences of Black women in theorizing the Black mother-daughter relationship across the life course. The \u003cem\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e (BMDDM) advances existing understandings of attachment, identity, and intergenerational transmission by situating these processes within the unique cultural, historical, and structural contexts that shape Black family life. Through five interconnected stages, Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, Initial Attachment, Separation and Detachment, Negotiation and Reattachment, and Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence, the model traces how the mother-daughter relationship evolves in response to developmental transitions, sociopolitical conditions, and relational ruptures and repairs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy integrating grounded theory methodology with Black Feminist Thought and Intersectionality, this study affirms that Black maternal relationships are not only sites of survival but also of transformation, healing, and meaning-making. The BMDDM challenges deficit-based narratives by highlighting the resilience, adaptability, and emotional complexity within Black families. It offers a culturally grounded framework with relevance for clinical practice, perinatal and maternal mental health, and the development of culturally responsive interventions. Ultimately, this model honors the relational labor of Black motherhood and daughterhood, and affirms the need for theoretical paradigms that reflect the fullness of Black women\u0026rsquo;s intergenerational lives.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study was reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review Board of Teachers College, Columbia University (Protocol #22-407). All participants provided informed consent prior to participation.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAlexander, M. (2012). \u003cem\u003eThe new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness\u003c/em\u003e. The New Press.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAnderson, R. E., \u0026amp; Stevenson, H. C. (2019). 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Mass incarceration, public health, and widening inequality in the USA. \u003cem\u003eThe Lancet, 389\u003c/em\u003e(10077), 1464\u0026ndash;1474. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(17)30259-3\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Graphic 1","content":"\u003cp\u003eGraphic 1 is available in the Supplementary Files section.\u003c/p\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[{"identity":"3c273677-241c-4bf6-a207-55b5847ffbee","identifier":"10.13039/100000867","name":"Robert Wood Johnson Foundation","awardNumber":"78868","order_by":0}],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"Columbia University","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Black matrescence, Mother-daughter relationships. Grounded theory. Gendered racial socialization, Black women and girls","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis manuscript introduces the \u003cem\u003eBlack Mother-Daughter Developmental Model\u003c/em\u003e(BMDDM), a life course conceptual framework developed to capture the dynamic, intergenerational evolution of Black mother-daughter relationships. Informed by Black Feminist Thought, family systems theory, and the sociocultural construct of matrescence, this study draws on in-depth qualitative interviews with 18 Black women ranging in age from 18 to 65. Using a constructivist grounded theory approach, participants’ narratives were analyzed to theorize the developmental processes, emotional shifts, and relational ruptures and repairs that shape the Black mother-daughter bond across the life span.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eFindings culminated in a five-stage developmental model including the emergence of \u003cem\u003eBlack matrescence\u003c/em\u003e, a concept grounded in participant narratives that theorizes the uniquely racialized and gendered experience of becoming a mother as a Black woman: (1) Black Matrescence and Prenatal Conditions, (2) Initial Attachment, (3) Separation and Detachment, (4) Negotiation and Reattachment, and (5) Matrescence Redux and Grandmatrescence. These stages trace relational movement from prenatal bonding and early attachment, through adolescence and emotional rupture, to reattachment and intergenerational transformation. Gendered racial socialization emerged as a central thread across all stages, influencing identity development, caregiving practices, emotional regulation, and intergenerational resilience. The BMDDM offers a culturally grounded and developmentally sensitive framework with implications for maternal mental health, clinical intervention, and prevention strategies aimed at supporting intergenerational healing and family wellness within Black communities.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"The Black Mother-Daughter Developmental Model: A Life Course Framework for Understanding Matrescence, Attachment, and Relational Transformation in Black Families","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-05-06 13:09:00","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-6580883/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"7e22a675-1db6-405d-bab7-184a57d95659","owner":[],"postedDate":"May 6th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":48109116,"name":"Psychology"},{"id":48109117,"name":"Psychiatry"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-05-06T13:09:00+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-05-06 13:09:00","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-6580883","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-6580883","identity":"rs-6580883","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}