Invisible Burdens, Silent Sacrifices: A Phenomenological Exploration of Economic Struggles in the Context of Marriage | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article Invisible Burdens, Silent Sacrifices: A Phenomenological Exploration of Economic Struggles in the Context of Marriage Nuruaslizawati Ayob, Siti Hajar Abdul Rauf, Siti Hajar Abu Bakar Ah, and 1 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7782843/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Economic violence represents a significant yet understudied determinant of family well-being. This study investigates the effects of socio-economic instability on marital harmony in Malaysia. Thirty-two women who experienced economic violence participated in in-depth interviews. Data were collected and analyzed using the ATLAS.ti software, version 23, to identify key themes. In eleven cases, partners prevented women from engaging in paid employment. Financial control, particularly through employment restrictions, diminished household stability and quality of life, while increasing family stress. These constraints undermined financial security and had an adverse impact on families’ emotional well-being. Economic security and effective financial planning were found to mitigate stress and family conflict. The findings indicate that economic empowerment is essential for preventing domestic violence and enhancing family well-being. Collaboration among government, academia, and communities is recommended to address the root causes of domestic violence. Economic violence Domestic violence Marital relationship Phenomenology Malaysia Introduction Economic violence involves deliberate actions to harm an individual's financial independence (Sarac & Odabas, 2025). Often, the target is a compliant partner (D’Agostino, Zacchia & Corsi, 2024). These actions prevent the victim from accessing, using, or retaining their own financial resources (Jima Bedaso, 2025). This type of abuse leads to economic instability and loss of independence (Scott, 2023). The United Nations (2019) lists six forms of economic violence or oppression. Examples include denying a partner access to money, preventing employment or job continuity, and making major financial decisions without their input. Perpetrators frequently assume full control over household income and assign all domestic expenses to victims. This control often extends to personal development. Aggressors may prevent their partners from accessing education, skills training, or improved employment opportunities. Some perpetrators also deliberately restrict access to essential needs, such as food, clothing, medication, healthcare, and shelter. These behaviors are intended to diminish the victim's autonomy and increase financial dependence (SEA, 2025; United Nations Myanmar, 2019). Economic violence is defined by three core dimensions: economic exploitation, economic control, and the sabotage of education and employment (Canadian Center for Women’s Empowerment, 2024; Chatterji et al., 2025). Economic control includes tactics that curtail a victim’s financial autonomy, such as withholding essentials like money or food, forcing the partner to request funds, monitoring or reducing spending, and hiding or denying access to financial documents, thereby restraining economic freedom. Economic exploitation involves coercive or fraudulent appropriation of a victim’s assets for the perpetrator’s gain (Adams et al., 2020). This encompasses theft, gambling with joint assets, unauthorized spending of shared resources, accumulating debt in the victim’s name, and deliberately impairing the victim’s credit and financial reputation (Johnson et al., 2022). Sabotage of education and employment involves persistent efforts to prevent victims from attaining economic independence, including harassment, restricting access to skills training or education, and blocking income-generating or wealth-building opportunities (Yount et al., 2021). Together, these behaviors deliberately undermine financial security and autonomy, entrench power imbalances in intimate relationships, threaten family wellbeing and gender equity. Research using the Scale of Economic Abuse (SEA, SEA2, or SEA-12) employs various definitions and behaviors to conceptualize economic violence. It identifies economic violence as control and deprivation of economic autonomy. Key characteristics are control, manipulation, and restrictions on access to money, assets, property, and economic resources, whether individually or jointly owned. Monetary abuse is prominent. Offenders compel victims to assume debt, relinquish wages, or sign legal documents against their will. Denying victims the ability to participate in decisions about their financial resources and assets is also common, thereby undermining their independence. Offenders often prevent victims from working or pursuing education, restricting their current and future economic and personal development. These forms of control are not confined to a specific culture, but rather represent a broader phenomenon that intersects with gender inequality and social welfare policies globally. Although economic violence is often an invisible form of mistreatment, its impact on the emotional, social, and economic well-being of families is substantial (Babych et al., 2024). Restricting an individual's access to financial resources or controlling a partner's spending does more than impede the fulfillment of basic needs; it also undermines the stability of the relationship (Newiak, 2024). It also weakens the family’s institutional support systems (Jima Bedaso, 2025). Previous research indicates that women subjected to economic abuse are nearly five times more likely to experience food insecurity compared to those who are not (University of Auckland, 2024). A study conducted in the United States found that economically abused parents face significant challenges in maintaining employment and material stability. These challenges diminish the effectiveness of family economic development interventions (Fedock et al., 2025). Perpetrators often foster financial dependency to limit victims' ability to achieve independence. This traps victims in cycles of poverty and helplessness (Adam et al., 2024). As a result, these circumstances frequently cause psychological distress, marital conflict, and developmental issues in children. This perpetuates an intergenerational cycle of abuse and poverty. Within marriage, economic violence is a form of abuse with long-term consequences for relationship stability and family welfare. Perpetrators often use financial control as a form of violence and oppression (Schreier & Hansen, 2022). They may deny partners access to income, employment, and property rights (Adam et al., 2024). These tactics erode autonomy and create emotional tension and unequal power in marriage (Nguyen & Postmus, 2023). Studies show economic control often comes before other violence, as victims become trapped in financial dependency (University of Auckland, 2024). Over time, this power imbalance leads to communication breakdown, less trust, and more conflict. This may ultimately cause separation or divorce (Fedock et al., 2025). Thus, it is important to see economic violence as a structural part of domestic violence, not just a financial issue. It undermines marital solidarity, hurts partners' quality of life, and threatens family stability. Economic violence and its association with domestic violence, which often leads to divorce, have become increasingly prevalent in Malaysia, where incidents of gender-based violence are rising. By June 2025, the Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM) had recorded 3,768 cases of domestic violence, including instances involving the restriction of a partner’s economic resources and the exertion of financial and economic control (KPWKM, 2025). The expansion of Malaysia's Domestic Violence (Amendment) Act 2017 represents a significant advancement in victim protection by broadening the legal definition of abuse. The Act now explicitly recognizes economic violence, including misappropriation of property, threats to safety, and humiliation via digital media. These reforms extend protection beyond physical and emotional harm to include economic exploitation and monetary control as serious forms of abuse. This legislative development aligns with global trends in social welfare and the prevention of gender-based violence, fostering a more comprehensive approach that addresses structural inequality, empowerment, and human rights within intimate relationships. This phenomenon demonstrates that economic violence extends beyond financial hardship, serving as both a source of marital conflict and a predisposing factor for divorce, particularly when one partner is highly economically dependent on the other (Adam et al., 2024). Gender inequality, urban economic pressures, and limited awareness of financial rights within marriage further intensify these challenges in Malaysia’s socioeconomic context (Nguyen & Postmus, 2023). Economic violence is a pervasive but often overlooked form of domestic abuse. It undermines victims’ autonomy and entrenches economic dependence, especially among women (D’Agostino, Zacchia & Corsi, 2024). Economic violence means controlling or restricting an individual's access to financial resources, jobs, and economic opportunities (Sarac & Odabas, 2025). The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights recognizes it as a widespread issue that is inadequately addressed in law in many countries (UN Geneva, 2024). Globally, the scale of the problem is evident in data from several regions. In Australia, 16 percent of women—about 1.6 million—experience economic abuse by an intimate partner (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022). In the United Kingdom, one in seven women reports such abuse (Surviving Economic Abuse, 2025). As of June 2025, 3,768 cases have been reported to the Royal Malaysia Police, with 290 additional complaints received through the Talian Kasih 15999 hotline (Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development [KPWKM], 2025). These statistics show that economic violence crosses geographic and cultural boundaries. The data demonstrates the need for coordinated policy responses, international cooperation, and research to promote gender equity and economic justice. In the context of marriage and divorce, financial dependency increases the risk of economic violence and can lead to divorce. In Malaysia, this is common and is often referred to as a modern form of divorce (Jones, 2021). Economic pressure and power dynamics drive marital discord. Home-based economic violence extends beyond the denial of money or employment. Victims are manipulated within financial systems: for example, they may be coerced into signing legal documents without consent, forced to borrow money, made to incur debts in their name, or subjected to fraudulent asset transfers (Gordon-Bouvier, 2024). Similarly, in employment contexts, perpetrators may undermine careers by concealing workplace attire, restricting access to transportation, or exploiting childcare responsibilities to limit work opportunities for women (Latifah and Peristianto, 2024; Showalter and Bosetti, 2022). Research shows financial dependency is shaped by cultural, gender, age, educational, and migration factors. These create different vulnerabilities to economic violence. Women in poverty are most at risk, especially when perpetrators control all household finances (Adams et al., 2024). These actions stem from social and cultural systems that legitimize power imbalances between men and women. Traditionally, gender roles assign women to caregiving and men to breadwinning (Lomazzi, 2023). Moral and religious arguments often defend these roles, justifying economic control over wives as a form of protection. Yet, these structures are increasingly challenged by socioeconomic changes and urbanization. In modern urban societies, women are increasingly pursuing higher education and achieving financial independence, which enables them to leave unhealthy or abusive relationships (Jones, 2021; Tanvir & Mostof, 2024). Miskulin (2020) found that women over age 30 are more susceptible to economic violence. Furthermore, women between 15 and 49 years are particularly vulnerable within intimate relationships (Sarac & Odabas, 2025). In contrast, women above 50 often exhibit psychosomatic symptoms linked to prolonged stress exposure, such as sleep deprivation and cardiovascular complications (Bellot et al., 2024). Importantly, vulnerability to economic violence is also influenced by education level and socioeconomic status. Specifically, women with lower educational attainment and those of ethnic minority or migrant backgrounds are twice as likely to experience economic vulnerability. For example, a study in Spain reported that two out of ten migrant women face a higher risk of economic violence compared to native women (Ministerio de Igualdad, 2023). Economic violence often continues after separation or divorce. This violence includes refusing to pay alimony, manipulating financial settlements, or exploiting joint property. Digital technology has increased opportunities for economic violence. Perpetrators now control finances by dominating online bank accounts or gaining unauthorized access to victims’ financial information. Economic violence is not just financial. It creates a power imbalance that limits women's freedom, autonomy, and health in unequal relationships. Collectively, economic violence reflects entrenched gendered power dynamics in marriage and can serve as a precursor to marital dissolution. In a nutshell, economic violence is an urgent and pervasive form of gender inequality, marked by the deliberate control or restriction of someone’s access to financial resources, employment, or economic independence. Deeply rooted in patriarchal values and traditional social roles, it gravely limits women's participation and autonomy within the domestic sphere. Economic violence not only inflicts immediate financial harm but also causes lasting emotional and social damage to victims. Left unaddressed, it entrenches abusive intimate relationships. It is imperative for policymakers to recognize the economic dimension of domestic violence as a structural social welfare issue and enact targeted, comprehensive interventions, rather than treating it solely as a private or interpersonal matter. Accordingly, this study aims to examine the effects of economic violence on marital harmony within Malay families in Malaysia. This study contributes to the global discourse on social welfare by highlighting the economic dimensions of domestic violence and their impact on marital stability. This study strengthens the evidence needed to develop inclusive, relevant social policies and interventions addressing economic violence and domestic abuse in Malaysian families. Methodology Study design This qualitative study utilized a phenomenological design to investigate the lived experiences of women facing economic violence. Phenomenological research seeks to reveal and interpret the fundamental nature of lived experiences, focusing on both their content and the unfolding of these experiences (Basnet, 2022). These experiences are profoundly shaped by wider socio-cultural and historical forces (Creswell, 2021). In traditional, male-dominated societies, masculine aggression is often normalized, while women are trained to avoid confrontation and internalize stigma and blame. Thus, phenomenology provided an effective methodological foundation for this study, enabling a nuanced analysis of the structural, cultural, and interpersonal factors shaping women’s experiences of economic violence. Setting The study was conducted in Trengganu, on the eastern coast of Malaysia, where the majority of residents are Malay and Muslim. Trengganu was chosen because its unique local cultural, religious, economic, and political context provides an appropriate setting to investigate how these factors influence economic violence within Malay families. Participant Participants were selected through purposive and snowball sampling, with criterion sampling used to identify individuals with relevant experience (Creswell, 2021). Thirty-two married women from Kuala Terengganu, Malaysia, who had experienced economic violence, were recruited as informants. All participants gave informed consent after a detailed explanation of the study’s objectives, benefits, and confidentiality requirements. Data collection technique Semi-structured interviews were the primary data collection method used in this study. These face-to-face, one-on-one interviews were designed to elicit in-depth qualitative data. The semi-structured format was selected due to its capacity to uncover underlying aspects of social life and issues that may not be immediately visible (Belina, 2023). This technique provided consistency while permitting flexibility to investigate participants’ distinct experiences in detail. Participants were invited to share their life narratives, particularly those pertaining to economic violence. Participation was entirely voluntary, with no coercion applied. This methodology facilitated the examination of both structural and personal dimensions of women’s experiences. The interviews addressed topics such as financial decision-making, employment restrictions, the necessity to hold multiple jobs, spousal opposition to labor force participation, and women’s control over household expenditures. This technique enabled the collection of both practical and emotional aspects of economic violence. Each interview lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes. All sessions were audio-recorded with participant consent; if consent was not granted, detailed manual notes were taken instead. Research instrument We employed a structured interview protocol grounded in recent research and a life course perspective. This approach lets us examine both societal structures and personal factors in women’s experiences. We asked about financial decision-making, limits on employment, balancing multiple jobs, resistance from spouses to work, and control over personal spending. We also asked how participants felt about their partners placing restrictions or giving directions about their jobs. Data analysis The analysis captured informants’ experiences by examining their feelings, perceptions, and thoughts. All were assigned pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality. Muzari et al. (2022) note that qualitative analysis requires reasoning, interpretation, and organizing data into themes and patterns. All interviews were audio-recorded with consent, anonymized, and transcribed verbatim. For those who declined to be recorded, we took detailed notes. We stored data securely and enforced strict measures to protect participants’ identities. Participation was voluntary. We compiled each transcript in Microsoft Word, then imported it into ATLAS. ti 23 for analysis. Through iterative coding, we categorized data into themes and subthemes that reflected both shared and unique accounts. This approach enabled a nuanced interpretation of women’s experiences with domestic and economic violence. Trustworthiness Each informant’s identity was anonymized using generic labels, such as ‘Informant 1’ through ‘Informant 32’, to ensure confidentiality and protect participant identities, given the study’s sensitivity. The research process prioritized adherence to research ethics, including confidentiality and obtaining informed consent. Results The study shows that many women faced economic violence after marriage, with partners deliberately preventing their employment. Eleven participants reported that their husbands made them quit their jobs and become full-time homemakers. This restriction exemplifies economic violence by limiting financial independence and reinforcing dependence. For these women, being barred from work reduced both their economic contribution and their autonomy. Restrictions on women’s employment Several women in this study said their husbands prohibited them from working after marriage. Many had to resign from their jobs and become full-time housewives. This was often justified by family needs, such as supporting their husbands' careers or caring for children. Some initially complied, but restrictions grew after childbirth. They were not allowed to return to work, even during financial hardship. These constraints show how economic violence becomes normalized in marriage, limiting women’s autonomy and increasing dependency. “Before getting married, I was employed. After marriage, he asked me to quit because he did not like me working. Moreover, during my pregnancy, I experienced severe morning sickness and had to take frequent leave. Eventually, I resigned completely.” (Informant 2) “ Before marriage, I worked. After we got married, he told me to quit my job. He wanted me to help him at his workshop. I worked there as a clerk. Even though we were married, we commuted separately in different cars. He was always very busy and constantly on the move. After giving birth to our first child, I stopped working to care for the baby.” (Informant 15) “ He told me to quit my job and stay home with our baby. I refused. We earned the same, and his income wasn’t enough. If I stopped working, things would get worse. How would we manage?” (Informant 17) Controlling behavior and denial of autonomy Some women faced restrictions not only in their employment but also in their daily lives. Participants reported that their partners used financial control to create dependency and limit autonomy. “He stopped me from working and controlled all the money. He decided when I got money. If he refused, I got nothing.” (Informant 24) Informant 18 and Informant 26 report that work restrictions directly limit women’s decision-making and increase their reliance on spouses. “He stopped me from working and made me resign, insisting that he would provide for me and that I must depend on him. I was not allowed to run a business or leave the house. A few years before our divorce, I said I wanted to start a business, and he finally agreed. By then, he ignored me and let me go where I wanted. Since 1997, he had paid no attention to me.” (Informant 18) "I told him I wanted to work. He got angry and told his parents, who scolded me. He said he would have married someone else if he knew I wanted to work." (Informant 26) Jealousy and mistrust The findings show that jealousy often controls women. Husbands used suspicion and distrust to keep women in domestic roles and prevent them from working in the labor force. These actions destroyed women’s economic independence and upheld patriarchal norms that forced women to depend on and submit to their husbands. Participant stories showed that men accused women of being flirtatious or attracting male attention. They also doubted women’s fidelity to justify banning their employment or entrepreneurship. These bans caused women financial loss and emotional pain. “Before marriage, I worked. After we married, he forbade me from working. He said others would be attracted to me and told me to remember my status as a married woman. When my income was insufficient, I started working in food delivery on a cash-on-delivery basis. He still scolded me, wanting me to stay home and feeling jealous about my interactions outside.” (Informant 16) “From the start, he never let me work and did not trust me, claiming that if I went out, I would be flirtatious. When short on money, he relied on his mother. My children and I ate fritters daily, sometimes with anchovies or onions, until we joked our faces resembled fritters; we had no other options. After COVID-19, I started working to support the children, and he could not object, as he was no longer providing for us.” (Informant 11) “Before I got married, I worked at a café frequented by many men. After marriage, he asked me to quit. He forbade me from working and insisted I become a housewife. He was jealous when I took orders or served male customers.” (Informant 23) “Before we got married, I had a job. But once we were married, he told me to quit and be a housewife. Even though I ran a small business, he didn’t allow it. When I tried to do cash-on-delivery and deliver goods to stores, he became angry.” (Informant 25) “He once became angry with me for working, accusing me of doing it for enjoyment or to meet other men. Each time I gave birth, he refused to acknowledge the child, at one point even selling one. My brother had to retrieve the baby. He consistently denied paternity of our children.” (Informant 27) Role reversal and financial exploitation A minority of participants were able to work, while most women faced employment restrictions. Yet, this opportunity did not empower them; instead, these women became primary providers as their husbands often relied on or misused their earnings. This shift led to the exploitation of women's income, reversing traditional financial dependency and placing household survival on their shoulders. “He never asked me to quit my job because he depended on my salary. He would use my earnings to buy things for himself. I became his personal account. On every payday, he would call and remind me to give him more money to pay off his debts to his friends.” (Informant 3) “He never asked me to stop working because we needed the income. From the start, I told him I wanted a comfortable life, so work was necessary.” (Informant 1) One participant described being forced to choose between letting her partner work or remaining the household's sole provider. She ultimately resigned to let her partner use the motorcycle that had been essential for her commute. Informant 30 recounted: “He told me to quit my job and gave me an ultimatum: either give him the motorcycle so he could work, or he would not work and I would have to support us. I quit and gave him the motorcycle. Despite this, he never cleaned it, so I did. When he bought a used motorcycle, he began coming home each week to clean his own bike.” (Informant 30) Discussion Global research on domestic violence consistently demonstrates strong correlations with low income, economic stress, and reliance on social assistance (Heron et al., 2022). Domestic violence is frequently linked to behaviors by husbands or partners, such as alcohol consumption, drug abuse, physical aggression, and coercive control, regardless of socioeconomic or demographic background (Adams et al., 2024). These patterns exemplify broader dynamics of domination and control within intimate relationships (Dziewa & Glowacz, 2024). The present study demonstrates that economic violence undermines women’s financial stability, psychosocial well-being, and family cohesion. These findings align with SDG 1 (No Poverty) and SDG 5 (Gender Equality), highlighting the importance of addressing economic violence to break the cycle of poverty, eliminate violence against women, and promote empowerment in both domestic and public contexts. Financial control or deprivation destabilizes households and jeopardizes children’s welfare, resulting in increased emotional distress for women. Economic violence also limits women’s ability to access essential resources such as food and healthcare, thereby intensifying stress and harm (Steinert et al., 2023). Notably, evidence indicates that higher education does not inherently protect women; in some cases, educated women may be more susceptible to coercive control and violence, as partners may perceive them as threats to male authority (Alkan et al., 2023). In certain marriages, a husband’s demand that his wife stop working can impede her financial independence and reinforce dependency. Financial stress is recognized as a determinant of marital quality (Chatterji et al., 2025), and women’s involvement in financial decision-making may provoke coercive behaviors rooted in patriarchal norms (Fan & Ryu, 2025). Analysis indicates that financial independence grants employed women greater autonomy in decision-making (Sule et al., 2025). The consequences of financial pressures are significant. Victims frequently experience chronic stress, future-oriented anxiety, and difficulty meeting basic needs. Mismanagement of household finances undermines both financial well-being and marital satisfaction, rendering them unsustainable (Kruger et al., 2023). Consequently, divorce may occur, particularly when individuals lose access to shared resources and economic benefits such as cost efficiency and role specialization (Latifah & Peristianto, 2024). Financial stability is crucial for fulfilling family responsibilities (Lomazzi, 2023), and a direct correlation exists between financial strain and personal well-being (Azhar et al., 2025). However, subtle forms of economic violence, including denial of access to personal bank accounts or coercion to relinquish financial control, often remain concealed and are difficult to challenge (Dziewa & Glowacz, 2024). The present study clearly demonstrates that economic violence, when coupled with emotional dependency, traps women in abusive marriages (Mabunda et al., 2025). By contrast, financial independence directly enables women to exit harmful relationships. This reality is evident in Malaysia, where many divorced women are financially self-reliant, proving that economic empowerment liberates women from exploitative marriages (Sharkawi & Saili, 2022). Divorce is now decisively regarded as a legitimate resolution to chronic marital conflict, reflecting evolving societal views (Jones, 2021). The relationship between environmental factors and economic violence warrants further examination. Supportive community contexts reduce the incidence of abuse, while toxic environments increase its prevalence (Alkan et al., 2025). These results make clear that social welfare systems must take immediate, actionable steps: implement evidence-based, contextually relevant prevention and intervention programs that identify both risk and protective factors, address structural inequalities, and enhance resilience among women and families (Cares et al., 2024). Because economic violence acts as both a catalyst for domestic violence and an impediment to marital stability, it is imperative to adopt integrated interventions—financial literacy, income support, legal protection, and psychosocial services—to mitigate women’s vulnerability and foster empowerment. Without such decisive and coordinated responses, efforts to support survivors and prevent perpetration will remain insufficient. Practical Implications and Conclusion This study demonstrates the pervasive effects of economic violence on married women’s well-being and underscores the urgent need for inclusive, holistic strategies that promote economic empowerment and gender equality. These strategies are crucial for breaking the cycle of poverty (SDG 1), eliminating violence against women, and promoting women’s rights and dignity (SDG 5). By documenting the economic dimensions of violence, the study offers empirical evidence to inform policymakers and practitioners in developing interventions that strengthen both prevention and protection mechanisms. The findings reaffirm the significance of the power and control, which illustrates how abusers maintain dominance through financial restriction, intimidation, and manipulation. This highlights the complexity of economic violence as a multifaceted social issue that necessitates coordinated interventions. Despite the implementation of various programs, persistently high rates of economic violence within domestic spheres indicate that current efforts are fragmented. To address this, it is essential for stakeholders—including law enforcement, social services, healthcare providers, the judiciary, religious institutions, and civil society organizations—to establish regular forums for information sharing, jointly develop intervention protocols, and assess the effectiveness of combined strategies in order to develop effective and sustainable solutions. Preventive efforts should start early. It is importance for school administrators and policymakers to include domestic violence education to secondary school curricula. This inclusion helps raise awareness among adolescents and interrupts intergenerational abuse, mainly economic violence. Prevention strategies also need to address both physical and emotional health, as these factors are closely linked to economic well-being, family functioning and development. The implications for quality of life are substantial. If left unaddressed, economic violence causes psychological distress, low self-worth, social isolation, and limits access to essential resources. Supporting women’s economic independence can foster agency, enhance mental health, and increase access to education, employment, and healthcare. These changes can lead to healthier families, greater life satisfaction, and more resilient survivors. Future research should track long-term outcomes for women affected by economic violence, such as impacts on divorce, intergenerational effects, and social mobility. Such studies will clarify how economic independence protects against abuse and supports both individual and collective recovery. 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Johnson, L., Chen, Y., Stylianou, A., & Arnold, A. (2022). Examining the impact of economic abuse on survivors of intimate partner violence: a scoping review. BMC Public Health, 22(1), 1014. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-13297-4 Jones, G. W. (2021). Divorce in Malaysia: Historical trends and contemporary issues. Institutions and Economies , 35-60. https://doi.org/10.22452/IJIE.vol13no4.2 Kassing, K., & Collins, A. (2025). “Slowly, Over Time, You Completely Lose Yourself”: Conceptualizing Coercive Control Trauma in Intimate Partner Relationships. Journal of Interpersonal Violence , 08862605251320998. https://doi.org/10.1177/08862605251320998 Kislev, E. (2023). Relationship-status and work-life balance satisfaction: Cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. Applied Research in Quality of Life , 18 (2), 1115-1142. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11482-022-10137-w Kruger, M., Palmer, L., & Goetz, J. (2023). Financial satisfaction: The role of shared financial responsibilities and shared financial values among couples. Financial Services Review , 31 (4), 266-282. https://doi.org/10.61190/fsr.v31i4.3341 Latifah, D. N., & Peristianto, S. V. (2024). The Quality of Life of Women Divorced due to Domestic Violence. Developmental and Clinical Psychology , 5 (1), 29-40. https://doi.org/10.15294/dcp.v5i1.6205 Li, Q., Liu, M., Wang, H., Chen, Y., & Fu, Z. (2024). Longitudinal associations of gratitude with subjective well-being and psychological well-being: A Two-wave study. Applied Research in Quality of Life , 1-17. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11482-024-10406-w Lomazzi, V. (2023). The cultural roots of violence against women: individual and institutional gender norms in 12 countries. Social Sciences , 12 (3), 117. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12030117 Mabunda, A., Mokgatle, M. M., & Madiba, S. (2025). Being Trapped in an Abusive Relationship: A Phenomenological Study of Women’s Experiences of Violence in Intimate Relationships. Social Sciences , 14 (4), 250. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14040250 Malinga, T., & Modie-Moroka, T. (2023). Lived experiences of low-income unmarried women in rural Botswana: a narrative approach. Global Social Welfare , 10 (2), 153-165. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40609-023-00273-y Ministerio de Igualdad. 2023. Violencia Econ ó mica Contra las Mujeres en sus Relaciones de Pareja o Expareja. Madrid: Ministerio deIgualdad. Available online: https://violenciagenero.igualdad.gob.es/violenciaencifras/estudios/investigaciones/violenciaeconomica- Miškulin, I. (2020). Economic violence against women in Croatia: A comparative study between continental and maritime county. Collegium antropologicum , 44 (3), 115-119. https://doi.org/10.5671/ca.44.3.1 Newiak, M. (2024). Intimate partner violence and women’s economic empowerment . IMF Working Paper 2024(239):1. Doi: 10.5089/9798400294020.001. Sarac, E., & Odabas, D. (2025). Gender-based economic violence and the exploitation of women: A deep dive. World Journal of Psychiatry , 15 (3), 103725. https://doi.org/10.5498/wjp.v15.i3.103725 Schreier, A., & Hansen, D.J. (2022). Family violence and public policy: Existing trends and emerging needs. Aggression and Violent Behavior , 65 (4), 101724. Scott, A. (2023). Financial abuse in a banking context: Why and how financial institutions can respond. Journal of Business Ethics , 187 (4), 679-694.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-023-05460-7. Sharkawi, S. A., & Saili, J. (2022). Analisis isu perkahwinan dalam kalangan pasangan Melayu di Kuching, Sarawak sepanjang tahun 2018-2020. Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) , 7 (7), e001610-e001610. https://doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v7i7.1610 Showalter, K., & Bosetti, R. (2022). The IPV-WDA: Developing an abusive workplace disruptions assessment using item response theory. Journal of Family Violence , 37 (7), 1195-1205. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-021-00338-6 Southern, S., & Sullivan, R. D. (2021). Family violence in context: An intergenerational systemic model. The Family Journal , 29 (3), 260-291. https://doi.org/10.1177/10664807211006274 Steinert, J. I., Boehret, I., Satish, R. V., Sharma, S., & Chatterji, S. (2023). ‘We don’t get money in our own hands’: evidence from focus group discussions on economic abuse against women in two states of India. BMJ Global Health , 8 (10), e012576.https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2023-012576 Sule, S., Chauhan, B. G., & Jungari, S. (2025). Hidden Struggles and Empowerment: Unmasking the Relationship Between Intimate Partner Violence and Contraceptive Choices in India. Global Social Welfare , 12 , 165–179. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40609-025-00387-5 Surviving Economic Abuse (SEA). (2025). What is economic abuse? https://survivingeconomicabuse.org/what-is-economic-abuse/Surviving Economic Abuse. (2025). What is economic abuse? https://survivingeconomicabuse.org/what-is-economic-abuse/ Tanvir, M. T. I., & Mostofa, S. M. (2024). Why Women Get Divorced in Bangladesh: Exploring Individualism and Other Factors. Journal of Family History , 49 (4), 417-431.https://doi.org/10.1177/03631990241264241 United Nations Myanmar. (2019). A resource book on intimate partner violence for united nations staff in Myanmar. https://asiapacific.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2023-01/Good-Practice-Resource-Guide-on-Intimate-Partner-Violence-for-the-UN-staff-in-Myanmar.pdf Women’s Aid Organisation. Article on What is Domestic Violence? Retrieved from https://wao.org.my Yount, K. M., Cheong, Y. F., Miedema, S., & Naved, R. T. (2021). Development and validation of the economic coercion scale 36 (ECS-36) in rural Bangladesh. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 37(13–14), NP10726–NP10757. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520987812 Zimmer, D. M. (2022). Investigating the dynamic interdependency between poverty and marital separation. Review of Economics of the Household , 20 (4), 1239-1254. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-021-09585-4 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. Our growing team is made up of researchers and industry professionals working together to solve the most critical problems facing scientific publishing. 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involves deliberate actions to harm an individual\u0026apos;s financial independence (Sarac \u0026amp; Odabas, 2025). Often, the target is a compliant partner (D\u0026rsquo;Agostino, Zacchia \u0026amp; Corsi, 2024). These actions prevent the victim from accessing, using, or retaining their own financial resources (Jima Bedaso, 2025). This type of abuse leads to economic instability and loss of independence (Scott, 2023). The United Nations (2019) lists six forms of economic violence or oppression. Examples include denying a partner access to money, preventing employment or job continuity, and making major financial decisions without their input. Perpetrators frequently assume full control over household income and assign all domestic expenses to victims. This control often extends to personal development. Aggressors may prevent their partners from accessing education, skills training, or improved employment opportunities. Some perpetrators also deliberately restrict access to essential needs, such as food, clothing, medication, healthcare, and shelter. These behaviors are intended to diminish the victim\u0026apos;s autonomy and increase financial dependence (SEA, 2025; United Nations Myanmar, 2019).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEconomic violence is defined by three core dimensions: economic exploitation, economic control, and the sabotage of education and employment (Canadian Center for Women\u0026rsquo;s Empowerment, 2024; Chatterji et al., 2025). Economic control includes tactics that curtail a victim\u0026rsquo;s financial autonomy, such as withholding essentials like money or food, forcing the partner to request funds, monitoring or reducing spending, and hiding or denying access to financial documents, thereby restraining economic freedom. Economic exploitation involves coercive or fraudulent appropriation of a victim\u0026rsquo;s assets for the perpetrator\u0026rsquo;s gain (Adams et al., 2020). This encompasses theft, gambling with joint assets, unauthorized spending of shared resources, accumulating debt in the victim\u0026rsquo;s name, and deliberately impairing the victim\u0026rsquo;s credit and financial reputation (Johnson et al., 2022). Sabotage of education and employment involves persistent efforts to prevent victims from attaining economic independence, including harassment, restricting access to skills training or education, and blocking income-generating or wealth-building opportunities (Yount et al., 2021). Together, these behaviors deliberately undermine financial security and autonomy, entrench power imbalances in intimate relationships, threaten family wellbeing and gender equity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearch using the Scale of Economic Abuse (SEA, SEA2, or SEA-12) employs various definitions and behaviors to conceptualize economic violence. It identifies economic violence as control and deprivation of economic autonomy. Key characteristics are control, manipulation, and restrictions on access to money, assets, property, and economic resources, whether individually or jointly owned. Monetary abuse is prominent. Offenders compel victims to assume debt, relinquish wages, or sign legal documents against their will. Denying victims the ability to participate in decisions about their financial resources and assets is also common, thereby undermining their independence. Offenders often prevent victims from working or pursuing education, restricting their current and future economic and personal development. These forms of control are not confined to a specific culture, but rather represent a broader phenomenon that intersects with gender inequality and social welfare policies globally.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough economic violence is often an invisible form of mistreatment, its impact on the emotional, social, and economic well-being of families is substantial (Babych et al., 2024). Restricting an individual\u0026apos;s access to financial resources or controlling a partner\u0026apos;s spending does more than impede the fulfillment of basic needs; it also undermines the stability of the relationship (Newiak, 2024). It also weakens the family\u0026rsquo;s institutional support systems (Jima Bedaso, 2025). Previous research indicates that women subjected to economic abuse are nearly five times more likely to experience food insecurity compared to those who are not (University of Auckland, 2024). A study conducted in the United States found that economically abused parents face significant challenges in maintaining employment and material stability. These challenges diminish the effectiveness of family economic development interventions (Fedock et al., 2025). Perpetrators often foster financial dependency to limit victims\u0026apos; ability to achieve independence. This traps victims in cycles of poverty and helplessness (Adam et al., 2024). As a result, these circumstances frequently cause psychological distress, marital conflict, and developmental issues in children. This perpetuates an intergenerational cycle of abuse and poverty.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWithin marriage, economic violence is a form of abuse with long-term consequences for relationship stability and family welfare. Perpetrators often use financial control as a form of violence and oppression (Schreier \u0026amp; Hansen, 2022). They may deny partners access to income, employment, and property rights (Adam et al., 2024). These tactics erode autonomy and create emotional tension and unequal power in marriage (Nguyen \u0026amp; Postmus, 2023). Studies show economic control often comes before other violence, as victims become trapped in financial dependency (University of Auckland, 2024). Over time, this power imbalance leads to communication breakdown, less trust, and more conflict. This may ultimately cause separation or divorce (Fedock et al., 2025). Thus, it is important to see economic violence as a structural part of domestic violence, not just a financial issue. It undermines marital solidarity, hurts partners\u0026apos; quality of life, and threatens family stability.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEconomic violence and its association with domestic violence, which often leads to divorce, have become increasingly prevalent in Malaysia, where incidents of gender-based violence are rising. By June 2025, the Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM) had recorded 3,768 cases of domestic violence, including instances involving the restriction of a partner\u0026rsquo;s economic resources and the exertion of financial and economic control (KPWKM, 2025). The expansion of Malaysia\u0026apos;s Domestic Violence (Amendment) Act 2017 represents a significant advancement in victim protection by broadening the legal definition of abuse. The Act now explicitly recognizes economic violence, including misappropriation of property, threats to safety, and humiliation via digital media. These reforms extend protection beyond physical and emotional harm to include economic exploitation and monetary control as serious forms of abuse. This legislative development aligns with global trends in social welfare and the prevention of gender-based violence, fostering a more comprehensive approach that addresses structural inequality, empowerment, and human rights within intimate relationships. This phenomenon demonstrates that economic violence extends beyond financial hardship, serving as both a source of marital conflict and a predisposing factor for divorce, particularly when one partner is highly economically dependent on the other (Adam et al., 2024). Gender inequality, urban economic pressures, and limited awareness of financial rights within marriage further intensify these challenges in Malaysia\u0026rsquo;s socioeconomic context (Nguyen \u0026amp; Postmus, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEconomic violence is a pervasive but often overlooked form of domestic abuse. It undermines victims\u0026rsquo; autonomy and entrenches economic dependence, especially among women (D\u0026rsquo;Agostino, Zacchia \u0026amp; Corsi, 2024). Economic violence means controlling or restricting an individual\u0026apos;s access to financial resources, jobs, and economic opportunities (Sarac \u0026amp; Odabas, 2025). The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights recognizes it as a widespread issue that is inadequately addressed in law in many countries (UN Geneva, 2024). Globally, the scale of the problem is evident in data from several regions. In Australia, 16 percent of women\u0026mdash;about 1.6 million\u0026mdash;experience economic abuse by an intimate partner (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2022). In the United Kingdom, one in seven women reports such abuse (Surviving Economic Abuse, 2025). As of June 2025, 3,768 cases have been reported to the Royal Malaysia Police, with 290 additional complaints received through the Talian Kasih 15999 hotline (Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development [KPWKM], 2025). These statistics show that economic violence crosses geographic and cultural boundaries. The data demonstrates the need for coordinated policy responses, international cooperation, and research to promote gender equity and economic justice.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the context of marriage and divorce, financial dependency increases the risk of economic violence and can lead to divorce. In Malaysia, this is common and is often referred to as a modern form of divorce (Jones, 2021). Economic pressure and power dynamics drive marital discord. Home-based economic violence extends beyond the denial of money or employment. Victims are manipulated within financial systems: for example, they may be coerced into signing legal documents without consent, forced to borrow money, made to incur debts in their name, or subjected to fraudulent asset transfers (Gordon-Bouvier, 2024). Similarly, in employment contexts, perpetrators may undermine careers by concealing workplace attire, restricting access to transportation, or exploiting childcare responsibilities to limit work opportunities for women (Latifah and Peristianto, 2024; Showalter and Bosetti, 2022).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eResearch shows financial dependency is shaped by cultural, gender, age, educational, and migration factors. These create different vulnerabilities to economic violence. Women in poverty are most at risk, especially when perpetrators control all household finances (Adams et al., 2024). These actions stem from social and cultural systems that legitimize power imbalances between men and women. Traditionally, gender roles assign women to caregiving and men to breadwinning (Lomazzi, 2023). Moral and religious arguments often defend these roles, justifying economic control over wives as a form of protection. Yet, these structures are increasingly challenged by socioeconomic changes and urbanization. In modern urban societies, women are increasingly pursuing higher education and achieving financial independence, which enables them to leave unhealthy or abusive relationships (Jones, 2021; Tanvir \u0026amp; Mostof, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMiskulin (2020) found that women over age 30 are more susceptible to economic violence. Furthermore, women between 15 and 49 years are particularly vulnerable within intimate relationships (Sarac \u0026amp; Odabas, 2025). In contrast, women above 50 often exhibit psychosomatic symptoms linked to prolonged stress exposure, such as sleep deprivation and cardiovascular complications (Bellot et al., 2024). Importantly, vulnerability to economic violence is also influenced by education level and socioeconomic status. Specifically, women with lower educational attainment and those of ethnic minority or migrant backgrounds are twice as likely to experience economic vulnerability. For example, a study in Spain reported that two out of ten migrant women face a higher risk of economic violence compared to native women (Ministerio de Igualdad, 2023). Economic violence often continues after separation or divorce. This violence includes refusing to pay alimony, manipulating financial settlements, or exploiting joint property. Digital technology has increased opportunities for economic violence. Perpetrators now control finances by dominating online bank accounts or gaining unauthorized access to victims\u0026rsquo; financial information. Economic violence is not just financial. It creates a power imbalance that limits women\u0026apos;s freedom, autonomy, and health in unequal relationships. Collectively, economic violence reflects entrenched gendered power dynamics in marriage and can serve as a precursor to marital dissolution. \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn a nutshell, economic violence is an urgent and pervasive form of gender inequality, marked by the deliberate control or restriction of someone\u0026rsquo;s access to financial resources, employment, or economic independence. Deeply rooted in patriarchal values and traditional social roles, it gravely limits women\u0026apos;s participation and autonomy within the domestic sphere. Economic violence not only inflicts immediate financial harm but also causes lasting emotional and social damage to victims. Left unaddressed, it entrenches abusive intimate relationships. It is imperative for policymakers to recognize the economic dimension of domestic violence as a structural social welfare issue and enact targeted, comprehensive interventions, rather than treating it solely as a private or interpersonal matter. Accordingly, this study aims to examine the effects of economic violence on marital harmony within Malay families in Malaysia. This study contributes to the global discourse on social welfare by highlighting the economic dimensions of domestic violence and their impact on marital stability. This study strengthens the evidence needed to develop inclusive, relevant social policies and interventions addressing economic violence and domestic abuse in Malaysian families.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n"},{"header":"Methodology ","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eStudy design\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis qualitative study utilized a phenomenological design to investigate the lived experiences of women facing economic violence. Phenomenological research seeks to reveal and interpret the fundamental nature of lived experiences, focusing on both their content and the unfolding of these experiences (Basnet, 2022). These experiences are profoundly shaped by wider socio-cultural and historical forces (Creswell, 2021). In traditional, male-dominated societies, masculine aggression is often normalized, while women are trained to avoid confrontation and internalize stigma and blame. Thus, phenomenology provided an effective methodological foundation for this study, enabling a nuanced analysis of the structural, cultural, and interpersonal factors shaping women’s experiences of economic violence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eSetting\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was conducted in Trengganu, on the eastern coast of Malaysia, where the majority of residents are Malay and Muslim. Trengganu was chosen because its unique local cultural, religious, economic, and political context provides an appropriate setting to investigate how these factors influence economic violence within Malay families.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eParticipant\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants were selected through purposive and snowball sampling, with criterion sampling used to identify individuals with relevant experience (Creswell, 2021). Thirty-two married women from Kuala Terengganu, Malaysia, who had experienced economic violence, were recruited as informants. All participants gave informed consent after a detailed explanation of the study’s objectives, benefits, and confidentiality requirements.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eData collection technique\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSemi-structured interviews were the primary data collection method used in this study. These face-to-face, one-on-one interviews were designed to elicit in-depth qualitative data. The semi-structured format was selected due to its capacity to uncover underlying aspects of social life and issues that may not be immediately visible (Belina, 2023). This technique provided consistency while permitting flexibility to investigate participants’ distinct experiences in detail. \u0026nbsp;Participants were invited to share their life narratives, particularly those pertaining to economic violence. Participation was entirely voluntary, with no coercion applied. This methodology facilitated the examination of both structural and personal dimensions of women’s experiences. The interviews addressed topics such as financial decision-making, employment restrictions, the necessity to hold multiple jobs, spousal opposition to labor force participation, and women’s control over household expenditures. This technique enabled the collection of both practical and emotional aspects of economic violence. Each interview lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes. All sessions were audio-recorded with participant consent; if consent was not granted, detailed manual notes were taken instead.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eResearch instrument\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe employed a structured interview protocol grounded in recent research and a life course perspective. This approach lets us examine both societal structures and personal factors in women’s experiences. We asked about financial decision-making, limits on employment, balancing multiple jobs, resistance from spouses to work, and control over personal spending. We also asked how participants felt about their partners placing restrictions or giving directions about their jobs.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eData analysis\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe analysis captured informants’ experiences by examining their feelings, perceptions, and thoughts. All were assigned pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality. Muzari et al. (2022) note that qualitative analysis requires reasoning, interpretation, and organizing data into themes and patterns. All interviews were audio-recorded with consent, anonymized, and transcribed verbatim. For those who declined to be recorded, we took detailed notes. We stored data securely and enforced strict measures to protect participants’ identities. Participation was voluntary. We compiled each transcript in Microsoft Word, then imported it into ATLAS. ti 23 for analysis. Through iterative coding, we categorized data into themes and subthemes that reflected both shared and unique accounts. This approach enabled a nuanced interpretation of women’s experiences with domestic and economic violence.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eTrustworthiness\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEach informant’s identity was anonymized using generic labels, such as ‘Informant 1’ through ‘Informant 32’, to ensure confidentiality and protect participant identities, given the study’s sensitivity. The research process prioritized adherence to research ethics, including confidentiality and obtaining informed consent.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study shows that many women faced economic violence after marriage, with partners deliberately preventing their employment. Eleven participants reported that their husbands made them quit their jobs and become full-time homemakers. This restriction exemplifies economic violence by limiting financial independence and reinforcing dependence. For these women, being barred from work reduced both their economic contribution and their autonomy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eRestrictions on women’s employment\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSeveral women in this study said their husbands prohibited them from working after marriage. Many had to resign from their jobs and become full-time housewives. This was often justified by family needs, such as supporting their husbands' careers or caring for children. Some initially complied, but restrictions grew after childbirth. They were not allowed to return to work, even during financial hardship. These constraints show how economic violence becomes normalized in marriage, limiting women’s autonomy and increasing dependency.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“Before getting married, I was employed. After marriage, he asked me to quit because he did not like me working. Moreover, during my pregnancy, I experienced severe morning sickness and had to take frequent leave. Eventually, I resigned completely.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 2)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“\u003cem\u003eBefore marriage, I worked. After we got married, he told me to quit my job. He wanted me to help him at his workshop. I worked there as a clerk. Even though we were married, we commuted separately in different cars. He was always very busy and constantly on the move. After giving birth to our first child, I stopped working to care for the baby.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 15)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e“\u003cem\u003eHe told me to quit my job and stay home with our baby. I refused. We earned the same, and his income wasn’t enough. If I stopped working, things would get worse. How would we manage?”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 17)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eControlling behavior and denial of autonomy\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome women faced restrictions not only in their employment but also in their daily lives. Participants reported that their partners used financial control to create dependency and limit autonomy.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He stopped me from working and controlled all the money. He decided when I got money. If he refused, I got nothing.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 24)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eInformant 18 and Informant 26 report that work restrictions directly limit women’s decision-making and increase their reliance on spouses.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He stopped me from working and made me resign, insisting that he would provide for me and that I must depend on him. I was not allowed to run a business or leave the house. A few years before our divorce, I said I wanted to start a business, and he finally agreed. By then, he ignored me and let me go where I wanted. Since 1997, he had paid no attention to me.”\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Informant 18)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"I told him I wanted to work. He got angry and told his parents, who scolded me. He said he would have married someone else if he knew I wanted to work.\"\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Informant 26)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eJealousy and mistrust\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe findings show that jealousy often controls women. Husbands used suspicion and distrust to keep women in domestic roles and prevent them from working in the labor force. These actions destroyed women’s economic independence and upheld patriarchal norms that forced women to depend on and submit to their husbands. Participant stories showed that men accused women of being flirtatious or attracting male attention. They also doubted women’s fidelity to justify banning their employment or entrepreneurship. These bans caused women financial loss and emotional pain.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“Before marriage, I worked. After we married, he forbade me from working. He said others would be attracted to me and told me to remember my status as a married woman. When my income was insufficient, I started working in food delivery on a cash-on-delivery basis. He still scolded me, wanting me to stay home and feeling jealous about my interactions outside.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 16)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“From the start, he never let me work and did not trust me, claiming that if I went out, I would be flirtatious. When short on money, he relied on his mother. My children and I ate fritters daily, sometimes with anchovies or onions, until we joked our faces resembled fritters; we had no other options. After COVID-19, I started working to support the children, and he could not object, as he was no longer providing for us.”\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Informant 11)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“Before I got married, I worked at a café frequented by many men. After marriage, he asked me to quit. He forbade me from working and insisted I become a housewife. He was jealous when I took orders or served male customers.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 23)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“Before we got married, I had a job. But once we were married, he told me to quit and be a housewife. Even though I ran a small business, he didn’t allow it. When I tried to do cash-on-delivery and deliver goods to stores, he became angry.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 25)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He once became angry with me for working, accusing me of doing it for enjoyment or to meet other men. Each time I gave birth, he refused to acknowledge the child, at one point even selling one. My brother had to retrieve the baby. He consistently denied paternity of our children.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 27)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eRole reversal and financial exploitation\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eA minority of participants were able to work, while most women faced employment restrictions. Yet, this opportunity did not empower them; instead, these women became primary providers as their husbands often relied on or misused their earnings. This shift led to the exploitation of women's income, reversing traditional financial dependency and placing household survival on their shoulders.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He never asked me to quit my job because he depended on my salary. He would use my earnings to buy things for himself. I became his personal account. On every payday, he would call and remind me to give him more money to pay off his debts to his friends.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 3)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He never asked me to stop working because we needed the income. From the start, I told him I wanted a comfortable life, so work was necessary.”\u003c/em\u003e (Informant 1)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOne participant described being forced to choose between letting her partner work or remaining the household's sole provider. She ultimately resigned to let her partner use the motorcycle that had been essential for her commute. Informant 30 recounted:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e“He told me to quit my job and gave me an ultimatum: either give him the motorcycle so he could work, or he would not work and I would have to support us. I quit and gave him the motorcycle. Despite this, he never cleaned it, so I did. When he bought a used motorcycle, he began coming home each week to clean his own bike.”\u0026nbsp;\u003c/em\u003e(Informant 30)\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eGlobal research on domestic violence consistently demonstrates strong correlations with low income, economic stress, and reliance on social assistance (Heron et al., 2022). Domestic violence is frequently linked to behaviors by husbands or partners, such as alcohol consumption, drug abuse, physical aggression, and coercive control, regardless of socioeconomic or demographic background (Adams et al., 2024). These patterns exemplify broader dynamics of domination and control within intimate relationships (Dziewa \u0026amp; Glowacz, 2024). The present study demonstrates that economic violence undermines women\u0026rsquo;s financial stability, psychosocial well-being, and family cohesion. These findings align with SDG 1 (No Poverty) and SDG 5 (Gender Equality), highlighting the importance of addressing economic violence to break the cycle of poverty, eliminate violence against women, and promote empowerment in both domestic and public contexts. Financial control or deprivation destabilizes households and jeopardizes children\u0026rsquo;s welfare, resulting in increased emotional distress for women. Economic violence also limits women\u0026rsquo;s ability to access essential resources such as food and healthcare, thereby intensifying stress and harm (Steinert et al., 2023). Notably, evidence indicates that higher education does not inherently protect women; in some cases, educated women may be more susceptible to coercive control and violence, as partners may perceive them as threats to male authority (Alkan et al., 2023). In certain marriages, a husband\u0026rsquo;s demand that his wife stop working can impede her financial independence and reinforce dependency. Financial stress is recognized as a determinant of marital quality (Chatterji et al., 2025), and women\u0026rsquo;s involvement in financial decision-making may provoke coercive behaviors rooted in patriarchal norms (Fan \u0026amp; Ryu, 2025).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAnalysis indicates that financial independence grants employed women greater autonomy in decision-making (Sule et al., 2025). The consequences of financial pressures are significant. Victims frequently experience chronic stress, future-oriented anxiety, and difficulty meeting basic needs. Mismanagement of household finances undermines both financial well-being and marital satisfaction, rendering them unsustainable (Kruger et al., 2023). Consequently, divorce may occur, particularly when individuals lose access to shared resources and economic benefits such as cost efficiency and role specialization (Latifah \u0026amp; Peristianto, 2024). Financial stability is crucial for fulfilling family responsibilities (Lomazzi, 2023), and a direct correlation exists between financial strain and personal well-being (Azhar et al., 2025). However, subtle forms of economic violence, including denial of access to personal bank accounts or coercion to relinquish financial control, often remain concealed and are difficult to challenge (Dziewa \u0026amp; Glowacz, 2024).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe present study clearly demonstrates that economic violence, when coupled with emotional dependency, traps women in abusive marriages (Mabunda et al., 2025). By contrast, financial independence directly enables women to exit harmful relationships. This reality is evident in Malaysia, where many divorced women are financially self-reliant, proving that economic empowerment liberates women from exploitative marriages (Sharkawi \u0026amp; Saili, 2022). Divorce is now decisively regarded as a legitimate resolution to chronic marital conflict, reflecting evolving societal views (Jones, 2021). The relationship between environmental factors and economic violence warrants further examination. Supportive community contexts reduce the incidence of abuse, while toxic environments increase its prevalence (Alkan et al., 2025). These results make clear that social welfare systems must take immediate, actionable steps: implement evidence-based, contextually relevant prevention and intervention programs that identify both risk and protective factors, address structural inequalities, and enhance resilience among women and families (Cares et al., 2024). Because economic violence acts as both a catalyst for domestic violence and an impediment to marital stability, it is imperative to adopt integrated interventions\u0026mdash;financial literacy, income support, legal protection, and psychosocial services\u0026mdash;to mitigate women\u0026rsquo;s vulnerability and foster empowerment. Without such decisive and coordinated responses, efforts to support survivors and prevent perpetration will remain insufficient.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Practical Implications and Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study demonstrates the pervasive effects of economic violence on married women\u0026rsquo;s well-being and underscores the urgent need for inclusive, holistic strategies that promote economic empowerment and gender equality. These strategies are crucial for breaking the cycle of poverty (SDG 1), eliminating violence against women, and promoting women\u0026rsquo;s rights and dignity (SDG 5). By documenting the economic dimensions of violence, the study offers empirical evidence to inform policymakers and practitioners in developing interventions that strengthen both prevention and protection mechanisms.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe findings reaffirm the significance of the power and control, which illustrates how abusers maintain dominance through financial restriction, intimidation, and manipulation. This highlights the complexity of economic violence as a multifaceted social issue that necessitates coordinated interventions. Despite the implementation of various programs, persistently high rates of economic violence within domestic spheres indicate that current efforts are fragmented. To address this, it is essential for stakeholders\u0026mdash;including law enforcement, social services, healthcare providers, the judiciary, religious institutions, and civil society organizations\u0026mdash;to establish regular forums for information sharing, jointly develop intervention protocols, and assess the effectiveness of combined strategies in order to develop effective and sustainable solutions. Preventive efforts should start early. It is importance for school administrators and policymakers to include domestic violence education to secondary school curricula. This \u0026nbsp;inclusion helps raise awareness among adolescents and interrupts intergenerational abuse, mainly economic violence. Prevention strategies \u0026nbsp;also need to address both physical and emotional health, as these factors are closely linked to economic well-being, family functioning and development.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe implications for quality of life are substantial. If left unaddressed, economic violence causes psychological distress, low self-worth, social isolation, and limits access to essential resources. Supporting women\u0026rsquo;s economic independence can foster agency, enhance mental health, and increase access to education, employment, and healthcare. These changes can lead to healthier families, greater life satisfaction, and more resilient survivors. Future research should track long-term outcomes for women affected by economic violence, such as impacts on divorce, intergenerational effects, and social mobility. Such studies will clarify how economic independence protects against abuse and supports both individual and collective recovery.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAcknowledgment\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE) provided funding and resources for this Fundamental Research Grant Scheme project under grant FRGS/1/2023/SS10/UNISZA/02/3.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;The authors declare no conflicts of interest.\u003c/p\u003e\n"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAdams, A. E., Beeble, M. L., Biswas, A., Flynn, R. L., \u0026amp; Vollinger, L. (2024). 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Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 37(13\u0026ndash;14), NP10726\u0026ndash;NP10757. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520987812 \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eZimmer, D. M. (2022). Investigating the dynamic interdependency between poverty and marital separation. \u003cem\u003eReview of Economics of the Household\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e20\u003c/em\u003e(4), 1239-1254. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-021-09585-4\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
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