Nation Brand and Normative Power as Soft Power Infrastructures in International Relations: Rethinking Power Beyond Economic and Military Metrics

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Traditional scholarship prioritizes material indicators, such as Groos Domestic Product (GDP) and military expenditure, which often fail to account for variations in legitimacy, trust, and diplomatic effectiveness. This study conceptualizes power as a multidimensional architecture encompassing nation brand and normative systems that shape global expectations. Using a quantitative comparative analysis of globally recognized 2023 indices, the study employs Spearman’s rank-order correlation to assess how different power domains predict diplomatic reach. Findings reveal a differentiated power architecture: nation brand aligns strongly with economic and military capacity, acting as a hybrid infrastructure that amplifies material power. Conversely, normative indicators—ethical contribution and peacefulness—exhibit weak or inverse relationships with material measures, suggesting a distinct logic of influence grounded in moral authority and restraint. The paper contributes to international relation and nation branding theory by reframing soft power as a durable infrastructure and empirically demonstrating that aggregating diverse indicators into singular "power scores" obscures critical dynamics of influence. It advocates for more pluralist, infrastructure-sensitive approaches to studying power, offering significant implications for diplomacy, global governance, and strategic communication. Soft Power Hard Power Nation Brand Normative Power Diplomatic Influence International Relations Introduction A central and enduring question in International Relations (hereafter, IR) scholarship concerns why some states are more effective than others in shaping international relationships and outcomes and how such effectiveness should be measured. At the heart of this debate lies the concept of power - its sources and how it translates into influence within the international system (Mearsheimer 2003). Traditionally, power has been conceptualised and operationalised through material/hard infrastructures, most notably military capability and economic capacity, with defence expenditure and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) serving as dominant empirical proxies for international influence. A nation`s global infrastructural resources has been linked to its successful global development and influence (Strange 2023 ). Within this materialist tradition, infrastructure is understood as the physical and institutional systems that enable power projection and global ordering, including military forces, defence industries, trade networks, financial systems, and strategic supply chains (Gilpin 1981 ; Strange 1996). These infrastructures underpin what are commonly described as hard power and economic power, reinforcing hierarchical views of international politics grounded in resource accumulation and coercive capability. However, this resource-centric conception of power has been increasingly contested. Beckley ( 2018 ) demonstrates that gross indicators such as GDP systematically misrepresent power by ignoring the costs of production, welfare provision, and security, thereby overstating the power of large but inefficient states while underestimating smaller yet more effective ones. Similarly, defence expenditure risks normalising coercive and ethically problematic practices, including military intimidation and asymmetric economic extraction (Barnett and Duvall 2005). This is reflected in US recent investment in US battleship to demonstrates US power standing in the world as well as China, Russia, Germany and India`s continual increase in defence expenditure. While such indicators provide useful benchmarks, they often fail to explain how resources are translated into actual international influence, legitimacy, or outcomes. This critique is evident in ongoing debates over whether the United States or China constitutes the dominant global power, with different indicators such as GDP, military expenditure, technological capacity, or diplomatic reach producing contradictory conclusions. These accounts expose a deeper conceptual problem: material infrastructures alone cannot explain why some states enjoy legitimacy, agenda-setting authority, and trust, while others with comparable resources do not. This paradox is particularly salient in contemporary global politics. States with substantial economic and military capacity often struggle to secure international legitimacy, while others with limited material resources exert disproportionate influence through reputation, norms, and peaceful conduct. These dynamics have directed scholarly attention toward soft power, defined as the ability to shape preferences through attraction rather than coercion (Nye 2004). Yet, despite its growing prominence, soft power is often treated as secondary or merely symbolic rather than as a durable infrastructure of international relations. As MacDonald and Murray (2025) argue, the concept of soft power has evolved significantly from its original formulation, becoming increasingly elastic and, in some cases, detached from its foundational meaning. This conceptual stretching has contributed to ambiguity in how soft power is understood, measured, and positioned relative to more established forms of power, thereby limiting its recognition as a structured and enduring component of global influence. Even more marginalised in mainstream IR scholarship are nation brand and normative indicators such as nation brand index, the Good Country Index, and the Global Peace Index. These measures capture how states are perceived, trusted, and evaluated by global publics and institutions, yet they are rarely incorporated into comparative analyses of power. This omission is striking given that legitimacy, credibility, and ethical alignment increasingly condition access, cooperation, and influence in a globally networked and information-saturated international system. This paper advances a conceptual and empirical shift by treating nation brand and normative indicators as infrastructures of international relations. Rather than viewing them as symbolic add-ons, the paper conceptualises nation brand and normative power as soft power infrastructures that structure expectations, trust, cooperation, and resistance in global politics. In this sense, nation brand and normative power reflect aggregated global judgements and function as infrastructural conditions shaping international behaviour. The paper addresses the following research question: Does nation brand and normative power function as infrastructures of international influence comparable to economic and military power, or do they represent distinct logics of power in international relations? To answer this, the study undertakes a quantitative comparative cross-national analysis using internationally recognised rankings for 2023, systematically comparing nation brand, soft power, normative indicators, GDP, and defence expenditure and exploring each indicator`s effect on its global diplomatic influence. The remainder of this paper is structured as follows. First, the Literature Review explores the evolving definitions of power and infrastructure. This is followed by two key theoretical sections that redefine Nation Brand and Normative Power as durable soft power infrastructures. Next, the Methodology explains the quantitative tools used to analyze global data, followed by the Results of the study. The Interpretation and Discussion section then breaks down what these findings mean for current global dynamics. Finally, the paper offers practical Implications for academics and policymakers before closing with a Conclusion that addresses limitations and suggests areas for future research. Literature Review Power and Infrastructure in International Relations Traditionally, the metric of a "great power" during the Cold War was defined by a nation's military strength and control over raw resources. Classical and neorealist theories conceptualise power primarily as material capability rooted in military strength and economic capacity (Mearsheimer 2003). Within this framework, infrastructure is understood in physical and institutional terms - armed forces, industrial capacity, and financial systems that enable coercion and deterrence. International Political Economy further reinforced this orientation by emphasising structural economic power derived from control over markets, production, and finance (Strange 1996). Recent critiques emphasize the limitations of materialist or hard power measures. Beckley ( 2018 ) argues that gross indicators like GDP misrepresent power by overlooking costs, inefficiencies, and domestic responsibilities. Additionally, defence spending can distort perceptions of power, potentially legitimizing coercive and unethical practices such as economic exploitation and military intimidation. Consequently, large economies may seem powerful on paper but lack the ability to translate resources into sustained international influence over the long term. This critique reveals a fundamental issue: material infrastructure alone does not account for why some states are more effective at shaping global agendas than others. In the post-Cold War era, however, this material focus has lost appeal as education, technology, and economic growth become more critical drivers of international influence (Nye 2023). Consequently, there is a visible power shift from the ability to win wars to the ability to shape the behavior of other nations and encourage them to adopt similar ideologies. This represents a transition from "hard power" (coercive force) toward "soft power" (co-optive influence), where power is expressed through the global acceptance of a state’s cultural elements, values, and practices. This shift emphasizes the importance of intangible power derived from national cohesion, universalistic culture, and participation in international institutions (Nye 2023). Recent scholarship has reconceptualised infrastructure as a central mechanism through which power is produced, stabilised, and accumulated in global politics (Bakonyi and Darwich 2024). Subsequently, infrastructure is no longer limited to material systems but includes intangible and social components such as institutions, norms, and reputational architectures (Bu et al., 2024). These infrastructures can be categorized into hard and soft types. Hard infrastructure refers to tangible physical components, while soft infrastructure encompasses intangible elements such as institutions and regulations (Bu et al., 2024). This broader conception challenges reductionist assumptions that resources translate directly into influence. Nye’s (2004) formulation of soft power shifted the focus of international relations toward attraction, legitimacy, and values as primary sources of influence. Subsequent research has emphasized how culture, diplomacy, and communication are instrumental in forging alliances and fostering international cooperation (Melissen 2005 ; Nye 2011 ). Ultimately, both soft and hard power remain essential, mutually reinforcing components of a nation's influence in global politics (Nye 2023). Soft power is frequently treated as merely complementary to hard power rather than as a foundational structural infrastructure (Kroenig et al., 2010). This conceptual ambiguity is evident in scholarly debates; for instance, Breslin (2011) notes that in China-Africa relations, it is often difficult to distinguish whether China’s influence stems from its soft power appeal or its hard power resources. Nye (2023) further illustrates this tension through Japan’s trajectory, which serves as a definitive example of a shift from military power to a "trading state." By prioritizing Economic power, education, technology, and a commitment to peace, Japan successfully cultivated significant soft power. However, its continued reliance on U.S. military protection suggests that economic and soft power alone do not entirely replace the need for hard power infrastructure in a state's strategic architecture. Despite recognizing that soft and hard power are strategic and mutually reinforcing components of a nation's influence, soft power remains under-theorized as a strategic infrastructural system capable of driving long-term international outcomes and power. Nation Brand as a Soft Power Infrastructure Nation brand has become a central mechanism for building public trust and legitimacy at the international level (Author, 2021). Emerging from marketing and public diplomacy scholarship, nation brand conceptualises national reputation as a form of competitive identity that shapes perceptions and influences trade, tourism, diplomacy, and foreign investment (Anholt 2007; Dinnie 2016). In marketing A nation brand refers a country’s intangible assets (Fan 2006) and in international relations terms, nation brand structures how power is interpreted, legitimised, and resisted (Barnett and Duvall 2005). Empirical studies increasingly recognise nation brand as a form of soft power that amplifies international credibility and access (van Ham 2008; Felknerová 2014 ; Surowiec 2016). Unlike traditional power measures, nation brand reflects aggregated global perceptions, assessing how states are evaluated by external audiences over time. It is closely associated with reputation (Argenti and Druckenmiller 2004). Studies indicate that a nation’s soft power and nation brand are significant predictors of its distinctive image, global competitive position, economic performance, underscoring the strategic role of soft power and reputational assets in shaping national economic outcomes (Rojas-Méndez 2013; Taecharungroj and Pattaratanakun 2025). Despite this, nation brand remains marginal in comparative power analysis, with limited empirical work examining its relationship to economic and military indicators. Normative Power as a Soft Power Infrastructure Normative power scholarship emphasises the capacity of states to shape norms, values, and expectations within international society (Manners 2002; Hurrell 2007 ). Indices such as the Good Country Index and the Global Peace Index operationalise this dimension by capturing ethical contribution, peacefulness, and responsibility - attributes that condition international legitimacy, trust, and cooperation. Normative power is considered as a means of influence and recognises power as a powerful actor’ and ‘power as ability to cause effects (Forsberg 2011). Jansson (2025) recognises normative power as a core component of soft power, characterising it as a non-deliberative form of international influence that operates through shared values, expectations, and legitimacy rather than through direct coercion or strategic intent. Several studies have explicitly recognised normative power as an integral component of a nation’s soft power (e.g. Chou 2015; Jhee and Lee 2011), highlighting its role in influencing global perceptions and behaviour without recourse to coercion. Normative power seeks to promote a particular vision of how the global order should be structured and how international relations ought to be conducted (Breslin 2011). Although still underexplored, a small but growing body of literature underscores its relevance in international relations (Koivisto 2012 ). This scholarship suggests that states perceived as peaceful, ethical, responsible, and cooperative are more likely to shape global agendas, attract partnerships, and exercise leadership in international institutions (Hurrell 2007 ). Peacefulness enhances diplomatic credibility and reduces resistance to influence, thereby strengthening a state’s ability to lead through consent rather than coercion. Despite these insights, normative indicators are rarely incorporated into comparative power analyses. When they are included, they are often treated as outcomes of power rather than as sources of influence. This tendency reflects a broader reluctance within international relations scholarship to conceptualise ethical conduct and peace as infrastructural assets, partly due to the perceived vagueness and elusive nature of normative power as a concept (Jansson 2025). Such an omission is increasingly problematic, given the demonstrable role of normative legitimacy and peaceful behaviour in shaping cooperation, trust, and authority in contemporary global politics. Methodology The study adopts a quantitative comparative cross-national design, using secondary data from internationally recognised indices for 2023 - the most recent year for which all selected indicators were simultaneously available. The reliance on 2023 data reflects practical constraints in cross-index accessibility rather than theoretical preference, a limitation addressed later. Power is operationalised across six ordinal indicators: Nation Brand Ranking, Soft Power Index, Good Country Index, Global Peace Index, GDP ranking, and Military/Defence Expenditure ranking, while each countries IR is operationalised using the Global Diplomacy Index. Table 1 presents comparative cross-national rankings across power domains index. Table 1 Comparative Cross-National Rankings Across Power Domains (2023) z,2 Country Nation Brand Ranking Good Country Index (v1.6) Global Peace Index Soft Power Ranking GDP Ranking Defence Expenditure Ranking Global Diplomacy Index Japan 1 34 9 4 4 10 4 Germany 2 3 15 3 3 7 8 Canada 3 30 11 7 10 16 15 United Kingdom 4 16 37 2 6 6 7 Italy 5 6 34 9 8 6 9 United States 6 7 131 1 1 1 2 Switzerland 7 50 10 8 20 36 19 France 8 2 67 6 7 9 5 Australia 9 19 22 14 13 13 26 Sweden 10 5 28 11 24 28 37 Spain 11 14 32 12 15 17 12 Norway 12 17 24 17 31 29 42 Netherlands 13 18 16 16 17 20 17 New Zealand 14 24 4 26 51 — 47 Finland 15 1 13 22 47 35 43 Austria 17 11 5 25 26 — 36 Ireland 18 13 3 29 25 — 38 Belgium 19 10 20 20 23 34 32 Portugal 20 15 7 30 48 — 25 Rankings are analysed using descriptive comparison and Spearman’s rank-order correlation (ρ), appropriate for ordinal and non-normally distributed data. Correlation coefficients are interpreted as strong (ρ ≥ 0.6), moderate (ρ = 0.3–0.59), or weak (ρ < 0.3) enabling assessment of functional comparability between power infrastructures (Storch et al. 2015). The study ensures construct validity using well-established, globally recognised indices with transparent methodologies. Internal validity is strengthened by triangulating correlation, comparative, and configurational analyses, while reliability is supported by standardised rankings and replicable analytical procedures. Results The analysis reveals a differentiated power architecture (see Table 2 ). Nation brand ranking exhibits strong correlations with GDP (ρ = 0.837), defence expenditure (ρ = 0.674), and soft power (ρ = 0.912), indicating high functional comparability. In contrast, the Good Country Index shows weak correlations with GDP, defence expenditure, and soft power, while the Global Peace Index demonstrates moderate negative correlations with economic and military indicators and strong negative correlation with soft power index. Table 2 Spearman’s Rank-Order Correlations Between Power Indicators Indicator 1 Indicator 2 Spearman’s ρ Strength of Association Interpretation Nation Brand Ranking GDP Ranking 0.837 Strong High comparability Nation Brand Ranking Defence Expenditure Ranking 0.674 Strong High comparability Nation Brand Ranking Soft Power Ranking 0.912 Strong Very high comparability Good Country Index GDP Ranking 0.072 Weak No meaningful association Good Country Index Defence Expenditure Ranking 0.182 Weak No meaningful association Good Country Index Soft Power Ranking 0.032 Weak Distinct normative logic Global Peace Index GDP Ranking −0.563 Moderate (negative) Inverse relationship Global Peace Index Defence Expenditure Ranking −0.545 Moderate (negative) Inverse relationship Global Peace Index Soft Power Ranking −0.616 Strong (negative) Normative contrast Table 3 shows that GDP ranking has the strongest association with the Global Diplomacy Index (ρ = 0.914), followed by defence expenditure (ρ = 0.836), confirming the central role of economic and military capacity in shaping diplomatic reach. Soft power ranking (ρ = 0.833) and nation brand ranking (ρ = 0.725) also display strong positive correlations, indicating that reputational and attraction-based assets meaningfully support diplomatic presence. In contrast, normative indicators show limited alignment with diplomatic reach. The Good Country Index has a negligible correlation with the GDI (ρ = 0.025), while the Global Peace Index is moderately negatively correlated (ρ = − 0.518). These results suggest that ethical contribution and peacefulness represent distinct forms of influence that do not directly translate into diplomatic infrastructure. Table 3 Spearman Rank-Order Correlations Between Power Indicators and the Global Diplomacy Index (GDI) Indicator Spearman’s ρ with GDI Strength of Association Interpretation GDP Ranking 0.914 Very strong Economic power the strongest predictor of diplomatic presence Defence Expenditure Ranking 0.836 Strong Defence capacity closely linked to diplomacy Soft Power Ranking 0.833 Strong Soft power indices strongly support diplomacy Nation Brand Ranking 0.725 Strong Recognised nation brand amplifies diplomatic reach Global Peace Index −0.518 Moderate (inverse) More peaceful states often have smaller diplomatic networks Good Country Index 0.025 Weak / none Ethical contribution unrelated to diplomatic scale Interpretation and Discussion The findings on the comparability between soft infrastructures (nation brand, soft power, good country, and peace indices) and hard infrastructures (economic and defence indicators), the results demonstrate that nation brand functions as a hybrid infrastructural form, closely aligned with both material capacity and symbolic influence. Reputational power amplifiers and legitimises existing economic and military resources rather than operating independently. This supports Anholt’s (2007) and Nye’s (2004) arguments that attraction often scales with structural capacity. By contrast, normative power operates according to a distinct infrastructural logic. Ethical contribution and peacefulness do not scale with material capability and, in some cases, stand in tension with it. This may be attributed to the conceptual vagueness and elusiveness of normative power, as well as its non-deliberative character within international relations and power dynamics (Jansson 2025). The inverse relationship between peace and defence expenditure reinforces the view of peace as a counter-structural infrastructure grounded in restraint rather than dominance (Manners 2002). Together, these findings challenge realist reductionism and support constructivist and pluralist accounts of power as multidimensional, infrastructural, and context-dependent (Wendt,1999). On the effect of infrastructural type on Global Diplomacy Index (GDI), the results indicate that economic power (GDP) is the strongest predictor of a country’s diplomatic footprint. States with larger economies tend to maintain more extensive diplomatic networks, reflecting the resource-intensive nature of embassies, consulates, and international representation. This finding aligns with classical international political economy perspectives that associate material capacity with global reach. Defence expenditure and soft power exhibit similarly strong correlations with the GDI, suggesting that diplomacy is supported by both hard security capabilities and symbolic attractiveness. Military investment appears to reinforce diplomatic engagement, while soft power facilitates access, legitimacy, and influence within international institutions. Nation brand also shows a strong association with diplomatic reach, indicating that reputational assets- such as perceived governance quality, cultural appeal, and international credibility - function as a strategic infrastructure that complements material capabilities. In contrast, normative indicators perform differently. The Good Country Index shows virtually no relationship with the GDI, suggesting that ethical contribution to global public goods does not translate into a larger diplomatic network. The Global Peace Index exhibits a moderate negative correlation, indicating that highly peaceful states often maintain fewer diplomatic missions, likely reflecting strategic choice rather than diplomatic weakness. From country perspective, Switzerland, New Zealand, Finland, and Ireland perform strongly on peace and ethical measures but rank lower in diplomatic reach, highlighting the limited overlap between normative power and diplomatic infrastructure. In contrast, the United States ranks highly in GDP, defence, soft power, and the GDI despite low peace rankings, underscoring the dominance of material and strategic capacity in shaping diplomacy. Japan and Germany show consistent strength across economic, reputational, and diplomatic indicators, exemplifying hybrid power configurations. Implications for Academics, Practitioners and Policy Makers This study has important implications for international relations scholarship, policy practice, and strategic governance. For academics, conceptually, it advances debates on power by reframing nation brand, soft power, and normative indicators as infrastructural systems rather than supplementary or symbolic attributes. By empirically demonstrating that nation brand aligns closely with economic, military, and diplomatic capacity, the study clarifies its role as a reputational–strategic infrastructure that amplifies material power. At the same time, the weak or inverse relationships observed for normative indicators underscore that ethical contribution and peacefulness operate according to a distinct logic of influence, reinforcing pluralist and constructivist accounts of power rather than realist reductionism. Methodologically, the study contributes to comparative international relations research by illustrating the value of ordinal, rank-based cross-national analysis. The use of Spearman’s correlation avoids assumptions of linear equivalence between indicators and reveals differentiated power architectures that would be obscured by composite “power scores”. This approach encourages scholars to move beyond aggregate indices and instead analyse how different infrastructures of power interact, overlap, or diverge. For practitioners and policymakers, the findings highlight that material/hard infrastructures alone do not guarantee legitimacy or sustained influence. Investments in soft infrastructures such as nation brand and reputation management should be understood as long-term infrastructural commitments that enhance diplomatic reach and international credibility. Conversely, normative leadership in peace and ethical contribution, while valuable, does not automatically translate into expanded diplomatic presence. International organisations and development agencies can draw on these insights to better appreciate peace, trust, and ethical contribution as forms of influence that operate outside traditional power hierarchies but remain central to global governance and cooperation. Conclusion This paper set out to examine whether nation brand and normative indicators function as infrastructures of international influence comparable to economic and military power. Using a quantitative comparative cross-national analysis of globally recognised indices, the findings demonstrate a differentiated and multi-dimensional power architecture. Nation brand emerges as a hybrid infrastructural form, strongly aligned with economic capacity, defence expenditure, soft power, and diplomatic reach. In contrast, normative indicators captured through the Good Country Index and Global Peace Index - operate as counter-structural infrastructures, grounded in legitimacy, restraint, and ethical contribution rather than material accumulation. These results challenge hierarchical and materialist conceptions of power by showing that influence in international relations is not singular or reducible to economic or military metrics. Instead, power is plural, infrastructural, and context-dependent, with states occupying distinct configurations across material, reputational, and normative domains. By reconceptualising nation brand and normative power as infrastructures, the study provides a more nuanced framework for understanding how influence is produced, sustained, and contested in contemporary global politics. Limitations and Future Research Despite its contributions, the study has several limitations that point to productive avenues for future research. First, the analysis relies on cross-sectional data from 2023, reflecting constraints in data accessibility across all selected indices. While this allows systematic comparison, it limits the ability to assess temporal change or causal dynamics in power configurations. Longitudinal analysis would enable future studies to examine how reputational, normative, economic, and military infrastructures evolve over time and respond to shocks such as conflict, crisis, or regime change. Second, the use of ordinal rankings, while appropriate for cross-index comparability, obscures absolute differences between countries. Integrating standardised scores or mixed-method approaches could provide greater sensitivity to variation in scale and intensity. Third, the study depends on composite indices that embed methodological and normative assumptions. Although these measures are widely used and transparent, future research should continue to interrogate how such indices construct and privilege particular visions of power and legitimacy. Finally, the focus on the top 20 ranked countries limits the representation of Global South nations. Future research should extend this framework by incorporating Global South perspectives, where normative and reputational strategies may operate differently. Further work should also examine the growing role of digital infrastructures - such as social media diplomacy and platform governance - in reshaping the interactions between soft, normative, and hard power in international relations. Declarations Author Contribution The is a sole authorship and the author contributed to all content in the work and I have reviewed the manuscript before submission Data Availability This is secondary data and all sources are cited References Anholt, Simon. "The theory of competitive identity." In Competitive identity: The new brand management for nations, cities and regions , pp. 25-42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. Argenti, Paul A., and Bob Druckenmiller. "Reputation and the corporate brand." Corporate reputation review 6, no. 4 (2004): 368-374. Bakonyi, Jutta, and May Darwich. 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Social theory of international politics . Vol. 67. Cambridge University Press, 1999. Author. "Voter response to logo rebranding of electoral management bodies in young democracies: the rebranding of the electoral commission of Ghana." Journal of Political Marketing 20, no. 2 (2021): 121-143. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8817915","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":589114509,"identity":"6fc4be54-074e-48e3-aa32-b80caae3a467","order_by":0,"name":"Andrews Agya Yalley","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABAUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYLCCBwUMDPxAmrGBgQ0sAGQQAAkGDAySDSRrMTiApBKvFv4GHsMPCQY2iZtvJB/7OOMPHwN/+wE2yRl4tEgc4DGWSDBIS9x2Iy155sY2NgaJMwlskhvwOeoAjwFQy2GglhxjxocNQL/cYGCTfIBHhzzQlh8JBv8TN88Aannwh41BnpAWgwM8ZkBbDiRukABq2cDGxmAA0oLPYYaH2cosEgySjWeceZbMOLONjcfwTGKzJT7vyx1v3nzjQ4WdbH978mHGnj/H5OSOHz54swef95k5DECUY4NAAog+xkNERLI/AJH2DPwHQHQNAdWjYBSMglEwEgEATe5OzcZKA2gAAAAASUVORK5CYII=","orcid":"","institution":"York St. John University, London Campus","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Andrews","middleName":"Agya","lastName":"Yalley","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-02-07 20:38:13","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8817915/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8817915/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":103049327,"identity":"59ae7a9f-9043-4950-b611-d7b3b9d28da1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-20 07:39:52","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":728396,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8817915/v1/74a92224-faa6-4249-b59e-5961df4c3d8f.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Nation Brand and Normative Power as Soft Power Infrastructures in International Relations: Rethinking Power Beyond Economic and Military Metrics","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eA central and enduring question in International Relations (hereafter, IR) scholarship concerns why some states are more effective than others in shaping international relationships and outcomes and how such effectiveness should be measured. At the heart of this debate lies the concept of power - its sources and how it translates into influence within the international system (Mearsheimer 2003). Traditionally, power has been conceptualised and operationalised through material/hard infrastructures, most notably military capability and economic capacity, with defence expenditure and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) serving as dominant empirical proxies for international influence. A nation`s global infrastructural resources has been linked to its successful global development and influence (Strange \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWithin this materialist tradition, infrastructure is understood as the physical and institutional systems that enable power projection and global ordering, including military forces, defence industries, trade networks, financial systems, and strategic supply chains (Gilpin \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1981\u003c/span\u003e; Strange 1996). These infrastructures underpin what are commonly described as hard power and economic power, reinforcing hierarchical views of international politics grounded in resource accumulation and coercive capability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, this resource-centric conception of power has been increasingly contested. Beckley (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrates that gross indicators such as GDP systematically misrepresent power by ignoring the costs of production, welfare provision, and security, thereby overstating the power of large but inefficient states while underestimating smaller yet more effective ones. Similarly, defence expenditure risks normalising coercive and ethically problematic practices, including military intimidation and asymmetric economic extraction (Barnett and Duvall 2005). This is reflected in US recent investment in US battleship to demonstrates US power standing in the world as well as China, Russia, Germany and India`s continual increase in defence expenditure. While such indicators provide useful benchmarks, they often fail to explain how resources are translated into actual international influence, legitimacy, or outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis critique is evident in ongoing debates over whether the United States or China constitutes the dominant global power, with different indicators such as GDP, military expenditure, technological capacity, or diplomatic reach producing contradictory conclusions. These accounts expose a deeper conceptual problem: material infrastructures alone cannot explain why some states enjoy legitimacy, agenda-setting authority, and trust, while others with comparable resources do not.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis paradox is particularly salient in contemporary global politics. States with substantial economic and military capacity often struggle to secure international legitimacy, while others with limited material resources exert disproportionate influence through reputation, norms, and peaceful conduct. These dynamics have directed scholarly attention toward soft power, defined as the ability to shape preferences through attraction rather than coercion (Nye 2004). Yet, despite its growing prominence, soft power is often treated as secondary or merely symbolic rather than as a durable infrastructure of international relations. As MacDonald and Murray (2025) argue, the concept of soft power has evolved significantly from its original formulation, becoming increasingly elastic and, in some cases, detached from its foundational meaning. This conceptual stretching has contributed to ambiguity in how soft power is understood, measured, and positioned relative to more established forms of power, thereby limiting its recognition as a structured and enduring component of global influence.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEven more marginalised in mainstream IR scholarship are nation brand and normative indicators such as nation brand index, the Good Country Index, and the Global Peace Index. These measures capture how states are perceived, trusted, and evaluated by global publics and institutions, yet they are rarely incorporated into comparative analyses of power. This omission is striking given that legitimacy, credibility, and ethical alignment increasingly condition access, cooperation, and influence in a globally networked and information-saturated international system.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis paper advances a conceptual and empirical shift by treating nation brand and normative indicators as infrastructures of international relations. Rather than viewing them as symbolic add-ons, the paper conceptualises nation brand and normative power as soft power infrastructures that structure expectations, trust, cooperation, and resistance in global politics. In this sense, nation brand and normative power reflect aggregated global judgements and function as infrastructural conditions shaping international behaviour.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe paper addresses the following research question: Does nation brand and normative power function as infrastructures of international influence comparable to economic and military power, or do they represent distinct logics of power in international relations? To answer this, the study undertakes a quantitative comparative cross-national analysis using internationally recognised rankings for 2023, systematically comparing nation brand, soft power, normative indicators, GDP, and defence expenditure and exploring each indicator`s effect on its global diplomatic influence.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe remainder of this paper is structured as follows. First, the Literature Review explores the evolving definitions of power and infrastructure. This is followed by two key theoretical sections that redefine Nation Brand and Normative Power as durable soft power infrastructures. Next, the Methodology explains the quantitative tools used to analyze global data, followed by the Results of the study. The Interpretation and Discussion section then breaks down what these findings mean for current global dynamics. Finally, the paper offers practical Implications for academics and policymakers before closing with a Conclusion that addresses limitations and suggests areas for future research.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePower and Infrastructure in International Relations\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eTraditionally, the metric of a \"great power\" during the Cold War was defined by a nation's military strength and control over raw resources. Classical and neorealist theories conceptualise power primarily as material capability rooted in military strength and economic capacity (Mearsheimer 2003). Within this framework, infrastructure is understood in physical and institutional terms - armed forces, industrial capacity, and financial systems that enable coercion and deterrence. International Political Economy further reinforced this orientation by emphasising structural economic power derived from control over markets, production, and finance (Strange 1996).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecent critiques emphasize the limitations of materialist or hard power measures. Beckley (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) argues that gross indicators like GDP misrepresent power by overlooking costs, inefficiencies, and domestic responsibilities. Additionally, defence spending can distort perceptions of power, potentially legitimizing coercive and unethical practices such as economic exploitation and military intimidation. Consequently, large economies may seem powerful on paper but lack the ability to translate resources into sustained international influence over the long term. This critique reveals a fundamental issue: material infrastructure alone does not account for why some states are more effective at shaping global agendas than others.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the post-Cold War era, however, this material focus has lost appeal as education, technology, and economic growth become more critical drivers of international influence (Nye 2023). Consequently, there is a visible power shift from the ability to win wars to the ability to shape the behavior of other nations and encourage them to adopt similar ideologies. This represents a transition from \"hard power\" (coercive force) toward \"soft power\" (co-optive influence), where power is expressed through the global acceptance of a state\u0026rsquo;s cultural elements, values, and practices. This shift emphasizes the importance of intangible power derived from national cohesion, universalistic culture, and participation in international institutions (Nye 2023).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecent scholarship has reconceptualised infrastructure as a central mechanism through which power is produced, stabilised, and accumulated in global politics (Bakonyi and Darwich 2024). Subsequently, infrastructure is no longer limited to material systems but includes intangible and social components such as institutions, norms, and reputational architectures (Bu et al., 2024). These infrastructures can be categorized into hard and soft types. Hard infrastructure refers to tangible physical components, while soft infrastructure encompasses intangible elements such as institutions and regulations (Bu et al., 2024). This broader conception challenges reductionist assumptions that resources translate directly into influence.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNye\u0026rsquo;s (2004) formulation of soft power shifted the focus of international relations toward attraction, legitimacy, and values as primary sources of influence. Subsequent research has emphasized how culture, diplomacy, and communication are instrumental in forging alliances and fostering international cooperation (Melissen \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Nye \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Ultimately, both soft and hard power remain essential, mutually reinforcing components of a nation's influence in global politics (Nye 2023).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft power is frequently treated as merely complementary to hard power rather than as a foundational structural infrastructure (Kroenig et al., 2010). This conceptual ambiguity is evident in scholarly debates; for instance, Breslin (2011) notes that in China-Africa relations, it is often difficult to distinguish whether China\u0026rsquo;s influence stems from its soft power appeal or its hard power resources. Nye (2023) further illustrates this tension through Japan\u0026rsquo;s trajectory, which serves as a definitive example of a shift from military power to a \"trading state.\" By prioritizing Economic power, education, technology, and a commitment to peace, Japan successfully cultivated significant soft power. However, its continued reliance on U.S. military protection suggests that economic and soft power alone do not entirely replace the need for hard power infrastructure in a state's strategic architecture.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite recognizing that soft and hard power are strategic and mutually reinforcing components of a nation's influence, soft power remains under-theorized as a strategic infrastructural system capable of driving long-term international outcomes and power.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eNation Brand as a Soft Power Infrastructure\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNation brand has become a central mechanism for building public trust and legitimacy at the international level (Author, 2021). Emerging from marketing and public diplomacy scholarship, nation brand conceptualises national reputation as a form of competitive identity that shapes perceptions and influences trade, tourism, diplomacy, and foreign investment (Anholt 2007; Dinnie 2016). In marketing A nation brand refers a country\u0026rsquo;s intangible assets (Fan 2006) and in international relations terms, nation brand structures how power is interpreted, legitimised, and resisted (Barnett and Duvall 2005). Empirical studies increasingly recognise nation brand as a form of soft power that amplifies international credibility and access (van Ham 2008; Felknerov\u0026aacute; \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Surowiec 2016).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUnlike traditional power measures, nation brand reflects aggregated global perceptions, assessing how states are evaluated by external audiences over time. It is closely associated with reputation (Argenti and Druckenmiller 2004). Studies indicate that a nation\u0026rsquo;s soft power and nation brand are significant predictors of its distinctive image, global competitive position, economic performance, underscoring the strategic role of soft power and reputational assets in shaping national economic outcomes (Rojas-M\u0026eacute;ndez 2013; Taecharungroj and Pattaratanakun 2025). Despite this, nation brand remains marginal in comparative power analysis, with limited empirical work examining its relationship to economic and military indicators.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eNormative Power as a Soft Power Infrastructure\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNormative power scholarship emphasises the capacity of states to shape norms, values, and expectations within international society (Manners 2002; Hurrell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Indices such as the Good Country Index and the Global Peace Index operationalise this dimension by capturing ethical contribution, peacefulness, and responsibility - attributes that condition international legitimacy, trust, and cooperation. Normative power is considered as a means of influence and recognises power as a powerful actor\u0026rsquo; and \u0026lsquo;power as ability to cause effects (Forsberg 2011). Jansson (2025) recognises normative power as a core component of soft power, characterising it as a non-deliberative form of international influence that operates through shared values, expectations, and legitimacy rather than through direct coercion or strategic intent. Several studies have explicitly recognised normative power as an integral component of a nation\u0026rsquo;s soft power (e.g. Chou 2015; Jhee and Lee 2011), highlighting its role in influencing global perceptions and behaviour without recourse to coercion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNormative power seeks to promote a particular vision of how the global order should be structured and how international relations ought to be conducted (Breslin 2011). Although still underexplored, a small but growing body of literature underscores its relevance in international relations (Koivisto \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). This scholarship suggests that states perceived as peaceful, ethical, responsible, and cooperative are more likely to shape global agendas, attract partnerships, and exercise leadership in international institutions (Hurrell \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Peacefulness enhances diplomatic credibility and reduces resistance to influence, thereby strengthening a state\u0026rsquo;s ability to lead through consent rather than coercion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite these insights, normative indicators are rarely incorporated into comparative power analyses. When they are included, they are often treated as outcomes of power rather than as sources of influence. This tendency reflects a broader reluctance within international relations scholarship to conceptualise ethical conduct and peace as infrastructural assets, partly due to the perceived vagueness and elusive nature of normative power as a concept (Jansson 2025). Such an omission is increasingly problematic, given the demonstrable role of normative legitimacy and peaceful behaviour in shaping cooperation, trust, and authority in contemporary global politics.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study adopts a quantitative comparative cross-national design, using secondary data from internationally recognised indices for 2023 - the most recent year for which all selected indicators were simultaneously available. The reliance on 2023 data reflects practical constraints in cross-index accessibility rather than theoretical preference, a limitation addressed later. Power is operationalised across six ordinal indicators: Nation Brand Ranking, Soft Power Index, Good Country Index, Global Peace Index, GDP ranking, and Military/Defence Expenditure ranking, while each countries IR is operationalised using the Global Diplomacy Index. Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e presents comparative cross-national rankings across power domains index.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eComparative Cross-National Rankings Across Power Domains (2023)\u003csup\u003ez,2\u003c/sup\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"8\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c6\" colnum=\"6\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c7\" colnum=\"7\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c8\" colnum=\"8\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCountry\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation Brand Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGood Country Index (v1.6)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Peace Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft Power Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGDP Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence Expenditure Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Diplomacy Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eJapan\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e34\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eGermany\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eCanada\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e30\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e16\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eUnited Kingdom\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e16\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e37\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eItaly\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e34\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eUnited States\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e131\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSwitzerland\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e50\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e36\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e19\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eFrance\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e8\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e67\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e6\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eAustralia\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e9\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e19\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e22\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e26\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSweden\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e28\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e24\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e28\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e37\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSpain\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e32\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eNorway\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e24\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e31\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e29\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e42\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eNetherlands\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e18\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e16\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e16\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNew Zealand\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e24\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e4\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e26\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e51\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026mdash;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e47\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinland\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e22\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e47\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e35\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e43\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAustria\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e17\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e5\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e25\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e26\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026mdash;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e36\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIreland\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e18\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e3\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e29\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e25\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026mdash;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e38\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eBelgium\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e19\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e23\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e34\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e32\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePortugal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e20\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e15\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e7\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e30\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c6\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e48\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c7\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026mdash;\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c8\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e25\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eRankings are analysed using descriptive comparison and Spearman\u0026rsquo;s rank-order correlation (ρ), appropriate for ordinal and non-normally distributed data. Correlation coefficients are interpreted as strong (ρ\u0026thinsp;\u0026ge;\u0026thinsp;0.6), moderate (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.3\u0026ndash;0.59), or weak (ρ\u0026thinsp;\u0026lt;\u0026thinsp;0.3) enabling assessment of functional comparability between power infrastructures (Storch et al. 2015). The study ensures construct validity using well-established, globally recognised indices with transparent methodologies. Internal validity is strengthened by triangulating correlation, comparative, and configurational analyses, while reliability is supported by standardised rankings and replicable analytical procedures.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe analysis reveals a differentiated power architecture (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e). Nation brand ranking exhibits strong correlations with GDP (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.837), defence expenditure (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.674), and soft power (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.912), indicating high functional comparability. In contrast, the Good Country Index shows weak correlations with GDP, defence expenditure, and soft power, while the Global Peace Index demonstrates moderate negative correlations with economic and military indicators and strong negative correlation with soft power index.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpearman\u0026rsquo;s Rank-Order Correlations Between Power Indicators\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"5\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c5\" colnum=\"5\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndicator 1\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndicator 2\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpearman\u0026rsquo;s ρ\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrength of Association\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInterpretation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation Brand Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGDP Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.837\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh comparability\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation Brand Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence Expenditure Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.674\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh comparability\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation Brand Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft Power Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.912\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVery high comparability\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGood Country Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGDP Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.072\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWeak\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNo meaningful association\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGood Country Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence Expenditure Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.182\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWeak\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNo meaningful association\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGood Country Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft Power Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.032\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWeak\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDistinct normative logic\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Peace Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGDP Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026minus;0.563\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate (negative)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInverse relationship\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Peace Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence Expenditure Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026minus;0.545\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate (negative)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInverse relationship\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Peace Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft Power Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026minus;0.616\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong (negative)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c5\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNormative contrast\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTable\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e shows that GDP ranking has the strongest association with the Global Diplomacy Index (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.914), followed by defence expenditure (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.836), confirming the central role of economic and military capacity in shaping diplomatic reach. Soft power ranking (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.833) and nation brand ranking (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.725) also display strong positive correlations, indicating that reputational and attraction-based assets meaningfully support diplomatic presence. In contrast, normative indicators show limited alignment with diplomatic reach. The Good Country Index has a negligible correlation with the GDI (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;0.025), while the Global Peace Index is moderately negatively correlated (ρ\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;\u0026minus;\u0026thinsp;0.518). These results suggest that ethical contribution and peacefulness represent distinct forms of influence that do not directly translate into diplomatic infrastructure.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpearman Rank-Order Correlations Between Power Indicators and the Global Diplomacy Index (GDI)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndicator\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSpearman\u0026rsquo;s ρ with GDI\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrength of Association\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eInterpretation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGDP Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.914\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVery strong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEconomic power the strongest predictor of diplomatic presence\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence Expenditure Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.836\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDefence capacity closely linked to diplomacy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft Power Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.833\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eSoft power indices strongly support diplomacy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation Brand Ranking\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.725\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eStrong\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRecognised nation brand amplifies diplomatic reach\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGlobal Peace Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026minus;0.518\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eModerate (inverse)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMore peaceful states often have smaller diplomatic networks\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eGood Country Index\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e0.025\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eWeak / none\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEthical contribution unrelated to diplomatic scale\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Interpretation and Discussion","content":" \u003cp\u003eThe findings on the comparability between soft infrastructures (nation brand, soft power, good country, and peace indices) and hard infrastructures (economic and defence indicators), the results demonstrate that nation brand functions as a hybrid infrastructural form, closely aligned with both material capacity and symbolic influence. Reputational power amplifiers and legitimises existing economic and military resources rather than operating independently. This supports Anholt\u0026rsquo;s (2007) and Nye\u0026rsquo;s (2004) arguments that attraction often scales with structural capacity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy contrast, normative power operates according to a distinct infrastructural logic. Ethical contribution and peacefulness do not scale with material capability and, in some cases, stand in tension with it. This may be attributed to the conceptual vagueness and elusiveness of normative power, as well as its non-deliberative character within international relations and power dynamics (Jansson 2025). The inverse relationship between peace and defence expenditure reinforces the view of peace as a counter-structural infrastructure grounded in restraint rather than dominance (Manners 2002). Together, these findings challenge realist reductionism and support constructivist and pluralist accounts of power as multidimensional, infrastructural, and context-dependent (Wendt,1999).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn the effect of infrastructural type on Global Diplomacy Index (GDI), the results indicate that economic power (GDP) is the strongest predictor of a country\u0026rsquo;s diplomatic footprint. States with larger economies tend to maintain more extensive diplomatic networks, reflecting the resource-intensive nature of embassies, consulates, and international representation. This finding aligns with classical international political economy perspectives that associate material capacity with global reach. Defence expenditure and soft power exhibit similarly strong correlations with the GDI, suggesting that diplomacy is supported by both hard security capabilities and symbolic attractiveness. Military investment appears to reinforce diplomatic engagement, while soft power facilitates access, legitimacy, and influence within international institutions.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNation brand also shows a strong association with diplomatic reach, indicating that reputational assets- such as perceived governance quality, cultural appeal, and international credibility - function as a strategic infrastructure that complements material capabilities. In contrast, normative indicators perform differently. The Good Country Index shows virtually no relationship with the GDI, suggesting that ethical contribution to global public goods does not translate into a larger diplomatic network. The Global Peace Index exhibits a moderate negative correlation, indicating that highly peaceful states often maintain fewer diplomatic missions, likely reflecting strategic choice rather than diplomatic weakness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom country perspective, Switzerland, New Zealand, Finland, and Ireland perform strongly on peace and ethical measures but rank lower in diplomatic reach, highlighting the limited overlap between normative power and diplomatic infrastructure. In contrast, the United States ranks highly in GDP, defence, soft power, and the GDI despite low peace rankings, underscoring the dominance of material and strategic capacity in shaping diplomacy. Japan and Germany show consistent strength across economic, reputational, and diplomatic indicators, exemplifying hybrid power configurations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eImplications for Academics, Practitioners and Policy Makers\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study has important implications for international relations scholarship, policy practice, and strategic governance. For academics, conceptually, it advances debates on power by reframing nation brand, soft power, and normative indicators as infrastructural systems rather than supplementary or symbolic attributes. By empirically demonstrating that nation brand aligns closely with economic, military, and diplomatic capacity, the study clarifies its role as a reputational\u0026ndash;strategic infrastructure that amplifies material power. At the same time, the weak or inverse relationships observed for normative indicators underscore that ethical contribution and peacefulness operate according to a distinct logic of influence, reinforcing pluralist and constructivist accounts of power rather than realist reductionism.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMethodologically, the study contributes to comparative international relations research by illustrating the value of ordinal, rank-based cross-national analysis. The use of Spearman\u0026rsquo;s correlation avoids assumptions of linear equivalence between indicators and reveals differentiated power architectures that would be obscured by composite \u0026ldquo;power scores\u0026rdquo;. This approach encourages scholars to move beyond aggregate indices and instead analyse how different infrastructures of power interact, overlap, or diverge.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor practitioners and policymakers, the findings highlight that material/hard infrastructures alone do not guarantee legitimacy or sustained influence. Investments in soft infrastructures such as nation brand and reputation management should be understood as long-term infrastructural commitments that enhance diplomatic reach and international credibility. Conversely, normative leadership in peace and ethical contribution, while valuable, does not automatically translate into expanded diplomatic presence. International organisations and development agencies can draw on these insights to better appreciate peace, trust, and ethical contribution as forms of influence that operate outside traditional power hierarchies but remain central to global governance and cooperation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper set out to examine whether nation brand and normative indicators function as infrastructures of international influence comparable to economic and military power. Using a quantitative comparative cross-national analysis of globally recognised indices, the findings demonstrate a differentiated and multi-dimensional power architecture. Nation brand emerges as a hybrid infrastructural form, strongly aligned with economic capacity, defence expenditure, soft power, and diplomatic reach. In contrast, normative indicators captured through the Good Country Index and Global Peace Index - operate as counter-structural infrastructures, grounded in legitimacy, restraint, and ethical contribution rather than material accumulation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese results challenge hierarchical and materialist conceptions of power by showing that influence in international relations is not singular or reducible to economic or military metrics. Instead, power is plural, infrastructural, and context-dependent, with states occupying distinct configurations across material, reputational, and normative domains. By reconceptualising nation brand and normative power as infrastructures, the study provides a more nuanced framework for understanding how influence is produced, sustained, and contested in contemporary global politics.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLimitations and Future Research\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eDespite its contributions, the study has several limitations that point to productive avenues for future research. First, the analysis relies on cross-sectional data from 2023, reflecting constraints in data accessibility across all selected indices. While this allows systematic comparison, it limits the ability to assess temporal change or causal dynamics in power configurations. Longitudinal analysis would enable future studies to examine how reputational, normative, economic, and military infrastructures evolve over time and respond to shocks such as conflict, crisis, or regime change.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecond, the use of ordinal rankings, while appropriate for cross-index comparability, obscures absolute differences between countries. Integrating standardised scores or mixed-method approaches could provide greater sensitivity to variation in scale and intensity. Third, the study depends on composite indices that embed methodological and normative assumptions. Although these measures are widely used and transparent, future research should continue to interrogate how such indices construct and privilege particular visions of power and legitimacy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFinally, the focus on the top 20 ranked countries limits the representation of Global South nations. Future research should extend this framework by incorporating Global South perspectives, where normative and reputational strategies may operate differently. Further work should also examine the growing role of digital infrastructures - such as social media diplomacy and platform governance - in reshaping the interactions between soft, normative, and hard power in international relations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe is a sole authorship and the author contributed to all content in the work and I have reviewed the manuscript before submission\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis is secondary data and all sources are cited\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003cp\u003eAnholt, Simon. \"The theory of competitive identity.\" In \u003cem\u003eCompetitive identity: The new brand \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;management for nations, cities and regions\u003c/em\u003e, pp. 25-42. 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Cambridge University\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Press, 1999.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAuthor. \"Voter response to logo rebranding of electoral management bodies in\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; young democracies: the rebranding of the electoral commission of Ghana.\" \u003cem\u003eJournal of\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;Political Marketing\u003c/em\u003e 20, no. 2 (2021): 121-143.\u003c/p\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Soft Power, Hard Power, Nation Brand, Normative Power, Diplomatic Influence, International Relations","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8817915/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8817915/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper redefines power in International Relations by arguing that nation branding and normative power function as \"soft power infrastructures\" rather than secondary attributes. Traditional scholarship prioritizes material indicators, such as Groos Domestic Product (GDP) and military expenditure, which often fail to account for variations in legitimacy, trust, and diplomatic effectiveness. This study conceptualizes power as a multidimensional architecture encompassing nation brand and normative systems that shape global expectations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eUsing a quantitative comparative analysis of globally recognized 2023 indices, the study employs Spearman\u0026rsquo;s rank-order correlation to assess how different power domains predict diplomatic reach. Findings reveal a differentiated power architecture: nation brand aligns strongly with economic and military capacity, acting as a hybrid infrastructure that amplifies material power. Conversely, normative indicators\u0026mdash;ethical contribution and peacefulness\u0026mdash;exhibit weak or inverse relationships with material measures, suggesting a distinct logic of influence grounded in moral authority and restraint.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe paper contributes to international relation and nation branding theory by reframing soft power as a durable infrastructure and empirically demonstrating that aggregating diverse indicators into singular \"power scores\" obscures critical dynamics of influence. It advocates for more pluralist, infrastructure-sensitive approaches to studying power, offering significant implications for diplomacy, global governance, and strategic communication.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Nation Brand and Normative Power as Soft Power Infrastructures in International Relations: Rethinking Power Beyond Economic and Military Metrics","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-02-16 18:09:30","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8817915/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"4ad48f98-8d2d-40cf-bddb-d43ad4c9d202","owner":[],"postedDate":"February 16th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-16T18:09:30+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-02-16 18:09:30","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8817915","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8817915","identity":"rs-8817915","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}