Bullying and regulation of socio-moral emotions: Adolescent experiences in school contexts.

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Lisandra Angulo Gallo, Christian Berger Silva, Manuela Badilla Rajevic, and 2 more This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 8 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Most studies on bullying have focused on the roles of aggressors and victims, with little attention paid to observers and limited qualitative understanding of their emotional experiences. This study aimed to explore how adolescents who have witnessed or participated in bullying situations experience and regulate socio-moral emotions, especially guilt and empathic distress, and how these influence their stance toward bullying. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 24 adolescents aged 10 to 14 (12 in Cuba and 12 in Chile). The analysis was developed according to Grounded Theory. The results reveal complex dynamics in the assumption of roles (pro-bullying, prosocial, outsider, and victim). Alternations, overlaps, and context-modulated responses were observed. Guilt and empathic distress emerge as activators or inhibitors of prosocial and aggressive behaviors, depending on how they are regulated. The regulatory strategies identified included: resolving the situation as a way of alleviating empathic distress (by helping the victim or repairing the damage), seeking support, distraction, avoidance, and a tendency to minimize the suffering of others. Barriers to prosocial behavior were also identified, associated with the relationship with the victim, moral judgment of the victim, self-perception of ineffectiveness, fear of negative consequences, and the severity of the situation. It is concluded that the approach to bullying must go beyond a perspective based on fixed roles, considering the dynamism and the emotional and contextual factors involved. bullying dynamism of participants' roles sociomoral emotions emotional regulation Introduction Bullying is a global problem affecting children and adolescents. It refers to abusive relational patterns among students characterized by an imbalance of power (Olweus et al., 2019 ). Given its negative developmental consequences, bullying is considered a public health and educational priority (Wiertsema et al., 2023 ). Recent data indicate that peer maltreatment has increased in frequency and intensity: 30% of students worldwide report being bullied (UNESCO, 2023). In Chile, 64% of sixth graders reported being mocked or harassed (Agencia de Calidad de la Educación, 2024 ). Bullying occurs most often between ages 7 and 14, peaking in early adolescence (Espelage et al., 2014 ), a period in which group acceptance and belonging become central. In this context, bullying can function as a strategy to establish or maintain social hierarchies (Pozzoli & Gini, 2021 ). Roles in bullying Although research on bullying is vast, most studies have focused on aggressors and victims. However, bullying is a group process in which bystanders play a key role by either contributing to or inhibiting aggression (Salmivalli et al., 2021 ). Bystanders may support the bully, defend the victim, or remain passive (Belacchi et al., 2023 ). Scholars emphasize that these “third parties” are crucial, since their responses can sustain or stop violence (Salmivalli et al., 2021 ; Malamut et al., 2023 ). Victims who receive peer support report greater well-being (Van der Ploeg et al., 2017 ). Despite progress, there is limited research on the socio-psychological factors explaining bystander role adoption (Belacchi et al., 2023 ). Some longitudinal studies suggest role stability. Schäfer et al. ( 2005 ) found that aggressor roles remained more stable over time, whereas Zych et al. ( 2018 ) observed relatively consistent trajectories for bullies and victims but instability in the bully/victim group. Less attention has been given to observers’ behaviors. Mazzone et al. ( 2016 ) found relative stability in bullying, defending, and passive roles among Italian children, though role alternation remains understudied. Estévez et al. (2020) reported role exchanges between victims and aggressors in both traditional and cyberbullying, while Demaray et al. ( 2021 ) identified heterogeneous participation patterns, showing that rigid role categorizations (“bully,” “victim”) are insufficient. Mixed profiles, such as defenders who are also victimized, highlight the need for interventions that address the complex social ecology of bullying. Although quantitative evidence has revealed dynamic participation profiles, the underlying psychological and emotional processes behind these transitions remain underexplored. Understanding them is essential for effective prevention. Sociomoral emotions in bullying contexts Research consistently shows that experiencing certain emotions in social contexts predicts higher levels of prosocial behavior and lower levels of antisocial or aggressive behavior in children and adolescents (Malti et al., 2019 ; Mazzone et al., 2016 ; Yavuz et al., 2024 ), particularly those emotions associated with helping tendencies and positive social relationships (Mesurado et al., 2021 ; Spinrad & Eisenberg, 2019 ). These responses, known as sociomoral emotions (Johnston & Krettenauer, 2011 ), motivate the translation of moral judgments into behaviors aimed at others’ well-being (Eisenberg, 2000 ; Vaish & Hepach, 2020 ). Among them, guilt and empathic distress stand out as emotional reactions that transcend self-interest and reflect concern for social norms, others’ welfare, and shared moral values (Bajovic & Rizzo, 2021 ). As Haidt (2003) notes, they are “emotions linked to the interests or well-being of society as a whole, or at least of people other than the self” (p. 853). Their expression signals the internalization of moral norms, depending on self-assessment relative to social standards (Hoffman et al., 2014; Vaish & Hepach, 2020 ). Empirical work shows that the strength of moral emotional attributions predicts prosocial and antisocial behaviors in adolescence (Jambon & Malti, 2022 ; Malti et al., 2013). Although several sociomoral emotions have been studied, guilt and empathic distress are especially relevant in bullying contexts. Guilt arises when individuals perceive themselves as responsible for harm or wrongdoing (Tilghman-Osborne et al., 2010 ). In bullying situations, it operates as a moral brake, discouraging harmful behavior and fostering reparative actions (Nocentini et al., 2020 ). Empathic distress, in contrast, refers to an emotional response to another’s suffering that may involve affective contagion or perspective taking (Hoffman, 2008 ; Malti et al., 2013; Yavuz et al., 2024 ). This study adopts Hoffman’s notion of empathic distress to capture adolescents’ reactions to peers’ suffering. Both emotions can inhibit aggression and promote prosociality (Oriol et al., 2023 ), yet their effects depend on context and intensity (Hawes et al., 2020 ). Not always adaptive, guilt without reparation opportunities may lead to avoidance or self-punishment (Julle-Danière et al., 2020 ), while empathic distress can create conflict between helping others and avoiding discomfort. Thus, how these emotions are regulated determines whether they foster or hinder prosocial behavior (Cameron et al., 2022 ). Emotional regulation Emotional regulation refers to strategies that modulate the intensity, duration, and expression of emotions to meet environmental demands and personal goals (Gross & John, 2007 ). It is closely tied to emotional understanding—the capacity to identify, interpret, and anticipate one’s own and others’ emotions (Pons & Harris, 2019 ). In bullying contexts, limited regulatory skills can heighten adolescents’ vulnerability and shape the roles they assume. Poor regulation can yield avoidance, emotional exhaustion, or maladaptive responses such as self‑punishment or empathic disengagement (Malti et al., 2019 ). Yet less is known about how specific sociomoral emotions, especially guilt and empathic distress, are regulated, given their distinct features. Batson ( 2017 ) argues that such emotions are managed by two broad motivations: avoiding one’s own discomfort or relieving others’ suffering. Some strategies, like cognitive reappraisal, useful for other emotions, may impede helping when used to rationalize inaction (Lockwood et al., 2014 ; Cameron et al., 2022 ). By contrast, situation‑changing strategies (e.g., helping or repairing harm) tend to foster prosociality (Vaish & Hepach, 2020 ). Distinguishing these motivations, often labeled altruistic versus selfish, has important implications for the quality and sustainability of prosocial behavior (Batson, 2017 ) and for the design of emotionally grounded, effective interventions in adolescent peer groups and school contexts more broadly. The present study This study explores how adolescents who have witnessed or participated in bullying experience and interpret socio-moral emotions, specifically guilt and empathic distress, and the strategies they use to regulate them. We pay special attention to the factors shaping role adoption (probullying, prosocial, outsider, victim), acknowledging their variability and links to emotional processes. Framed as the qualitative phase of a mixed-methods project, we conducted a multiple-case study to obtain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of adolescents’ subjective meanings and positions regarding peer abuse. This approach enabled us to identify patterns, similarities, and differences in how these emotions are experienced and regulated across school bullying contexts. Method Case selection Participants from Chile and Cuba were included to broaden the diversity of experiences regarding socio-moral emotions and bullying. In Chile, the phenomenon has been increasingly recognized and addressed through public policies and school coexistence protocols (MINEDUC, 2024; Varela et al., 2024 ). In Cuba, general school coexistence regulations exist, but explicit recognition of peer bullying by authorities remains limited (Rodney & García, 2020 ). Chilean participants came from low-income communities, within a highly unequal and segregated society (Bellei & Munoz, 2023 ); in Cuba, despite more equitable access to education, the sample was shaped by widespread material restrictions. The selection was based on feasibility and academic collaboration, aiming to enrich the qualitative analysis through diverse sociocultural realities rather than to compare the two countries. Participants Participants were selected through theoretical sampling and the criterion of data saturation (Charmaz, 2006 ), progressively incorporating cases that contributed to the refinement of emerging analytical categories (Vivar et al., 2010 ). The study aimed to include adolescents who, in the previous quantitative phase, had obtained high scores in three predominant roles—pro-bullying, prosocial, and outsider—as identified by the Participant Role Questionnaire (8PRQ; Belacchi, 2010). This instrument distinguishes diverse forms of involvement in bullying; however, during interviews, it became evident that a rigid classification into fixed roles was insufficient, given the fluidity and overlap observed in participants’ experiences. In the quantitative phase, a convenience sampling approach was used, including students from grades 5 to 8 in five schools (three in Chile and two in Cuba) with established institutional collaborations. For participation in this qualitative phase, informed consent was obtained from parents or guardians, as well as assent from the adolescents themselves. The exclusion criterion was the presence of psychological or mental health conditions that could significantly affect comprehension or participation in the interviews, according to school reports. The final sample included 24 adolescents (12 in Chile and 12 in Cuba), all from urban settings. In Chile, participants attended public schools in low socioeconomic areas of the Metropolitan Region, with three students of foreign origin (Haitian, Venezuelan, and Peruvian). In Cuba, all attended public schools in the municipality of Santa Clara, located in the central region of the country. Ages ranged from 10 to 14 years, with an equal sex distribution; 12 male, 12 female. (see Table 1 for data on the people interviewed). Table 1 Data on the people interviewed Identifier Country (residence) Sex Age 1Ch Chile Male 11 2Ch Chile Male 13 3Ch Chile Male 14 4Ch Chile Female 12 5Ch Chile Female 13 6Ch Chile Female 11 7Ch Chile Male 12 8Ch Chile Female 12 9Ch Chile Male 13 10Ch Chile Female 13 11Ch Chile Male 14 12Ch Chile Male 14 13C Cuba Male 10 14C Cuba Female 12 15C Cuba Male 11 16C Cuba Male 10 17C Cuba Female 10 18C Cuba Female 11 19C Cuba Female 11 20C Cuba Female 12 21C Cuba Female 12 22C Cuba Male 10 23C Cuba Male 11 24C Cuba Female 11 Note: Identifiers were created for analytical purposes. The number represents the order of the interview, followed by the country of origin code (Ch = Chile; C = Cuba). School names were omitted to preserve the identity of participants and their respective institutions, as well as to avoid any form of stigmatization. Instruments We used a semi-structured interview with open-ended questions, allowing flexibility to probe emerging themes, rephrase items, and elicit spontaneous narratives (Adeoye-Olatunde & Olenik, 2021 ). The goal was to examine how adolescents experience, express, and regulate socio-moral emotions, notably guilt and empathic distress, in bullying contexts, the roles they adopt, and how these roles relate to emotion regulation. The guide covered: contextualization of bullying episodes; their characteristics and subjective impact; determinants of role adoption; emotions linked to others’ suffering and to norm transgression; and coping strategies. To build rapport and support emotional recall, interviews began with a brief classroom bullying video used as a narrative trigger to foster identification and sharing of personal experiences. [Video used: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4BaOyvwnSQ ] Procedure Interviews were conducted in schools between September 2024 and May 2025 under private conditions. In each country, a trained researcher conducted the interviews using a shared guide, agreed upon in preparatory meetings and refined after the first round, with the support of two additional team members during inter-analysis sessions. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. In some excerpts, the interviewer’s voice appears, reflecting the need for a more active role when working with adolescents, whose responses were often brief—consistent with Punch’s (2002) observations on research interactions with children and youth. Analytical plan Data were analyzed using Grounded Theory procedures (Glaser & Strauss, 2017) to uncover meanings from participants’ social reality. An inductive logic was prioritized, while some categories also drew on conceptual frameworks and study objectives. The corpus was organized in Atlas.ti 9. The principal investigator conducted open coding, identifying meaning units and assigning codes; then, through axial coding, codes were clustered and relationships among categories and subcategories were established. Inter-analysis sessions with the research team enabled consensus on coding criteria, refinement of emerging categories, and strengthened interpretive validity, ensuring coherence and robustness in the overall theory-building process. Results Based on the open coding process a total of 154 codes were identified, which were organized into 24 thematic categories. Eleven of these address general aspects that allow contextualizing the phenomenon of bullying, its characteristics and implications. The remaining thirteen categories respond directly to the research question and the objectives of the study (see Table 2 for the categories and codes that emerged from the qualitative coding process). These were subsequently analyzed at an integrative level, to articulate them around central dimensions that give coherence to the analysis. Through a process of axial coding, the thirteen categories were reorganized into four thematic axes: the dynamic roles assumed during episodes of bullying; the emotions experienced in such scenarios, with an emphasis on guilt and empathic distress; the different forms of emotional regulation; and the motivations and barriers that influence the position adopted by adolescents. These axes structure the results section presented below. Table 2 Categories and codes emerging from the qualitative coding process Category Codes Types of roles assumed during bullying Pro-bullying role Passive pro-bullying observer Pro-bullying with leadership Victim role Active victim Outsider role Prosocial role Prosociality with leadership Aggressive defender role Comforting prosocial role Defensive prosocial role Prosocial role through mediation Flexible dynamics in the roles assumed during bullying Alternation between victim and prosocial role Alternation between aggressors and victims Inconsistency in the role assumed as a bystander Perception of variability of aggressors and victims Stable aggressive and prosocial traits Perception of stable aggressors Propensity to be an aggressor Propensity to be prosocial Emotions experienced during bullying Anticipated guilt before aggression Guilt for the suffering caused to another Guilt for not helping Guilt for not doing the right thing Empathic discomfort Empathetic anger Helplessness in the face of inability to help Emotional indifference Fear Resignation in the face of the impossibility of helping Emotional reactions to the violation of moral norms Remorse in the face of punishment without real guilt Occasional remorse Absence of guilt in the context of revenge Absence of guilt for harm caused Anticipated guilt in the face of aggression Guilt for suffering caused to another Guilt for not helping Guilt for not doing the right thing Empathy facilitators Empathy amplified by shared experiences Empathetic moral reasoning Taking the other person's perspective Emotional understanding Awareness of one's own emotional limits Recognition of expressions and causes of emotions Recognition of the dissonance between external expression and internal emotion Characteristics of the emotional regulation process Emotional self-regulation based on self-awareness Circumstantial nature of the use of emotional regulation strategies Development of emotional self-regulation Emotional dysregulation due to inactivity Impulsive dysregulation Emotional regulation in the face of guilt Seeking support as an emotional regulation strategy Emotional dysregulation due to inactivity Distraction as a regulation strategy in response to guilt Attempt to repair the damage to alleviate guilt Minimization of the emotional impact on the victim Regulation in response to empathic distress Distraction as a strategy for regulating empathic distress Attempt to repair the suffering of others Prosociality motivated by relief from empathic distress Regulation in response to anger Isolation as a strategy for emotional regulation Anticipated emotional dysregulation (anger) Dysregulation due to impulsivity Forms of prosociality according to motivations Help based on the principle of reciprocity Selfless help as a moral ideal Help motivated by religious beliefs Selective help based on connection Selective help based on moral judgments Altruistic prosocial motivation Mixed prosocial motivation Prosociality in response to empathic guilt Prosociality motivated by relief from empathic distress Limitations to prosociality Attribution of personal responsibility as justification for not helping Selective help based on connection Selective help based on moral judgments Prosociality inhibited by negative consequences Desire to help with perception of inability Frustration due to ingratitude for the help provided Severity of the situation as a criterion for intervention Prosocial intention inhibited by fear Rejection of help by the victim Resignation in the face of the impossibility of helping Restriction of prosociality to those considered worthy of it Note. Only categories and codes analyzed in this article are included; English labels reflect translated content. 3.1 Dynamism of the roles assumed by participants during episodes of bullying This category covers the different roles that adolescents assume or recognize in bullying situations, evidencing diversity of roles and dynamism. Pro-bullying positions emerged, in which participants acknowledged having attacked others or actively collaborated with the aggressors. Passive pro-bullying observers were also identified, who, despite disagreeing with the aggression, collaborated indirectly through laughter or mockery. "-Tell me, what do you do? - I laugh, it makes me laugh (...) They say a lot of things to each other, for example, A... calls him Ear and L... says a lot of things about who has more and who has less." (Male, 10 years old, Cuba) In some testimonies, it is possible to see that some adolescents with probullying behaviors perceive themselves as leaders or influential figures within the group, while others describe themselves as individuals rejected by their peers, which alludes to the existence of different types of aggressors. "-We're the ones in charge, we're like the leaders of the group. -And how do you know that? How do you know you're the leaders? -All the teachers say the same thing, that everyone follows our lead." (Male, 12 years old, Chile) "No, later when they saw me, they didn't say hello. They didn't even look at me. Later at school, everyone already knew me. (...) They already knew what I was like." (Male, 14 years old, Chile) As for the victims, some cases were labelled active victims, that is, adolescents who, although they are teased by others, also respond, defend themselves, and sometimes receive support from their peers. Within this category we differentiate between aggressive victims or bully/victims described in the literature (Imuta et al., 2022 ), who, in addition to being victimized, engage in intimidating behavior toward others. "Well, they almost always say things to me. And sometimes they say things to a friend of mine, who is very affectionate with me and I with her, and I defend her just as she defends me." (Female, 11 years old, Cuba) However, when faced with these situations, some adolescents take on an avoidant role, choosing not to get involved and to stay on the sidelines, as stated by an 11-year-old Chilean adolescent when asked about his role as an observer in situations of abuse of other classmates: "If it's not me, then they can defend themselves ." Others, however, adopt a prosocial role, either by comforting the victim, defending them directly, or exerting a positive influence on the group to deter the aggressors and stop the situation. An aggressive defender role was also identified, in which the adolescent intervenes in defense of the victim, but does so by attacking the aggressor: "And if it were someone who was there too, I'd get up and hit them straight away, and while I'm at it I'd tell them not to bother him." (Male, 12 years old, Chile) Some participants referred to the stability of these roles over time, consistent with categories that reflect relatively fixed tendencies toward aggressive or prosocial behaviors: "I've been like this my whole life. I've fought my whole life. In school, everywhere." (Male, 12 years old, Chile) However, along with these stable trajectories, elements also emerged that point to a flexible dynamic in the assumption of roles. This idea is reflected in the inconsistency of the role assumed by some observers, who sometimes decide to stay on the sidelines and, at other times, choose to intervene in defense of the victim. These decisions depend on multiple factors that will be analyzed later. "-I tell them to stop bothering him because he's getting uncomfortable. - Okay, but what if he's not your friend? - I don't say anything to them." ( Male, 14 years old, Chile) Similarly, an alternation between the roles of aggressor and victim was observed: some adolescents who are aggressors reported having been victimized in the past, and vice versa. Likewise, many of those who currently adopt prosocial behaviors have been victims in the past, which places them in greater emotional and empathetic closeness to the victim, leading them to intervene in their defense. In contrast, some victims subsequently assume an aggressive role as a way of showing strength and avoid new situations of vulnerability. "Sometimes I am bullied, and sometimes I try to defend those who are being bullied." (Female, 12 years old, Cuba) "-Since you started school, have you always had problems? - Because when I was little, when I was in pre-kindergarten, they used to bother me (...) sometimes they would say things to me, and I would just... -And you never did anything to them? -Never, and one day I came in and hit one of them." (Male, 13 years old, Chile) These trajectories reflect that roles should not be understood as rigid categories, but rather as adaptive responses depending on the way these events are experienced, the emotions that arise, and the strategies to regulate them. 3.2 Emotions experienced during bullying This category explores the different emotions that emerge in adolescents when they are involved in bullying situations. These emotional responses not only demonstrate the psychological impact of the phenomenon but can also play a decisive role in activating or inhibiting prosocial or aggressive behaviors. While some emotional experiences prompt intervention, cases of emotional indifference were also observed. Some participants remained distant from the suffering of others, which could reflect defense mechanisms or habituation to aggressive environments, where violence is perceived as part of everyday life. "-What if some of those children you abused started crying? – Cold. Cold. – How cold? – Cold mind." (Male, 12 years old, Chile) [Refers to an attitude of emotional coldness, understood as not getting emotionally involved]. In other cases, fear emerges as an emotion that inhibits prosocial intent. The desire to intervene may be present, but fear of social or physical consequences limits action. Emotions linked to helplessness are also evident when adolescents wish to help but feel unable to do so; these situations often lead to frustration or anger. Finally, some adolescents express resignation when they perceive that their efforts to intervene have no effect or do not produce meaningful change. "(...) sometimes you help or you remain neutral, without doing anything. Like you're afraid." (Female age 11, Cuba) "I try, I try, and if I can't help, I stay quiet." (Male, 13 years old, Chile) One of the main emotions identified in these types of scenarios is guilt, which manifests itself in different ways and at different times and plays a central role in adolescents' moral regulation of bullying. Specifically, reference was made to anticipated guilt in the face of aggression, as some adolescents anticipate these feelings when imagining themselves attacking others, suggesting the existence of moral regulation that operates even before the action. "- And how do you think you would feel if you did something like that? - Bad. - Do you think you would feel bad? Why? Yes. I don't know, but I would feel bad. I would feel guilty." ( Female, 11 years old, Chile) Guilt for the suffering caused to another is also evident: some participants express remorse for having caused harm, especially when the victim shows visible signs of discomfort or distress. Another form of emotional expression is guilt for not helping; failure to help generates feelings of guilt or frustration, causing emotional distress directed towards oneself. Likewise, guilt arises from not having done the right thing, where adolescents recognize that they have acted inappropriately, even in contexts other than bullying, which generates self-blame. A common element in all these forms and reasons for guilt is that they constitute emotional reactions to the violation of moral norms, reflecting the degree of internalization of those norms. "-You told me that you helped others to mock [the victim]. How did you feel at that moment? - Very ashamed and very sorry for what they were doing. " (Male, 10 years old, Cuba) "I was frustrated when I couldn't help someone. [...] I felt angry, I felt bad about myself." (Male, 13 years old, Chile) Along with explicit forms of guilt, there were also situations in which this emotion was absent or displaced. In some cases, regret was expressed in response to punishment without actual guilt: that is, the discomfort did not stem from the awareness of having harmed another person, but from the negative consequences suffered. In other cases, an absence of guilt for the harm caused was identified, especially when there was antipathy toward the person who was attacked or when the aggression was justified on the basis of revenge for previous harm caused. “Before, I liked to cause trouble just because I didn’t know the consequences. Then they would call my mom, I would get suspended, and my mom would punish me, and those are the consequences. Now when I do something, I think things through carefully.” (Male, 14, Chile) Empathic emotions also emerged as significant responses to bullying, particularly when adolescents position themselves as observers or identify with the victim. One of these is empathic discomfort: observing the suffering of others can generate feelings of distress, especially when there is emotional identification with the victim. "- I don't know. I feel bad. For example, when the kid who always bothers me... is bothering a classmate, for example. -Right. Do you feel like they're bothering you? -Yeah, that kind of thing." (Female, 11 years old, Chile) Another emotion reported by participants was empathic anger. In some cases, identifying with the pain of others not only causes discomfort, but also turns into anger towards the aggressor, particularly when the observer has had similar victimization experiences. This combination of identification and personal memory intensifies the emotional reaction. "- How do you feel when others are being bullied? - Sometimes I get sad, and sometimes I get angry and say things I shouldn't, but I have to say them because it bothers me a little." (Female, 11 years old, Cuba) Adolescent narratives identified some facilitators of empathic responses that were key in triggering prosocial behaviors in response to bullying. One of these is emotional understanding. The ability to put take the other person's perspective, anticipating how one would feel in their situation, allows empathetic emotions to emerge and promotes prosocial motivation. "- When you've witnessed these situations, how have you felt? – Bad, because I would hate it if they did that to me." (Male, 11, Cuba) Another relevant facilitator is empathetic moral reasoning. Participants demonstrate the ability to evaluate situations of injustice from a moral framework, appealing to principles such as a golden rule: "don't do to others what you wouldn't want done to you" (Female, 11 years old, Cuba). This type of reasoning reveals a reflective assessment of aggressive behavior and reinforces the tendency to act in defense of the victim or to reject abusive actions. "No, because if you don't like being bothered, why do you bother others?" (Male, 11 years old, Chile) These emotions are key in inhibiting aggression and activating prosocial responses. 3.3 Emotional regulation, strategies for dealing with guilt and empathic distress This category accounts for the ways in which adolescents understand and manage their emotions when facing difficult or conflictive situations, such as bullying. The subcategories allow us to distinguish, on the one hand, general characteristics of emotional regulation and, on the other, specific strategies used in response to emotions such as guilt or empathic distress. Some adolescents recognize their own difficulties and the need to act preventively in the face of intense emotions, such as anger. This type of response reveals an emotional awareness that allows them anticipating harmful reactions, thus demonstrating a form of self-regulation based on self-knowledge. This relates to the development of emotional understanding skills, which include the ability to identify, interpret, and reflect on one's own and others' emotions, as well as to recognize personal challenges in emotional expression and the complexity of affective signals. "When I get angry, I don't like it... I want everyone to leave me alone so I can calm down better on my own. I know myself." (Male, 14, Chile) In addition, they show an ability to infer the emotional state of others from observable cues, such as facial or body expressions, and recognize how certain nicknames or teasing can cause emotional harm to their peers. Some adolescents are also able to identify the discrepancy between external emotional expression and internal feelings, such as when someone smiles but actually feels sad or uncomfortable. Thus, self-awareness acts as a key tool for emotional regulation, allowing them to identify internal warning signs and adjust their behavior accordingly: "- How can you tell when it's affecting them? A sign, something that makes you notice it. - The tone, maybe. - The tone of voice? - Body language too. - Of the person saying it or the person receiving it? - The way they're saying it" ( Male, 14, Chile). Another relevant characteristic that emerged was the circumstantial nature of the use of emotional regulation strategies. Some adolescents recognized that the way they manage their emotions depends on the context, using different strategies depending on the situation: sometimes they manage to regulate themselves, while other times they do not. Adolescents also reported difficulties in emotional regulation particularly linked to impulsivity, manifested in sudden and uncontrolled responses to intense emotions, which reveals problems in containing impulses: "- Sometimes, when I fight at school, I'm in the classroom and I go and say something to my classmate, but so as not to hit him, I leave the classroom. - You leave the place where it's happening. - Sometimes, sometimes I arrive, I respond and I hit him." (Male, 13 years old, Chile) A pattern of inactivity-related dysregulation was also observed, characterized by the experience of emotional distress that cannot be channeled and leaves adolescents paralyzed in situations that overwhelm them: “- So, when you’ve felt that way, sometimes that desire to help, have you jumped in to help or have you stayed back, waiting? - Yes, that’s right. It’s just that I’m a kid who doesn’t want to get into trouble, so sometimes I just stand there nervous or traumatized, not knowing what to do, something like that .” (Male, 10 years old, Cuba) In this context, anger was one of the most frequently mentioned emotions, and various strategies for dealing with it were explored. Some adolescents chose isolation as a form of emotional regulation, withdrawing from the situation to avoid negative reactions. Others made conscious efforts to self-regulate, trying to control their reactions when they perceived that they could hurt others. There were also situations in which adolescents anticipated that they would not be able to regulate their anger, and acknowledging this difficulty preferred not to get involved in certain conflicts. This awareness of their own limitations in emotional regulation led them to adopt avoidant attitudes toward bullying: "- Don't you get involved in that case? - No, because I'm one of those people who... if someone says something to me, I can get angry very quickly. - So, you prefer not to get involved because you know that you... - Yes, because if someone says something to me, I'm going to react badly!" (Female, 12 years old, Chile) Specifically, in terms of the emotional regulation of the two main emotions in the study, guilt and empathic distress, adolescents reported various strategies to cope with the distress these emotions generate. In the case of guilt, to cope with the emotions derived from feeling responsible for causing harm to others a commonly mentioned strategy was seeking support, in which participants express the need to talk to someone as a way to manage negative emotions, reflecting an active attempt at emotional containment and regulation through connection with others. "- When you've felt bad for not acting the right way, maybe, what have you done afterwards to feel differently? -I get a little sad, but I go and talk to my friends and then we start playing and that's it. " (Female, 10 years old, Cuba) Emotional dysregulation due to inactivity was also identified, where adolescents report taking no action to deal with their discomfort. In contrast, others resort to distraction strategies, such as listening to music, sleeping, or focusing on other activities, which temporarily reduced the emotional burden associated with guilt without having to acknowledge their mistake. Some also minimized of the emotional impact on the victim, a cognitive strategy through which adolescents try to reduce their feelings of guilt by convincing themselves that the victim was not significantly affected, either because they "are used to it" or because they "defend themselves." “-Do you think you were hurting them, that what you did hurt them? -No, because they don’t feel it; they just keep using swear words all the time.” (Male, 14 years old, Chile) Among the responses favoring prosocial action, the attempt to repair the damage stands out, where there is an active recognition of the harmful behavior and an explicit desire to make amends as a way of alleviating moral discomfort by changing the situation that causes it. "- And when you've done something wrong, something you know is wrong. - I apologize." (Male, 14, Chile) As for the regulation of empathic distress, this category refers to the mechanisms deployed by adolescents to manage the emotional distress they experience when witnessing the suffering of others. These responses may be aimed at alleviating their own discomfort or motivating actions directed at the well-being of others. As in the case of guilt, some participants use distraction as a strategy to avoid being affected by the pain of others, focusing on other activities to reduce the intensity of their emotions. "- So, when you've felt bad, for example, about what happens to others, what have you done to feel differently, as you're telling me? - Well, I try to calm down and forget about the situation somehow." (Male, 10 years old, Cuba) In other cases, empathic distress translates into a direct attempt of reparation, which can curb aggressive behavior toward the victim. Finally, prosociality motivated by the relief of empathic distress was identified, where helping behavior does not arise exclusively from concern for the other, but also as a way to calm the emotional dissonance experienced by the observer when witnessing the aggression. These strategies show that emotional regulation not only intervenes at the intrapsychic level, but can also mobilize behaviors toward others, with varying degrees of altruistic or self-referential intentionality. "- Oh, but do you leave if you see him crying, or do you keep teasing him? - No, I don't keep teasing him, why would I? If I say something to him and I see that he's sad, I say, 'Oh no, I messed up.' " (Male, 14, Chile) "- So you don't feel bad, what do you do to feel differently? - I help him, and then I feel better." (Female, 11 years old, Cuba) 3.4 Motivations and barriers for prosocial behavior In line with the previous analysis of the regulation of sociomoral emotions, this section addresses how these emotions are linked to motivations for acting in response to the suffering of others. The emerging categories refer to the adoption of prosocial roles guided by genuinely altruistic purposes, as a regulatory strategy to alleviate one's own emotional distress, or a combination of both. In turn, the narratives also allude to the barriers that hinder prosocial behavior, revealing the complex interaction between emotion, regulation, and moral action in contexts of bullying. Some participants express that their main impulse to help comes from genuine concern for the well-being of others, without expecting any personal benefit in return, reflecting an altruistic prosocial motivation. In other cases, prosociality is motivated by the desire to alleviate empathic distress: when they see someone suffering, adolescents experience uncomfortable emotions that prompt them to intervene, both to alleviate the suffering of others and to reduce their own emotional distress. "- What have you done to feel differently? - Calm down the person who is being told those things." (Male, 10 years old, Cuba) "- And when you help someone else, do you think you do it to feel good about yourself? Or do you do it thinking about how the other person will feel? – I do it thinking about how the other person will feel." (Male, 13, Chile) Finally, there is a mixed prosocial motivation, where the action is driven both by concern for the other person and by the need to avoid internal discomfort. This combination reveals that, for many adolescents, it is difficult to clearly distinguish between the empathic impulse toward the other person and the intention to regulate their own emotions. "- I feel guilty for not defending him from that. – And what do you do to not feel that way? – I talk to him and stuff. And sometimes I defend him." (Female, 12 years old, Cuba) Other motives for prosocial behavior beyond emotions such as guilt or empathy were also identified, highlighting the complexity of the decisions adolescents make when faced with bullying situations. One of these motivations is related to religious beliefs, which emerge as a moral reference for some participants. Helping others is perceived as a correct action that can be spiritually rewarded, as one adolescent pointed out: "It's good to help, because they say God multiplies it. You do well in life . " (Male, 14 years old, Chile) However, even when empathic emotions or internalized prosocial principles exist, help is not always activated, as it may be conditioned by moral judgments or the type of bond with the victim. In some cases, adolescents state that their decision to intervene depends on whether they consider the victim to "deserve" help, based on their previous behavior or reputation. In others, the willingness to help is influenced by closeness or personal identification with the victim: there is a greater tendency to intervene when the victim belongs to one's own group or when similar experiences are shared, as occurs among victims who defend other victims, giving rise to selective prosociality, motivated more by interpersonal relationships than by general norms of justice or care. "- And when you helped, why did you help? - Because I felt more strongly against people who are just like us. - You mean people who are also attacked for the same reason as you? - Yes, for being from another country." (Male, 13 years old, Chile) Various limitations were also identified that hinder or inhibit prosocial behavior, even when there is recognition of others' suffering or an intention to help. Emotional, cognitive, relational, and normative barriers emerge that restrict intervention in situations of injustice or aggression. One of the main inhibitors is the fear of being attacked, ridiculed, or becoming the new target of bullying. In addition, having suffered negative consequences from previous interventions, such as teasing or exclusion, reduces the willingness to act in future situations. "Yes, sometimes it happens to me when I defend my classmates and I end up getting hurt, they call me shorty and stuff like that ." (Female, 11 years old, Chile) The moral evaluation of the victim also influences the decision: if the victim is blamed for their situation, the decision not to intervene is justified. In other cases, helping is hindered when the victim rejects support, which causes discomfort or demotivation. Added to this is the perception of personal inefficacy, both emotional and social, which leads some adolescents to refrain from acting, even if they intend to do so. Previous experiences in which help was not appreciated also negatively affect motivation. Finally, the perception of the seriousness of the episode acts as a buffer: if it is not considered urgent or severe, one may choose not to intervene. "- Because the ones I mess with deserve it. -Do you think no one gets involved because they deserve it? -Yes, because if I say things to someone, it's because they've been bothering me for a while, in which case my classmates aren't going to get involved" (Male, 12, Chile). These limitations show that, although emotions such as guilt and empathy may be present, they do not automatically translate into prosocial behavior. It is therefore essential to understand how these emotions, and their regulation, are affected by the complexity of the social contexts in which they unfold. Discussion The purpose of this study was to understand the roles that adolescents occupy in situations of bullying, the emotions experienced, as well as the strategies used to regulate these emotions. This approach allowed for a deep and contextualized understanding of the phenomenon, considering both personal and situational factors that shape adolescents’ positioning toward bullying. Despite finding some stability in the roles assumed by adolescents, consistent with previous studies (Mazzone et al., 2016 ; Schäfer et al., 2005 ; Zych et al., 2018 ), patterns of alternation and overlap also emerged, underscoring the dynamic and contextual nature of their positioning in bullying situations. This apparent paradox between stability and variability can be explained by the Cognitive-Affective Personality System (CAPS) model proposed by Mischel and Shoda (1995), which argues that human behavior is neither entirely stable nor completely variable but displays situational consistency: individuals tend to respond in similar ways to certain types of situations, although these reactions may change in other contexts depending on the meaning attributed to events and the emotions they evoke. In this sense, the present findings suggest that while some adolescents show a tendency to adopt specific roles, situational, emotional, and strategic factors also influence their behavior. Thus, instead of rigidly categorizing students into fixed roles, it is crucial to acknowledge the flexibility and complexity of their actions and the multiple factors shaping them. In terms of emotions, diverse reactions to the suffering of others were observed, ranging from emotional indifference to empathic distress. These emotions played a central role as activators or inhibitors of action, confirming their relevance for moral decision-making in bullying contexts. With regard to empathic distress, our analysis suggests it often functions as a facilitator of helping. Attempts to address the situations that elicit distress—here, others’ suffering—appeared to operate as strategies that promote prosocial responses. In line with Hoffman’s ( 2008 ) theorizing, participants’ accounts hint that alleviating others’ suffering may also relieve one’s own emotional discomfort. From a complementary perspective, Batson ( 2017 ) argues that such helping is altruistic only when oriented toward the other’s well-being; otherwise, it reflects self-focused relief. In our material, adolescents frequently described mixed motives, directed both toward others and themselves, and they rarely distinguished these motives explicitly; nonetheless, these states typically culminated in prosocial actions. Clarifying the motivational nuances underlying helping emerges as a line for future inquiry. In conversation with a longitudinal study by Knauf and Eschenbeck (2025), which reports that strengthening empathic distress, responsibility, and defensive self-efficacy can reduce bullying, our qualitative interpretations indicate that even when empathic distress was present, other emotions could undercut prosocial action by shaping perceived efficacy. In particular, fear and feelings of helplessness or resignation—often tied to perceptions of being unable to help—surfaced as salient inhibitors, even among adolescents who expressed identification with the victim. Consistent with Knauf et al. (2018), participants also alluded to fears of retaliation or social rejection as reasons for non-involvement. Taken together, these patterns point to empathic distress as a potential catalyst for prosocial responding, while highlighting how concurrent emotional states and efficacy beliefs mediate whether such impulses translate into intervention. Another relevant finding was the diversity of manifestations of guilt. This emotion appeared not only after actions that directly harmed others, as has been traditionally studied, but also in relation to inaction and even the anticipation of potential harm. Similarly, Wang et al. ( 2025 ) reported that anticipatory guilt strengthens defensive intentions, whereas its absence is linked to moral justification and reduced prosocial behavior. In our material, guilt emerged as an emotion with high regulatory potential, capable of motivating reparatory actions; however, its absence was associated with a lack of recognition of harm or with moral deactivation mechanisms, as described by Mazzone et al. ( 2016 ). As Tilghman-Osborne et al. ( 2010 ) argue, the adaptive value of guilt largely depends on conscious awareness and adequate emotional regulation. The way emotions are regulated proved essential for both guilt and empathic distress (Cameron et al., 2022 ). Adolescents who showed difficulties in this regard, or low self-regulation in general, also tended to exhibit avoidant or aggressive responses. In line with Eisenberg and Malti (2010), unregulated empathic emotions can lead to emotional overload that interferes with acting for others’ well-being. By contrast, cognitive reappraisal may help channel empathic distress toward more constructive outcomes, though often focused on personal rather than others’ welfare (Powell, 2018). Brethel-Haurwitz et al. ( 2020 ) note that emotion-regulation strategies can both facilitate and inhibit prosociality: cognitive reappraisal may reduce aversive emotions and encourage helping, but it can also dampen empathy, depending on one’s empathic disposition and goal orientation (Lockwood et al., 2014 ). Consistent with these ideas, our analysis revealed that certain forms of cognitive reappraisal operated as moral disengagement mechanisms (Bandura, 1999). Some adolescents reinterpreted situations to minimize guilt (e.g., “it didn’t hurt her, she just complained,” “she’s used to it,” “it’s just a game”), acting in ways inconsistent with their moral standards while avoiding the emotional burden associated with transgression. This finding highlights that emotional regulation is not always oriented toward others’ well-being but can serve to justify inaction or moral disengagement. Beyond reappraisal, adolescents described other regulatory strategies such as distraction, avoidance, isolation, or seeking social support. Nonetheless, emotional repair in the case of guilt and helping in the case of empathic distress stood out as central strategies aimed at restoring one’s own and others’ emotional balance. Avoidant behaviors were also linked to contextual conditions. Fear of retaliation, perceived inefficacy, fear of social judgment, and negative perceptions of the victim limited active involvement. As Cameron et al. ( 2022 ) suggest, individuals may regulate empathy by avoiding these responses to reduce the personal costs of involvement. Finally, the type of bond and shared identity with the victim influenced the willingness to intervene, reinforcing the need to broaden the circle of empathy (Singer & Klimecki, 2014 ) within schools, promoting empathic moral reasoning and a sense of responsibility beyond one’s immediate peer group (Andaur & Berger, 2025 ). Limitations This qualitative study used a small, purposive sample, limiting generalizability. Data derive from participants’ subjective reports that, while illuminating, may be shaped by social desirability and difficulties verbalizing complex emotions. Although adolescents from Cuba and Chile participated, the study did not employ a comparative design; thus, cultural, social, and educational differences should be read as enriching the heterogeneity of experiences rather than supporting systematic contrasts. Observed cultural nuances point to the need to examine how contextual factors shape perception, visibility, and expression of bullying and its emotional correlates. These constraints counsel caution in extrapolating the findings beyond contexts studied. Moreover, qualitative interpretation inevitably reflects the perspectives of participants and researchers, even under rigorous procedures. Future directions Larger‑scale studies are needed to test relationships among the variables examined, along with longitudinal designs to trace how emotional trajectories, regulation strategies, and roles evolve, particularly during key stages of adolescence. Educational interventions should strengthen bullying prevention from an emotionally grounded stance by recognizing, accepting, and managing emotions such as guilt and empathic distress which—though unpleasant—help connect individuals to others and to norms of social coexistence. Interventions should foster social–emotional skills oriented not only to individual well‑being but also to prosocial regulation, aiming to manage discomfort rather than avoid it and to link personal well‑being to the well‑being of others. Declarations Funding Declaration This research was funded by the National Doctoral Scholarship ANID (Chilean National Agency of Research and Development), scholarship number 21220143. Ethics, Consent to Participate, and Consent to Publish declarations: All procedures performed in this study were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. The study was approved by the Ethics Committee on Social Sciences, Arts, and Humanities of the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (No. 240129006). Informed assent was obtained from all adolescent participants, and written informed consent, including authorization for the publication of anonymized data, was provided by their mothers, fathers, or legal guardians. Author Contribution L.A.G: conceptualization, methodology, formal analysis, investigation, data curation, original draft preparation, visualization, project administration.C.B.S: conceptualization, methodology, review and editing, supervision.M.B.R: methodology, formal analysis, review and editing, supervision.A.E.V.E: investigation, formal analysis.J.V: review and editing, supervision. Data Availability The data that support the findings of this study are available from the authors upon reasonable request. References Agencia de Calidad de la Educación (2024). Resultados Nacionales SIMCE 2024 . Presentación pública. Gobierno de Chile. https://www.agenciaeducacion.cl/simce/ Adeoye-Olatunde, O. A., & Olenik, N. L. (2021). 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Rajevic","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Manuela","middleName":"Badilla","lastName":"Rajevic","suffix":""},{"id":541714371,"identity":"bc0874bb-579d-4dca-9017-67f733b70d32","order_by":3,"name":"Annia Esther Vizcaíno Escobar","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universidad Central \"Marta Abreu\" de Las Villas","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Annia","middleName":"Esther Vizcaíno","lastName":"Escobar","suffix":""},{"id":541714372,"identity":"0d0b1995-6d11-4756-ad1a-e9fb78742971","order_by":4,"name":"Jorge Varela","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Universidad del Desarrollo","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Jorge","middleName":"","lastName":"Varela","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-10-22 22:23:11","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":95801774,"identity":"208b1a35-310c-4a58-8c5c-44dd13d951bd","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-11-13 08:26:07","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":80393,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"artcualiBullying2710.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7926828/v1/a7c9cbb4af8849a8ba712a41.docx"},{"id":95802195,"identity":"43bcb60a-90ae-47aa-9688-199630285d86","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-11-13 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14:39:18","extension":"html","order_by":5,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":162747,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7926828/v1/f29c315010e4011dece371ed.html"},{"id":95818691,"identity":"bbedaffa-9161-4a5d-9358-f2a63a23d936","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-11-13 10:29:41","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":945103,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7926828/v1/518f0bf9-ab28-470c-b0d1-96ac8cf988ef.pdf"},{"id":95746035,"identity":"65c728a2-d1c5-46b3-9cf4-94d6d55cf208","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-11-12 14:39:18","extension":"docx","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":30673,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"tablessupplementaryfileArtCuali.docx","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7926828/v1/23e3a12ecab80354e2956d79.docx"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Bullying and regulation of socio-moral emotions: Adolescent experiences in school contexts.","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eBullying is a global problem affecting children and adolescents. It refers to abusive relational patterns among students characterized by an imbalance of power (Olweus et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Given its negative developmental consequences, bullying is considered a public health and educational priority (Wiertsema et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Recent data indicate that peer maltreatment has increased in frequency and intensity: 30% of students worldwide report being bullied (UNESCO, 2023). In Chile, 64% of sixth graders reported being mocked or harassed (Agencia de Calidad de la Educaci\u0026oacute;n, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Bullying occurs most often between ages 7 and 14, peaking in early adolescence (Espelage et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e), a period in which group acceptance and belonging become central. In this context, bullying can function as a strategy to establish or maintain social hierarchies (Pozzoli \u0026amp; Gini, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eRoles in bullying\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAlthough research on bullying is vast, most studies have focused on aggressors and victims. However, bullying is a group process in which bystanders play a key role by either contributing to or inhibiting aggression (Salmivalli et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). Bystanders may support the bully, defend the victim, or remain passive (Belacchi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Scholars emphasize that these \u0026ldquo;third parties\u0026rdquo; are crucial, since their responses can sustain or stop violence (Salmivalli et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Malamut et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Victims who receive peer support report greater well-being (Van der Ploeg et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite progress, there is limited research on the socio-psychological factors explaining bystander role adoption (Belacchi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Some longitudinal studies suggest role stability. Sch\u0026auml;fer et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) found that aggressor roles remained more stable over time, whereas Zych et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) observed relatively consistent trajectories for bullies and victims but instability in the bully/victim group. Less attention has been given to observers\u0026rsquo; behaviors. Mazzone et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) found relative stability in bullying, defending, and passive roles among Italian children, though role alternation remains understudied.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEst\u0026eacute;vez et al. (2020) reported role exchanges between victims and aggressors in both traditional and cyberbullying, while Demaray et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) identified heterogeneous participation patterns, showing that rigid role categorizations (\u0026ldquo;bully,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;victim\u0026rdquo;) are insufficient. Mixed profiles, such as defenders who are also victimized, highlight the need for interventions that address the complex social ecology of bullying. Although quantitative evidence has revealed dynamic participation profiles, the underlying psychological and emotional processes behind these transitions remain underexplored. Understanding them is essential for effective prevention.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSociomoral emotions in bullying contexts\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eResearch consistently shows that experiencing certain emotions in social contexts predicts higher levels of prosocial behavior and lower levels of antisocial or aggressive behavior in children and adolescents (Malti et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Mazzone et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Yavuz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), particularly those emotions associated with helping tendencies and positive social relationships (Mesurado et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Spinrad \u0026amp; Eisenberg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). These responses, known as sociomoral emotions (Johnston \u0026amp; Krettenauer, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e), motivate the translation of moral judgments into behaviors aimed at others\u0026rsquo; well-being (Eisenberg, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Vaish \u0026amp; Hepach, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Among them, guilt and empathic distress stand out as emotional reactions that transcend self-interest and reflect concern for social norms, others\u0026rsquo; welfare, and shared moral values (Bajovic \u0026amp; Rizzo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). As Haidt (2003) notes, they are \u0026ldquo;emotions linked to the interests or well-being of society as a whole, or at least of people other than the self\u0026rdquo; (p. 853). Their expression signals the internalization of moral norms, depending on self-assessment relative to social standards (Hoffman et al., 2014; Vaish \u0026amp; Hepach, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Empirical work shows that the strength of moral emotional attributions predicts prosocial and antisocial behaviors in adolescence (Jambon \u0026amp; Malti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Malti et al., 2013).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough several sociomoral emotions have been studied, guilt and empathic distress are especially relevant in bullying contexts. Guilt arises when individuals perceive themselves as responsible for harm or wrongdoing (Tilghman-Osborne et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). In bullying situations, it operates as a moral brake, discouraging harmful behavior and fostering reparative actions (Nocentini et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Empathic distress, in contrast, refers to an emotional response to another\u0026rsquo;s suffering that may involve affective contagion or perspective taking (Hoffman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Malti et al., 2013; Yavuz et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). This study adopts Hoffman\u0026rsquo;s notion of empathic distress to capture adolescents\u0026rsquo; reactions to peers\u0026rsquo; suffering.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBoth emotions can inhibit aggression and promote prosociality (Oriol et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), yet their effects depend on context and intensity (Hawes et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Not always adaptive, guilt without reparation opportunities may lead to avoidance or self-punishment (Julle-Dani\u0026egrave;re et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e), while empathic distress can create conflict between helping others and avoiding discomfort. Thus, how these emotions are regulated determines whether they foster or hinder prosocial behavior (Cameron et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eEmotional regulation\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEmotional regulation refers to strategies that modulate the intensity, duration, and expression of emotions to meet environmental demands and personal goals (Gross \u0026amp; John, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). It is closely tied to emotional understanding\u0026mdash;the capacity to identify, interpret, and anticipate one\u0026rsquo;s own and others\u0026rsquo; emotions (Pons \u0026amp; Harris, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). In bullying contexts, limited regulatory skills can heighten adolescents\u0026rsquo; vulnerability and shape the roles they assume. Poor regulation can yield avoidance, emotional exhaustion, or maladaptive responses such as self‑punishment or empathic disengagement (Malti et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Yet less is known about how specific sociomoral emotions, especially guilt and empathic distress, are regulated, given their distinct features. Batson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) argues that such emotions are managed by two broad motivations: avoiding one\u0026rsquo;s own discomfort or relieving others\u0026rsquo; suffering. Some strategies, like cognitive reappraisal, useful for other emotions, may impede helping when used to rationalize inaction (Lockwood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e; Cameron et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). By contrast, situation‑changing strategies (e.g., helping or repairing harm) tend to foster prosociality (Vaish \u0026amp; Hepach, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Distinguishing these motivations, often labeled altruistic versus selfish, has important implications for the quality and sustainability of prosocial behavior (Batson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) and for the design of emotionally grounded, effective interventions in adolescent peer groups and school contexts more broadly.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe present study\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study explores how adolescents who have witnessed or participated in bullying experience and interpret socio-moral emotions, specifically guilt and empathic distress, and the strategies they use to regulate them. We pay special attention to the factors shaping role adoption (probullying, prosocial, outsider, victim), acknowledging their variability and links to emotional processes. Framed as the qualitative phase of a mixed-methods project, we conducted a multiple-case study to obtain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of adolescents\u0026rsquo; subjective meanings and positions regarding peer abuse. This approach enabled us to identify patterns, similarities, and differences in how these emotions are experienced and regulated across school bullying contexts.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Method","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCase selection\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e Participants from Chile and Cuba were included to broaden the diversity of experiences regarding socio-moral emotions and bullying. In Chile, the phenomenon has been increasingly recognized and addressed through public policies and school coexistence protocols (MINEDUC, 2024; Varela et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). In Cuba, general school coexistence regulations exist, but explicit recognition of peer bullying by authorities remains limited (Rodney \u0026amp; Garc\u0026iacute;a, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Chilean participants came from low-income communities, within a highly unequal and segregated society (Bellei \u0026amp; Munoz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e); in Cuba, despite more equitable access to education, the sample was shaped by widespread material restrictions. The selection was based on feasibility and academic collaboration, aiming to enrich the qualitative analysis through diverse sociocultural realities rather than to compare the two countries.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eParticipants\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eParticipants were selected through theoretical sampling and the criterion of data saturation (Charmaz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), progressively incorporating cases that contributed to the refinement of emerging analytical categories (Vivar et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). The study aimed to include adolescents who, in the previous quantitative phase, had obtained high scores in three predominant roles\u0026mdash;pro-bullying, prosocial, and outsider\u0026mdash;as identified by the Participant Role Questionnaire (8PRQ; Belacchi, 2010). This instrument distinguishes diverse forms of involvement in bullying; however, during interviews, it became evident that a rigid classification into fixed roles was insufficient, given the fluidity and overlap observed in participants\u0026rsquo; experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the quantitative phase, a convenience sampling approach was used, including students from grades 5 to 8 in five schools (three in Chile and two in Cuba) with established institutional collaborations. For participation in this qualitative phase, informed consent was obtained from parents or guardians, as well as assent from the adolescents themselves. The exclusion criterion was the presence of psychological or mental health conditions that could significantly affect comprehension or participation in the interviews, according to school reports.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe final sample included 24 adolescents (12 in Chile and 12 in Cuba), all from urban settings. In Chile, participants attended public schools in low socioeconomic areas of the Metropolitan Region, with three students of foreign origin (Haitian, Venezuelan, and Peruvian). In Cuba, all attended public schools in the municipality of Santa Clara, located in the central region of the country. Ages ranged from 10 to 14 years, with an equal sex distribution; 12 male, 12 female. (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e for data on the people interviewed).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eData on the people interviewed\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"char\" char=\".\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIdentifier\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCountry (residence)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSex\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAge\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e1Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e2Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e3Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e4Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e5Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e6Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e7Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e8Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e9Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e10Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e13\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12Ch\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eChile\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e14\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e13C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e14C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e15C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e16C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e17C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e18C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e19C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e20C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e21C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e12\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e22C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e10\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e23C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e24C\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCuba\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFemale\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"char\" char=\".\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e11\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eNote:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003eIdentifiers were created for analytical purposes. The number represents the order of the interview, followed by the country of origin code (Ch = Chile; C = Cuba). School names were omitted to preserve the identity of participants and their respective institutions, as well as to avoid any form of stigmatization.\u003c/p\u003e\n\n\u003ch3\u003eInstruments\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWe used a semi-structured interview with open-ended questions, allowing flexibility to probe emerging themes, rephrase items, and elicit spontaneous narratives (Adeoye-Olatunde \u0026amp; Olenik, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). The goal was to examine how adolescents experience, express, and regulate socio-moral emotions, notably guilt and empathic distress, in bullying contexts, the roles they adopt, and how these roles relate to emotion regulation. The guide covered: contextualization of bullying episodes; their characteristics and subjective impact; determinants of role adoption; emotions linked to others\u0026rsquo; suffering and to norm transgression; and coping strategies. To build rapport and support emotional recall, interviews began with a brief classroom bullying video used as a narrative trigger to foster identification and sharing of personal experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e[Video used: \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4BaOyvwnSQ\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P4BaOyvwnSQ\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e]\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eProcedure\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInterviews were conducted in schools between September 2024 and May 2025 under private conditions. In each country, a trained researcher conducted the interviews using a shared guide, agreed upon in preparatory meetings and refined after the first round, with the support of two additional team members during inter-analysis sessions. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. In some excerpts, the interviewer\u0026rsquo;s voice appears, reflecting the need for a more active role when working with adolescents, whose responses were often brief\u0026mdash;consistent with Punch\u0026rsquo;s (2002) observations on research interactions with children and youth.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAnalytical plan\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eData were analyzed using Grounded Theory procedures (Glaser \u0026amp; Strauss, 2017) to uncover meanings from participants\u0026rsquo; social reality. An inductive logic was prioritized, while some categories also drew on conceptual frameworks and study objectives. The corpus was organized in Atlas.ti 9. The principal investigator conducted open coding, identifying meaning units and assigning codes; then, through axial coding, codes were clustered and relationships among categories and subcategories were established. Inter-analysis sessions with the research team enabled consensus on coding criteria, refinement of emerging categories, and strengthened interpretive validity, ensuring coherence and robustness in the overall theory-building process.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eBased on the open coding process a total of 154 codes were identified, which were organized into 24 thematic categories. Eleven of these address general aspects that allow contextualizing the phenomenon of bullying, its characteristics and implications. The remaining thirteen categories respond directly to the research question and the objectives of the study (see Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e for the categories and codes that emerged from the qualitative coding process). These were subsequently analyzed at an integrative level, to articulate them around central dimensions that give coherence to the analysis. Through a process of axial coding, the thirteen categories were reorganized into four thematic axes: the dynamic roles assumed during episodes of bullying; the emotions experienced in such scenarios, with an emphasis on guilt and empathic distress; the different forms of emotional regulation; and the motivations and barriers that influence the position adopted by adolescents. These axes structure the results section presented below.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eCategories and codes emerging from the qualitative coding process\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCategory\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCodes\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eTypes of roles assumed during bullying\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePro-bullying role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePassive pro-bullying observer\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePro-bullying with leadership\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eVictim role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eActive victim\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eOutsider role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsocial role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsociality with leadership\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAggressive defender role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eComforting prosocial role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDefensive prosocial role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsocial role through mediation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\" morerows=\"3\" rowspan=\"4\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFlexible dynamics in the roles assumed during bullying\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlternation between victim and prosocial role\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlternation between aggressors and victims\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eInconsistency in the role assumed as a bystander\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePerception of variability of aggressors and victims\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eStable aggressive and prosocial traits\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePerception of stable aggressors\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePropensity to be an aggressor\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePropensity to be prosocial\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotions experienced during bullying\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnticipated guilt before aggression\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for the suffering caused to another\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for not helping\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for not doing the right thing\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathic discomfort\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathetic anger\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHelplessness in the face of inability to help\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional indifference\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFear\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eResignation in the face of the impossibility of helping\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional reactions to the violation of moral norms\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRemorse in the face of punishment without real guilt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eOccasional remorse\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAbsence of guilt in the context of revenge\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAbsence of guilt for harm caused\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnticipated guilt in the face of aggression\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for suffering caused to another\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for not helping\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for not doing the right thing\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathy facilitators\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathy amplified by shared experiences\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathetic moral reasoning\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eTaking the other person's perspective\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional understanding\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAwareness of one's own emotional limits\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRecognition of expressions and causes of emotions\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRecognition of the dissonance between external expression and internal emotion\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCharacteristics of the emotional regulation process\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional self-regulation based on self-awareness\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCircumstantial nature of the use of emotional regulation strategies\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDevelopment of emotional self-regulation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional dysregulation due to inactivity\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eImpulsive dysregulation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional regulation in the face of guilt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeeking support as an emotional regulation strategy\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional dysregulation due to inactivity\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDistraction as a regulation strategy in response to guilt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAttempt to repair the damage to alleviate guilt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMinimization of the emotional impact on the victim\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRegulation in response to empathic distress\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDistraction as a strategy for regulating empathic distress\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAttempt to repair the suffering of others\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsociality motivated by relief from empathic distress\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRegulation in response to anger\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eIsolation as a strategy for emotional regulation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnticipated emotional dysregulation (anger)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDysregulation due to impulsivity\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eForms of prosociality according to motivations\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHelp based on the principle of reciprocity\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSelfless help as a moral ideal\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eHelp motivated by religious beliefs\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSelective help based on connection\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSelective help based on moral judgments\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAltruistic prosocial motivation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMixed prosocial motivation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsociality in response to empathic guilt\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsociality motivated by relief from empathic distress\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eLimitations to prosociality\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAttribution of personal responsibility as justification for not helping\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSelective help based on connection\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSelective help based on moral judgments\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsociality inhibited by negative consequences\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDesire to help with perception of inability\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrustration due to ingratitude for the help provided\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeverity of the situation as a criterion for intervention\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eProsocial intention inhibited by fear\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRejection of help by the victim\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eResignation in the face of the impossibility of helping\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eRestriction of prosociality to those considered worthy of it\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003ctfoot\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"2\"\u003e\u003cb\u003eNote.\u003c/b\u003e Only categories and codes analyzed in this article are included; English labels reflect translated content.\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tfoot\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e3.1 Dynamism of the roles assumed by participants during episodes of bullying\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis category covers the different roles that adolescents assume or recognize in bullying situations, evidencing diversity of roles and dynamism.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Pro-bullying positions emerged, in which participants acknowledged having attacked others or actively collaborated with the aggressors. Passive pro-bullying observers were also identified, who, despite disagreeing with the aggression, collaborated indirectly through laughter or mockery.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-Tell me, what do you do? - I laugh, it makes me laugh (...) They say a lot of things to each other, for example, A... calls him Ear and L... says a lot of things about who has more and who has less.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn some testimonies, it is possible to see that some adolescents with probullying behaviors perceive themselves as leaders or influential figures within the group, while others describe themselves as individuals rejected by their peers, which alludes to the existence of different types of aggressors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-We're the ones in charge, we're like the leaders of the group. -And how do you know that? How do you know you're the leaders? -All the teachers say the same thing, that everyone follows our lead.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 12 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"No, later when they saw me, they didn't say hello. They didn't even look at me. Later at school, everyone already knew me. (...) They already knew what I was like.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs for the victims, some cases were labelled active victims, that is, adolescents who, although they are teased by others, also respond, defend themselves, and sometimes receive support from their peers. Within this category we differentiate between aggressive victims or \u003cem\u003ebully/victims\u003c/em\u003e described in the literature (Imuta et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), who, in addition to being victimized, engage in intimidating behavior toward others.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Well, they almost always say things to me. And sometimes they say things to a friend of mine, who is very affectionate with me and I with her, and I defend her just as she defends me.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 11 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, when faced with these situations, some adolescents take on an avoidant role, choosing not to get involved and to stay on the sidelines, as stated by an 11-year-old Chilean adolescent when asked about his role as an observer in situations of abuse of other classmates: \u003cem\u003e\"If it's not me, then they can defend themselves\u003c/em\u003e.\"\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOthers, however, adopt a prosocial role, either by comforting the victim, defending them directly, or exerting a positive influence on the group to deter the aggressors and stop the situation. An aggressive defender role was also identified, in which the adolescent intervenes in defense of the victim, but does so by attacking the aggressor:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"And if it were someone who was there too, I'd get up and hit them straight away, and while I'm at it I'd tell them not to bother him.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 12 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome participants referred to the stability of these roles over time, consistent with categories that reflect relatively fixed tendencies toward aggressive or prosocial behaviors:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"I've been like this my whole life. I've fought my whole life. In school, everywhere.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 12 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, along with these stable trajectories, elements also emerged that point to a flexible dynamic in the assumption of roles. This idea is reflected in the inconsistency of the role assumed by some observers, who sometimes decide to stay on the sidelines and, at other times, choose to intervene in defense of the victim. These decisions depend on multiple factors that will be analyzed later.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-I tell them to stop bothering him because he's getting uncomfortable. - Okay, but what if he's not your friend?\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e- I don't say anything to them.\" (\u003c/em\u003eMale, 14 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSimilarly, an alternation between the roles of aggressor and victim was observed: some adolescents who are aggressors reported having been victimized in the past, and vice versa. Likewise, many of those who currently adopt prosocial behaviors have been victims in the past, which places them in greater emotional and empathetic closeness to the victim, leading them to intervene in their defense. In contrast, some victims subsequently assume an aggressive role as a way of showing strength and avoid new situations of vulnerability.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Sometimes I am bullied, and sometimes I try to defend those who are being bullied.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 12 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-Since you started school, have you always had problems? - Because when I was little, when I was in pre-kindergarten, they used to bother me (...) sometimes they would say things to me, and I would just... -And you never did anything to them? -Never, and one day I came in and hit one of them.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese trajectories reflect that roles should not be understood as rigid categories, but rather as adaptive responses depending on the way these events are experienced, the emotions that arise, and the strategies to regulate them.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e3.2 Emotions experienced during bullying\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis category explores the different emotions that emerge in adolescents when they are involved in bullying situations. These emotional responses not only demonstrate the psychological impact of the phenomenon but can also play a decisive role in activating or inhibiting prosocial or aggressive behaviors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile some emotional experiences prompt intervention, cases of emotional indifference were also observed. Some participants remained distant from the suffering of others, which could reflect defense mechanisms or habituation to aggressive environments, where violence is perceived as part of everyday life.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-What if some of those children you abused started crying? \u0026ndash; Cold. Cold. \u0026ndash; How cold? \u0026ndash; Cold mind.\" (Male, 12 years old, Chile)\u003c/em\u003e [Refers to an attitude of emotional coldness, understood as not getting emotionally involved].\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn other cases, fear emerges as an emotion that inhibits prosocial intent. The desire to intervene may be present, but fear of social or physical consequences limits action. Emotions linked to helplessness are also evident when adolescents wish to help but feel unable to do so; these situations often lead to frustration or anger. Finally, some adolescents express resignation when they perceive that their efforts to intervene have no effect or do not produce meaningful change.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"(...) sometimes you help or you remain neutral, without doing anything. Like you're afraid.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female age 11, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"I try, I try, and if I can't help, I stay quiet.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOne of the main emotions identified in these types of scenarios is guilt, which manifests itself in different ways and at different times and plays a central role in adolescents' moral regulation of bullying. Specifically, reference was made to anticipated guilt in the face of aggression, as some adolescents anticipate these feelings when imagining themselves attacking others, suggesting the existence of moral regulation that operates even before the action.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- And how do you think you would feel if you did something like that? - Bad. - Do you think you would feel bad? Why?\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eYes. I don't know, but I would feel bad. I would feel guilty.\" (\u003c/em\u003eFemale, 11 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ul\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eGuilt for the suffering caused to another is also evident: some participants express remorse for having caused harm, especially when the victim shows visible signs of discomfort or distress. Another form of emotional expression is guilt for not helping; failure to help generates feelings of guilt or frustration, causing emotional distress directed towards oneself. Likewise, guilt arises from not having done the right thing, where adolescents recognize that they have acted inappropriately, even in contexts other than bullying, which generates self-blame. A common element in all these forms and reasons for guilt is that they constitute emotional reactions to the violation of moral norms, reflecting the degree of internalization of those norms.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"-You told me that you helped others to mock [the victim]. How did you feel at that moment? - Very ashamed and very sorry for what they were doing.\u003c/em\u003e\" (Male, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"I was frustrated when I couldn't help someone. [...] I felt angry, I felt bad about myself.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlong with explicit forms of guilt, there were also situations in which this emotion was absent or displaced. In some cases, regret was expressed in response to punishment without actual guilt: that is, the discomfort did not stem from the awareness of having harmed another person, but from the negative consequences suffered. In other cases, an absence of guilt for the harm caused was identified, especially when there was antipathy toward the person who was attacked or when the aggression was justified on the basis of revenge for previous harm caused.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Before, I liked to cause trouble just because I didn\u0026rsquo;t know the consequences. Then they would call my mom, I would get suspended, and my mom would punish me, and those are the consequences. Now when I do something, I think things through carefully.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmpathic emotions also emerged as significant responses to bullying, particularly when adolescents position themselves as observers or identify with the victim. One of these is empathic discomfort: observing the suffering of others can generate feelings of distress, especially when there is emotional identification with the victim.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- I don't know. I feel bad. For example, when the kid who always bothers me... is bothering a classmate, for example.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e-Right. Do you feel like they're bothering you? -Yeah, that kind of thing.\" (Female, 11 years old, Chile)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e Another emotion reported by participants was empathic anger. In some cases, identifying with the pain of others not only causes discomfort, but also turns into anger towards the aggressor, particularly when the observer has had similar victimization experiences. This combination of identification and personal memory intensifies the emotional reaction.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- How do you feel when others are being bullied? - Sometimes I get sad, and sometimes I get angry and say things I shouldn't, but I have to say them because it bothers me a little.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 11 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdolescent narratives identified some facilitators of empathic responses that were key in triggering prosocial behaviors in response to bullying. One of these is emotional understanding. The ability to put take the other person's perspective, anticipating how one would feel in their situation, allows empathetic emotions to emerge and promotes prosocial motivation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- When you've witnessed these situations, how have you felt? \u0026ndash; Bad, because I would hate it if they did that to me.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 11, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother relevant facilitator is empathetic moral reasoning. Participants demonstrate the ability to evaluate situations of injustice from a moral framework, appealing to principles such as a golden rule: \"don't do to others what you wouldn't want done to you\" (Female, 11 years old, Cuba). This type of reasoning reveals a reflective assessment of aggressive behavior and reinforces the tendency to act in defense of the victim or to reject abusive actions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"No, because if you don't like being bothered, why do you bother others?\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 11 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese emotions are key in inhibiting aggression and activating prosocial responses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e3.3 Emotional regulation, strategies for dealing with guilt and empathic distress\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis category accounts for the ways in which adolescents understand and manage their emotions when facing difficult or conflictive situations, such as bullying. The subcategories allow us to distinguish, on the one hand, general characteristics of emotional regulation and, on the other, specific strategies used in response to emotions such as guilt or empathic distress.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome adolescents recognize their own difficulties and the need to act preventively in the face of intense emotions, such as anger. This type of response reveals an emotional awareness that allows them anticipating harmful reactions, thus demonstrating a form of self-regulation based on self-knowledge. This relates to the development of emotional understanding skills, which include the ability to identify, interpret, and reflect on one's own and others' emotions, as well as to recognize personal challenges in emotional expression and the complexity of affective signals.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"When I get angry, I don't like it... I want everyone to leave me alone so I can calm down better on my own. I know myself.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition, they show an ability to infer the emotional state of others from observable cues, such as facial or body expressions, and recognize how certain nicknames or teasing can cause emotional harm to their peers. Some adolescents are also able to identify the discrepancy between external emotional expression and internal feelings, such as when someone smiles but actually feels sad or uncomfortable. Thus, self-awareness acts as a key tool for emotional regulation, allowing them to identify internal warning signs and adjust their behavior accordingly:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- How can you tell when it's affecting them? A sign, something that makes you notice it. - The tone, maybe. - The tone of voice? - Body language too. - Of the person saying it or the person receiving it? - The way they're saying it\" (\u003c/em\u003eMale, 14, Chile).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother relevant characteristic that emerged was the circumstantial nature of the use of emotional regulation strategies. Some adolescents recognized that the way they manage their emotions depends on the context, using different strategies depending on the situation: sometimes they manage to regulate themselves, while other times they do not. Adolescents also reported difficulties in emotional regulation particularly linked to impulsivity, manifested in sudden and uncontrolled responses to intense emotions, which reveals problems in containing impulses:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- Sometimes, when I fight at school, I'm in the classroom and I go and say something to my classmate, but so as not to hit him, I leave the classroom. - You leave the place where it's happening. - Sometimes, sometimes I arrive, I respond and I hit him.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eA pattern of inactivity-related dysregulation was also observed, characterized by the experience of emotional distress that cannot be channeled and leaves adolescents paralyzed in situations that overwhelm them:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;- So, when you\u0026rsquo;ve felt that way, sometimes that desire to help, have you jumped in to help or have you stayed back, waiting? - Yes, that\u0026rsquo;s right. It\u0026rsquo;s just that I\u0026rsquo;m a kid who doesn\u0026rsquo;t want to get into trouble, so sometimes I just stand there nervous or traumatized, not knowing what to do, something like that\u003c/em\u003e.\u0026rdquo; (Male, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn this context, anger was one of the most frequently mentioned emotions, and various strategies for dealing with it were explored. Some adolescents chose isolation as a form of emotional regulation, withdrawing from the situation to avoid negative reactions. Others made conscious efforts to self-regulate, trying to control their reactions when they perceived that they could hurt others. There were also situations in which adolescents anticipated that they would not be able to regulate their anger, and acknowledging this difficulty preferred not to get involved in certain conflicts. This awareness of their own limitations in emotional regulation led them to adopt avoidant attitudes toward bullying:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- Don't you get involved in that case? - No, because I'm one of those people who... if someone says something to me, I can get angry very quickly. - So, you prefer not to get involved because you know that you... - Yes, because if someone says something to me, I'm going to react badly!\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 12 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSpecifically, in terms of the emotional regulation of the two main emotions in the study, guilt and empathic distress, adolescents reported various strategies to cope with the distress these emotions generate. In the case of guilt, to cope with the emotions derived from feeling responsible for causing harm to others a commonly mentioned strategy was seeking support, in which participants express the need to talk to someone as a way to manage negative emotions, reflecting an active attempt at emotional containment and regulation through connection with others.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- When you've felt bad for not acting the right way, maybe, what have you done afterwards to feel differently? -I get a little sad, but I go and talk to my friends and then we start playing and that's it.\u003c/em\u003e\" (Female, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eEmotional dysregulation due to inactivity was also identified, where adolescents report taking no action to deal with their discomfort. In contrast, others resort to distraction strategies, such as listening to music, sleeping, or focusing on other activities, which temporarily reduced the emotional burden associated with guilt without having to acknowledge their mistake. Some also minimized of the emotional impact on the victim, a cognitive strategy through which adolescents try to reduce their feelings of guilt by convincing themselves that the victim was not significantly affected, either because they \"are used to it\" or because they \"defend themselves.\"\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;-Do you think you were hurting them, that what you did hurt them? -No, because they don\u0026rsquo;t feel it; they just keep using swear words all the time.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAmong the responses favoring prosocial action, the attempt to repair the damage stands out, where there is an active recognition of the harmful behavior and an explicit desire to make amends as a way of alleviating moral discomfort by changing the situation that causes it.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- And when you've done something wrong, something you know is wrong. - I apologize.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAs for the regulation of empathic distress, this category refers to the mechanisms deployed by adolescents to manage the emotional distress they experience when witnessing the suffering of others. These responses may be aimed at alleviating their own discomfort or motivating actions directed at the well-being of others. As in the case of guilt, some participants use distraction as a strategy to avoid being affected by the pain of others, focusing on other activities to reduce the intensity of their emotions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- So, when you've felt bad, for example, about what happens to others, what have you done to feel differently, as you're telling me? - Well, I try to calm down and forget about the situation somehow.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn other cases, empathic distress translates into a direct attempt of reparation, which can curb aggressive behavior toward the victim. Finally, prosociality motivated by the relief of empathic distress was identified, where helping behavior does not arise exclusively from concern for the other, but also as a way to calm the emotional dissonance experienced by the observer when witnessing the aggression. These strategies show that emotional regulation not only intervenes at the intrapsychic level, but can also mobilize behaviors toward others, with varying degrees of altruistic or self-referential intentionality.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- Oh, but do you leave if you see him crying, or do you keep teasing him? - No, I don't keep teasing him, why would I? If I say something to him and I see that he's sad, I say, 'Oh no, I messed up.'\u003c/em\u003e\" (Male, 14, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- So you don't feel bad, what do you do to feel differently? - I help him, and then I feel better.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 11 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e3.4 Motivations and barriers for prosocial behavior\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn line with the previous analysis of the regulation of sociomoral emotions, this section addresses how these emotions are linked to motivations for acting in response to the suffering of others. The emerging categories refer to the adoption of prosocial roles guided by genuinely altruistic purposes, as a regulatory strategy to alleviate one's own emotional distress, or a combination of both. In turn, the narratives also allude to the barriers that hinder prosocial behavior, revealing the complex interaction between emotion, regulation, and moral action in contexts of bullying.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome participants express that their main impulse to help comes from genuine concern for the well-being of others, without expecting any personal benefit in return, reflecting an altruistic prosocial motivation. In other cases, prosociality is motivated by the desire to alleviate empathic distress: when they see someone suffering, adolescents experience uncomfortable emotions that prompt them to intervene, both to alleviate the suffering of others and to reduce their own emotional distress.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- What have you done to feel differently? - Calm down the person who is being told those things.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 10 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- And when you help someone else, do you think you do it to feel good about yourself? Or do you do it thinking about how the other person will feel? \u0026ndash; I do it thinking about how the other person will feel.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFinally, there is a mixed prosocial motivation, where the action is driven both by concern for the other person and by the need to avoid internal discomfort. This combination reveals that, for many adolescents, it is difficult to clearly distinguish between the empathic impulse toward the other person and the intention to regulate their own emotions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- I feel guilty for not defending him from that. \u0026ndash; And what do you do to not feel that way? \u0026ndash; I talk to him and stuff. And sometimes I defend him.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Female, 12 years old, Cuba)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eOther motives for prosocial behavior beyond emotions such as guilt or empathy were also identified, highlighting the complexity of the decisions adolescents make when faced with bullying situations. One of these motivations is related to religious beliefs, which emerge as a moral reference for some participants. Helping others is perceived as a correct action that can be spiritually rewarded, as one adolescent pointed out:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"It's good to help, because they say God multiplies it. You do well in life\u003c/em\u003e.\u003cem\u003e\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 14 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, even when empathic emotions or internalized prosocial principles exist, help is not always activated, as it may be conditioned by moral judgments or the type of bond with the victim. In some cases, adolescents state that their decision to intervene depends on whether they consider the victim to \"deserve\" help, based on their previous behavior or reputation. In others, the willingness to help is influenced by closeness or personal identification with the victim: there is a greater tendency to intervene when the victim belongs to one's own group or when similar experiences are shared, as occurs among victims who defend other victims, giving rise to selective prosociality, motivated more by interpersonal relationships than by general norms of justice or care.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- And when you helped, why did you help? - Because I felt more strongly against people who are just like us. - You mean people who are also attacked for the same reason as you? - Yes, for being from another country.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Male, 13 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eVarious limitations were also identified that hinder or inhibit prosocial behavior, even when there is recognition of others' suffering or an intention to help. Emotional, cognitive, relational, and normative barriers emerge that restrict intervention in situations of injustice or aggression. One of the main inhibitors is the fear of being attacked, ridiculed, or becoming the new target of bullying. In addition, having suffered negative consequences from previous interventions, such as teasing or exclusion, reduces the willingness to act in future situations.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"Yes, sometimes it happens to me when I defend my classmates and I end up getting hurt, they call me shorty and stuff like that\u003c/em\u003e.\" (Female, 11 years old, Chile)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe moral evaluation of the victim also influences the decision: if the victim is blamed for their situation, the decision not to intervene is justified. In other cases, helping is hindered when the victim rejects support, which causes discomfort or demotivation. Added to this is the perception of personal inefficacy, both emotional and social, which leads some adolescents to refrain from acting, even if they intend to do so. Previous experiences in which help was not appreciated also negatively affect motivation. Finally, the perception of the seriousness of the episode acts as a buffer: if it is not considered urgent or severe, one may choose not to intervene.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\"- Because the ones I mess with deserve it. -Do you think no one gets involved because they deserve it? -Yes, because if I say things to someone, it's because they've been bothering me for a while, in which case my classmates aren't going to\u003c/em\u003e get involved\" (Male, 12, Chile).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThese limitations show that, although emotions such as guilt and empathy may be present, they do not automatically translate into prosocial behavior. It is therefore essential to understand how these emotions, and their regulation, are affected by the complexity of the social contexts in which they unfold.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe purpose of this study was to understand the roles that adolescents occupy in situations of bullying, the emotions experienced, as well as the strategies used to regulate these emotions. This approach allowed for a deep and contextualized understanding of the phenomenon, considering both personal and situational factors that shape adolescents\u0026rsquo; positioning toward bullying.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite finding some stability in the roles assumed by adolescents, consistent with previous studies (Mazzone et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Sch\u0026auml;fer et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e; Zych et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), patterns of alternation and overlap also emerged, underscoring the dynamic and contextual nature of their positioning in bullying situations. This apparent paradox between stability and variability can be explained by the Cognitive-Affective Personality System (CAPS) model proposed by Mischel and Shoda (1995), which argues that human behavior is neither entirely stable nor completely variable but displays situational consistency: individuals tend to respond in similar ways to certain types of situations, although these reactions may change in other contexts depending on the meaning attributed to events and the emotions they evoke. In this sense, the present findings suggest that while some adolescents show a tendency to adopt specific roles, situational, emotional, and strategic factors also influence their behavior.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThus, instead of rigidly categorizing students into fixed roles, it is crucial to acknowledge the flexibility and complexity of their actions and the multiple factors shaping them. In terms of emotions, diverse reactions to the suffering of others were observed, ranging from emotional indifference to empathic distress. These emotions played a central role as activators or inhibitors of action, confirming their relevance for moral decision-making in bullying contexts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWith regard to empathic distress, our analysis suggests it often functions as a facilitator of helping. Attempts to address the situations that elicit distress\u0026mdash;here, others\u0026rsquo; suffering\u0026mdash;appeared to operate as strategies that promote prosocial responses. In line with Hoffman\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) theorizing, participants\u0026rsquo; accounts hint that alleviating others\u0026rsquo; suffering may also relieve one\u0026rsquo;s own emotional discomfort. From a complementary perspective, Batson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) argues that such helping is altruistic only when oriented toward the other\u0026rsquo;s well-being; otherwise, it reflects self-focused relief. In our material, adolescents frequently described mixed motives, directed both toward others and themselves, and they rarely distinguished these motives explicitly; nonetheless, these states typically culminated in prosocial actions. Clarifying the motivational nuances underlying helping emerges as a line for future inquiry.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn conversation with a longitudinal study by Knauf and Eschenbeck (2025), which reports that strengthening empathic distress, responsibility, and defensive self-efficacy can reduce bullying, our qualitative interpretations indicate that even when empathic distress was present, other emotions could undercut prosocial action by shaping perceived efficacy. In particular, fear and feelings of helplessness or resignation\u0026mdash;often tied to perceptions of being unable to help\u0026mdash;surfaced as salient inhibitors, even among adolescents who expressed identification with the victim. Consistent with Knauf et al. (2018), participants also alluded to fears of retaliation or social rejection as reasons for non-involvement. Taken together, these patterns point to empathic distress as a potential catalyst for prosocial responding, while highlighting how concurrent emotional states and efficacy beliefs mediate whether such impulses translate into intervention.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnother relevant finding was the diversity of manifestations of guilt. This emotion appeared not only after actions that directly harmed others, as has been traditionally studied, but also in relation to inaction and even the anticipation of potential harm. Similarly, Wang et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e) reported that anticipatory guilt strengthens defensive intentions, whereas its absence is linked to moral justification and reduced prosocial behavior. In our material, guilt emerged as an emotion with high regulatory potential, capable of motivating reparatory actions; however, its absence was associated with a lack of recognition of harm or with moral deactivation mechanisms, as described by Mazzone et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). As Tilghman-Osborne et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) argue, the adaptive value of guilt largely depends on conscious awareness and adequate emotional regulation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe way emotions are regulated proved essential for both guilt and empathic distress (Cameron et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Adolescents who showed difficulties in this regard, or low self-regulation in general, also tended to exhibit avoidant or aggressive responses. In line with Eisenberg and Malti (2010), unregulated empathic emotions can lead to emotional overload that interferes with acting for others\u0026rsquo; well-being. By contrast, cognitive reappraisal may help channel empathic distress toward more constructive outcomes, though often focused on personal rather than others\u0026rsquo; welfare (Powell, 2018). Brethel-Haurwitz et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e) note that emotion-regulation strategies can both facilitate and inhibit prosociality: cognitive reappraisal may reduce aversive emotions and encourage helping, but it can also dampen empathy, depending on one\u0026rsquo;s empathic disposition and goal orientation (Lockwood et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConsistent with these ideas, our analysis revealed that certain forms of cognitive reappraisal operated as moral disengagement mechanisms (Bandura, 1999). Some adolescents reinterpreted situations to minimize guilt (e.g., \u0026ldquo;it didn\u0026rsquo;t hurt her, she just complained,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;she\u0026rsquo;s used to it,\u0026rdquo; \u0026ldquo;it\u0026rsquo;s just a game\u0026rdquo;), acting in ways inconsistent with their moral standards while avoiding the emotional burden associated with transgression. This finding highlights that emotional regulation is not always oriented toward others\u0026rsquo; well-being but can serve to justify inaction or moral disengagement.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeyond reappraisal, adolescents described other regulatory strategies such as distraction, avoidance, isolation, or seeking social support. Nonetheless, emotional repair in the case of guilt and helping in the case of empathic distress stood out as central strategies aimed at restoring one\u0026rsquo;s own and others\u0026rsquo; emotional balance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAvoidant behaviors were also linked to contextual conditions. Fear of retaliation, perceived inefficacy, fear of social judgment, and negative perceptions of the victim limited active involvement. As Cameron et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) suggest, individuals may regulate empathy by avoiding these responses to reduce the personal costs of involvement. Finally, the type of bond and shared identity with the victim influenced the willingness to intervene, reinforcing the need to broaden the circle of empathy (Singer \u0026amp; Klimecki, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) within schools, promoting empathic moral reasoning and a sense of responsibility beyond one\u0026rsquo;s immediate peer group (Andaur \u0026amp; Berger, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eLimitations\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis qualitative study used a small, purposive sample, limiting generalizability. Data derive from participants\u0026rsquo; subjective reports that, while illuminating, may be shaped by social desirability and difficulties verbalizing complex emotions. Although adolescents from Cuba and Chile participated, the study did not employ a comparative design; thus, cultural, social, and educational differences should be read as enriching the heterogeneity of experiences rather than supporting systematic contrasts. Observed cultural nuances point to the need to examine how contextual factors shape perception, visibility, and expression of bullying and its emotional correlates. These constraints counsel caution in extrapolating the findings beyond contexts studied. Moreover, qualitative interpretation inevitably reflects the perspectives of participants and researchers, even under rigorous procedures.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFuture directions\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eLarger‑scale studies are needed to test relationships among the variables examined, along with longitudinal designs to trace how emotional trajectories, regulation strategies, and roles evolve, particularly during key stages of adolescence. Educational interventions should strengthen bullying prevention from an emotionally grounded stance by recognizing, accepting, and managing emotions such as guilt and empathic distress which\u0026mdash;though unpleasant\u0026mdash;help connect individuals to others and to norms of social coexistence. Interventions should foster social\u0026ndash;emotional skills oriented not only to individual well‑being but also to prosocial regulation, aiming to manage discomfort rather than avoid it and to link personal well‑being to the well‑being of others.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eDeclaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis research was funded by the National Doctoral Scholarship ANID (Chilean National Agency of Research and Development), scholarship number 21220143.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics, Consent to Participate, and Consent to Publish declarations:\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAll procedures performed in this study were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. The study was approved by the Ethics Committee on Social Sciences, Arts, and Humanities of the Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (No. 240129006).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed assent was obtained from all adolescent participants, and written informed consent, including authorization for the publication of anonymized data, was provided by their mothers, fathers, or legal guardians.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eL.A.G: conceptualization, methodology, formal analysis, investigation, data curation, original draft preparation, visualization, project administration.C.B.S: conceptualization, methodology, review and editing, supervision.M.B.R: methodology, formal analysis, review and editing, supervision.A.E.V.E: investigation, formal analysis.J.V: review and editing, supervision.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe data that support the findings of this study are available from the authors upon reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAgencia de Calidad de la Educaci\u0026oacute;n (2024). \u003cem\u003eResultados Nacionales SIMCE 2024\u003c/em\u003e. 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Competencias sociales y emocionales de adolescentes involucrados en diferentes roles de bullying y cyberbullying. \u003cem\u003eRevista de Psicodid\u0026aacute;ctica\u003c/em\u003e, \u003cem\u003e23\u003c/em\u003e(2), 86\u0026ndash;93. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1016/j.psicod.2017.12.001\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1016/j.psicod.2017.12.001\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"international-journal-of-bullying-prevention","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"ijbp","sideBox":"Learn more about [International Journal of Bullying Prevention](https://rd.springer.com/journal/42380)","snPcode":"42380","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/42380/3","title":"International Journal of Bullying Prevention","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"bullying, dynamism of participants' roles, sociomoral emotions, emotional regulation","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eMost studies on bullying have focused on the roles of aggressors and victims, with little attention paid to observers and limited qualitative understanding of their emotional experiences. This study aimed to explore how adolescents who have witnessed or participated in bullying situations experience and regulate socio-moral emotions, especially guilt and empathic distress, and how these influence their stance toward bullying. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 24 adolescents aged 10 to 14 (12 in Cuba and 12 in Chile). The analysis was developed according to Grounded Theory. The results reveal complex dynamics in the assumption of roles (pro-bullying, prosocial, outsider, and victim). Alternations, overlaps, and context-modulated responses were observed. Guilt and empathic distress emerge as activators or inhibitors of prosocial and aggressive behaviors, depending on how they are regulated. The regulatory strategies identified included: resolving the situation as a way of alleviating empathic distress (by helping the victim or repairing the damage), seeking support, distraction, avoidance, and a tendency to minimize the suffering of others. Barriers to prosocial behavior were also identified, associated with the relationship with the victim, moral judgment of the victim, self-perception of ineffectiveness, fear of negative consequences, and the severity of the situation. It is concluded that the approach to bullying must go beyond a perspective based on fixed roles, considering the dynamism and the emotional and contextual factors involved.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Bullying and regulation of socio-moral emotions: Adolescent experiences in school contexts.","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-11-12 14:39:14","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7926828/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"171529882559319275485559974129035102115","date":"2026-04-10T13:40:32+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"309222703503442775092378510040321938016","date":"2026-02-20T12:19:19+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-11-02T20:37:27+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"167001472262491920312924100905669669006","date":"2025-11-02T20:08:27+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-11-02T16:53:52+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-10-30T09:02:26+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-10-30T09:01:00+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"International Journal of Bullying Prevention","date":"2025-10-22T22:10:15+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"international-journal-of-bullying-prevention","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"ijbp","sideBox":"Learn more about [International Journal of Bullying Prevention](https://rd.springer.com/journal/42380)","snPcode":"42380","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/42380/3","title":"International Journal of Bullying Prevention","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"cc84c497-cac5-41a7-a4ba-3f88bd649b1c","owner":[],"postedDate":"November 12th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-11-12T14:39:14+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-11-12 14:39:14","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7926828","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7926828","identity":"rs-7926828","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}