The Tragedy of the Commons Revisited: Governance Challenges in Temporary Communal Living Areas for Seasonal Agricultural Laborers in Rural Turkey

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Each year, over one million landless workers migrate from eastern and southeastern Anatolia to agricultural regions, residing with their families in makeshift tents near contracted farms. In response to inadequate living conditions, rural municipalities have created temporary settlements equipped with basic infrastructure such as water, electricity, and sanitation. However, the misuse and degradation of communal resources have led to a “tragedy of the commons,” resulting in infrastructure damage and exacerbating local water shortages. Consequently, municipalities began charging for utilities, but the involvement of intermediaries in payment collection introduced non-transparent practices, heightening dissatisfaction among laborers. This study draws on qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with laborers and municipal officials in three towns in Niğde Province during the 2019, 2021, and 2024 harvest seasons. The findings underscore the need for sustainable resource management and emphasize the importance of educating seasonal laborers on responsible usage. By addressing both infrastructural and social dimensions, this research contributes to broader discussions on rural sustainability and offers policy-relevant insights for improving the living conditions of migrant laborers while promoting equitable access to shared resources. Turkey Seasonal agricultural laborers Temporary settlements Tragedy of the commons Rural sustainability Figures Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Introduction Turkey is regarded as the world’s seventh-largest producer of agricultural goods, with approximately one-fifth of the country’s total labor force engaged in the agricultural sector. According to 2020 data from TÜİK (Turkish Statistical Institute), around 4.7 million people are employed in Turkey’s agricultural sector, with an estimated half of them being seasonal migrant agricultural workers (Ekip 2021; FAO 2016 ; Gökmen and Egemen 2021 ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; OECD 2019 ; Reşit Sevinç and Davran 2022 ; TÜİK 2020 ). Each year, over a million migrant laborers, along with their families, migrate across the country in search of seasonal employment due to economic reasons (Çelik et al. 2015 ; S.-K. Kang 2023a ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; Öz and Bulut 2013 ; Semerci et al. 2015 ). To understand why such a large number of people are engaged in seasonal migratory agricultural labor in Turkey, it is essential to examine the unique social structure and geographical characteristics of the Southeastern Anatolia region. This region retains a kinship-based tribal social structure, and due to its semi-arid climate and adverse geographical conditions, traditional nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyles continue to persist (Gökalp 1999 ; İcli et al. 2012 ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; Sukkyeong Kang 2013 ). Following land reforms, significant portions of arable land became concentrated in the hands of a few tribal leaders, leaving most farming households without land ownership and relegating them to the status of sharecroppers or wage laborers (Esen et al. 2017 ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ). As a result, 53.1% of the country’s seasonal agricultural workers are currently concentrated in this region (Benek and Ökten 2011 ; Nurettin et al. 2003 ). The rise in seasonal agricultural workers has also been influenced by the declining demand for agricultural labor due to the mechanization of agriculture during the 1950s (Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; Kıray 1999 ; Öz and Bulut 2013 ). Additionally, the reduction of agricultural subsidies under neoliberal policies in the 1980s led many small-scale farmers to abandon agriculture. Alongside these changes, the transition from subsistence crops to cash crops necessitated concentrated labor during specific periods, such as planting and harvesting, thereby further reinforced the short-term employment of seasonal agricultural laborers (Aydin 2002 ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; Pelek 2019 ). Although Turkey's climate is predominantly classified as a Mediterranean macroclimate, its geographical features give rise to significant diversity, as also demonstrated by Iyigun et al.'s ( 2013 ) classification of the country into 14 distinct clusters. Consequently, the types of crops cultivated vary significantly across regions, leading to differences in harvest periods. Due to these geographical features, seasonal agricultural laborers in the country migrate to regions where labor is needed for harvests, work for 2–4 months, and, once the work is completed, move to other regions to continue their agricultural labor, thereby establishing a seasonal short-term migration pattern. Their migration is characterized by being informal, temporary, short-term, and unplanned, with most individuals being employed as daily wage laborers through intermediaries. Additionally, as they typically engage in agricultural labor within small family units, they constitute a vulnerable group that struggles to benefit from the protections provided under Turkey’s labor laws. According to Turkey’s labor laws, Article 4 of Turkey’s labor laws specifies an exception, stating that the provisions of the labor law do not apply to workplaces or businesses employing 50 or fewer workers (including 50) and engaged in agricultural or forestry activities (TBMM 2003). As a result, seasonal agricultural workers, who often fall within the blind spots of labor law, face extremely inadequate employment conditions and temporary living arrangements. This issue has increasingly been recognized as a significant social problem requiring urgent resolution in Turkey. In response to these pressing social needs and demands, the Turkish government has been implementing the METIP ( Mevsimlik Gezici Tarım İşçilerinin Çalışma ve Yaşam Koşullarının İyileştirilmesi projesi; Project for Improving the Working and Social Lives of Seasonal Agricultural Workers ) since 2010. The initiative involves collaboration among various stakeholders, including public institutions, local governments, governors, non-governmental organizations, agricultural intermediaries, and employers, with the aim of improving the education, health, employment and living conditions of seasonal agricultural workers (AÇSHB 2010 ; ÇSGB 2017 ; Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ; Reşit Sevinç and Davran 2022 ; Resmi Gazete 2017 ). Through this project, approximately 96 million TL (66.2 million USD, based on an average exchange rate of 1.45 TRY/USD in 2010) was allocated to 65 projects prepared by the governorates of 38 provinces with a high concentration of seasonal agricultural labor from 2010 to 2013 (AÇSHB 2010 ). Moreover, since 2017, to meet the fundamental needs of seasonal agricultural workers in provinces where seasonal agricultural labor is prevalent, resources have been allocated to 22 provinces for the establishment of temporary settlements. These settlements include electricity, water, and sewerage infrastructure, as well as superstructures that provide opportunities for education, healthcare, and social activities (ÇSGB, 2017 ). However, the common resources such as water supply, electricity, temporary shelter, and sanitation that were originally provided free of charge to temporary migrant seasonal agricultural workers through the project quickly became unusable due to misuse, overuse, and neglect by users. Garrett Hardin, in The Tragedy of the Commons , argued that in an open-access system with unrestricted use of common resources, rational individuals acting in their short-term self-interest will inevitably overexploit these resources. This, in turn, will lead to the depletion of the commons, resulting in long-term negative consequences for the entire community. To prevent this outcome, he emphasized the necessity of either strict government regulation or privatization, asserting that moral appeals alone are insufficient to address the issue (Hardin 1968 ). Elinor Ostrom, in Governing the Commons, argued that common-pool resources can be effectively managed in a sustainable manner through locally crafted governance institutions and well-defined management systems (Ostrom 1990 ). She also agrued in A General Framework for Analyzing Sustainability of Social-Ecological Systems that resources used by humans are often embedded within complex social-ecological systems (SES), which consist of four interdependent subsystems: the resource system, resource units, users, and the governance system, that interact dynamically (Ostrom 2009 ). Therefore, to ensure the sustainable use of common-pool resources, it is essential to understand these dynamic interactions and adopt a systematic approach involving continuous analysis, adaptive management, and long-term research. However, in the context of this project, research on the utilization of these facilities, their observed positive and negative outcomes, and the necessary management strategies and improvements for sustainable development remains largely unexplored. Most existing studies are primarily concerned with traditional perspectives, such as the precarious labor conditions of seasonal workers, the challenges of migration and living environments, and the lack of educational opportunities for children engaged in agricultural labor (Akalın, 2018 ; Benek and Ökten, 2011 ; Çelik et al., 2015 ; Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2012 ; Gökmen and Egemen, 2021 ; Gülin, 2015; Kang, 2023b , 2023a , 2022 ; Köroğlu, 2023 ; Mertol et al., 2021 ; Nurettin et al., 2003 ; Orhan and Koçak, 2024; Öztaş et al., 2018 ; Pelek, 2020 ; Reşit Sevinç and Davran, 2022 ). Therefore, this study aims to examine the facilities established to improve the living and working conditions of workers, identify the issues that have arisen in their utilization and management, and explore the efforts needed to sustain and manage them effectively. The study area and methodological considerations Niğde Province, located in the Central Anatolia Region of Turkey, is one of the 10 provinces considered the “granary of wheat” of Anatolia (Besleme and Güleç 2022 ). The economy of the province is primarily based on agriculture, with approximately 35.4% of its land used for agricultural purposes and 70% of the active population engaged in agricultural activities (Besleme and Güleç 2022 rü et al. 2016 ; S.-K. Kang 2023a ; Toroğlu 2019 ). The province is among the most agriculturally productive regions in Turkey, ranking first in potato production and third in apple production. Additionally, it is renowned for the large-scale cultivation of cabbage and grapes (Görü et al. 2016 ; S.-K. Kang 2023b ; TÜİK 2019 ). Despite being one of the most drought-prone regions in Turkey, characterized by a continental climate with an average annual precipitation of only 350 mm and hot, dry summers (Aladağ 2002 ; Arslan 2017 ), agricultural productivity has steadily increased each year. This progress is largely attributed to advancements in fertilization, irrigation, and the adoption of modern agricultural machinery (Besleme and Güleç 2022 ). Moreover, the development of irrigation systems and agricultural technology has led to greater diversification of agricultural products and further improvements in productivity. However, a significant shortage of agricultural labor has emerged as a critical issue. In particular, planting and harvesting still rely more on manual labor than on machinery, requiring a substantial workforce. As a result, most farms employ seasonal migrant agricultural workers to meet labor demands (Suk-kyeong Kang 2022 ). Approximately 90% of seasonal migrant agricultural laborers in Turkey are originally from Şanlıurfa Province in the southeastern Anatolia region (S.-K. Kang 2023b ). As shown in Fig. 1 , Şanlıurfa Province has a notably high birth rate and a large proportion of young and working-age individuals. The population of the 0–4 age group in Şanlıurfa Province is 12.53 times larger than that of Niğde Province, and its population pyramid exhibits a distinctly pyramidal structure. In contrast, Niğde Province has a significantly smaller infant and young child population compared to Şanlıurfa Province, along with a decline in the number of young and middle-aged adults aged 25 and above (Fig. 1 ). Source: (TÜİK, 2024 ) Additionally, in terms of population density, Şanlıurfa Province had more than twice the population density of Niğde Province in 2024, with 116 people per square kilometre compared to 52 people per square kilometre (TÜİK 2024 ). As a result, a large number of unemployed individuals from Şanlıurfa Province migrate seasonally to agricultural regions, including Niğde Province, to engage in agricultural labor as a means of sustaining their livelihoods. In Şanlıurfa Province, many individuals who do not own land or are unable to find employment, along with Syrian refugees, engage in short-term migratory agricultural labor in accordance with the country’s planting and harvesting seasons. Consequently, thousands of seasonal agricultural workers temporarily migrate to Niğde Province during this period. However, due to the highly inadequate living and working conditions in their temporary residences, the METIP Project was implemented in Niğde Province between 2011 and 2012 to improve these conditions (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung 2012 ). This study investigates the utilization and management of common resources and facilities in temporary residential areas established under the METIP project and by local governments, with a particular focus on proposing the essential conditions for their effective and sustainable use. The research is based on two case study areas in Niğde Province: the town of Konaklı, where a temporary residential area was established in 2011 through the METIP Project, and the area between the town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca, which accommodates approximately 3,000 seasonal agricultural workers during planting and harvesting periods, with Communal facilities established by the local government (Fig. 2 ). For the purposes of this study, fieldwork—including observations and interviews—was conducted on two occasions: in June, July, and October 2019, and in October 2024, in the town of Konaklı. Additionally, three rounds of field research were carried out in the temporary residential area located between the town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca from June 2019 to July 2022. The field research involved direct observation of the use of communal facilities, along with data collection through surveys on the consumption of utilities such as water and electricity. Furthermore, qualitative data were obtained by conducting in-depth, semi-structured face-to-face interviews with local authorities, seasonal agricultural workers, intermediaries, and community residents. Each interview lasted approximately 30 minutes. All participants were informed about the purpose of the study and their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Data confidentiality and anonymity were strictly maintained throughout the research process to protect the privacy of all individuals involved. Source: Author; data from Esri, USGS, NOAA, HGM; created using ArcGIS 10.4. The Tragedy of the Commons 1. Communal Facilities Established under the METIP Project: The case of Konaklı Town Konaklı town, located at an elevation of 1,200 meters above sea level, is characterized by a continental climate. The local population is primarily engaged in livestock farming and agriculture. Due to its substantial potato production, the town is widely recognized as the “potato storage of Niğde Province.” It was officially established as a municipality in 1989 (Konaklı Belediyesi 2016 ). Since the expansion of irrigation facilities, the town has cultivated various crops including potatoes, beans, corn, and wheat. However, a persistent labor shortage has necessitated the employment of seasonal agricultural workers from outside the town for approximately 25 years. The presence of these workers is indispensable to the town’s agricultural activities. Each year, between 400 and 1,500 seasonal agricultural workers migrate to the town during the period from February to October. In 2011, the Niğde Provincial Special Administration designated a temporary residential area under the METIP project for seasonal agricultural workers. This site was equipped with cemented platforms for tent installation and tents were distributed free of charge. In addition, communal infrastructure–including electricity and water supply, sanitation facilities, and shared kitchens and bathrooms outfitted with solar energy systems–was constructed to support the workers (Fig. 3). This study conducted field research between June and October 2019, and again in October 2024, to evaluate the extent to which the infrastructure expansion and environmental improvement initiatives implemented under the METIP project contributed to enhancing the living conditions of seasonal agricultural laborers. During the 2019 field survey, it was observed that all facilities established under the METIP project had deteriorated to the point of being entirely unusable due to extensive damage and contamination. The solar energy panels had either been broken or stolen, rendering the hot water systems inoperable. Furthermore, the windows, doors, and other structural components of the communal kitchens and sanitation facilities were found to be severely damaged and contaminated. Consequently, seasonal agricultural workers reverted to pre-METIP practices by installing and utilizing makeshift tented toilets for their sanitary needs (Fig. 4 ). Seasonal agricultural workers constitute an essential component of the local agrarian economy. Although the facilities were initially designed to accommodate approximately 500 individuals, over 1,500 workers occupy the temporary settlement annually. Despite continuous maintenance efforts, the irregular and short-term nature of seasonal workers’ employment has perpetuated a recurring cycle of infrastructure damage and degradation with each new influx of workers. According to interviews with local government officials, the annual cost of water and electricity consumption by seasonal agricultural workers amounted to approximately 100,000 TL in 2019 (equivalent to 17,620 USD at the 2019 exchange rate). In addition, an estimated 10,000 TL (1,762 USD) was spent annually on materials for repairing damaged facilities. As these costs were borne by the local government, they represented a significant source of fiscal burden. In response, the provision of electricity, which had previously been free of charge, was converted to a paid service beginning in 2021, a change confirmed during a follow-up field survey conducted in October 2024. Among seasonal agricultural workers, the Çavuş functions as both an intermediary and a leader. The Çavuş communicates directly with farm owners and, when agricultural work is needed, contacts seasonal workers to organize a labor force for the farms. Generally, a Çavuş is responsible for coordinating between 200 and 500 workers and receives a 10% commission from their wages as a brokerage fee. In the absence of Çavuşes , it is extremely difficult for seasonal agricultural workers to secure employment individually; thus, the Çavuş holds considerable influence within the seasonal worker community. Following the introduction of paid electricity usage in the town, Çavuşes began collecting electricity fees from workers by dividing the total monthly bill by the number of individuals in their group and paying the amount on their behalf. However, workers reported being charged more than their actual share. Furthermore, the communal kitchen facility established by METIP was found to have been converted into a private room used by Çavuşes , thereby serving individual rather than communal purposes (Fig. 5). 2. Communal facilities established by the local goverment: The case of the town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca Efforts to improve the living and working conditions of seasonal agricultural laborers are supported not only through the METIP Project but also by local municipalities and the Niğde Provincial Special Administration, which monitor, manage, and support the needs of these workers. The town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca also began large-scale fruit and vegetable cultivation following the introduction of irrigation facilities in 1991. Although agricultural productivity in the area is high, there remains a significant shortage of agricultural labor. Consequently, approximately 3,000 seasonal agricultural laborers migrate to the region during the harvest period. To meet the demand for a large, short-term agricultural workforce, a temporary residential area for migrant seasonal laborers was established in 2016 between Çukurkuyu and Kızılca (Suk-kyeong Kang 2022). Prepared by the Niğde Provincial Special Administration to improve living conditions, the area included essential infrastructure such as temporary sanitation facilities, tents, and access to water and electricity, and was intended to meet the basic needs of seasonal agricultural workers. However, this temporary residential area also became non-functional due to the destruction and contamination of communal facilities by seasonal workers. As the temporary toilets and bathing facilities became unusable due to pollution and damage, seasonal workers in the area had resorted to using makeshift tents for sanitation and bathing (Fig. 6). Due to inadequate maintenance, damage, and contamination of temporary communal facilities, such as container-type toilets and bathing facilities provided by the local government each year, the 2022 field survey confirmed that these facilities were no longer being provided by the local government. During the field survey conducted in June 2019, one of the primary complaints from local community members regarding seasonal agricultural workers was their excessive and improper use of electricity and water, which were provided free of charge to the workers. In the workers’ residential area, washing machines brought by the laborers were in use, and domestic wastewater from toilets, bathing, cooking, dishwashing, and laundry was discharged directly onto the ground without any treatment. These issues of environmental pollution and resource overuse were emerging as significant concerns within the local community (Fig. 7 ) As a result of local community conflicts and environmental degradation, electricity and water resources that had previously been provided free of charge had been converted to paid services by the time the field survey was revisited three years later. In this survey area as well, electricity and water fees for the workers were collected and paid in bulk by the çavuşes . Some workers expressed dissatisfaction, claiming that the çavuş overcharged them beyond the actual utility costs and deducted excessive brokerage fees from their wages. However, as employment opportunities were largely mediated through the çavuş , workers were extremely cautious about voicing complaints and were generally reluctant to speak openly about these issues. In the temporary residential area established by the local government in 2016 for seasonal migrant workers, the infrastructure and resources initially provided were eventually damaged and rendered unusable due to poor maintenance, misuse, and abuse by the workers. These situations led to the commodification of essential resources and further contributed to a ‘tragedy of the commons’—marked by the intensification of power abuse and economic exploitation by çavuşes. Conclusion Turkey continues to experience significant social and economic disparities between its eastern and western regions (Ersungur et al. 2007 ). Since the 1980s, the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP; Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi) has been implemented as a comprehensive regional development initiative aimed at achieving regional balance and social integration. Despite these efforts, numerous rural residents in the southeastern region continue to experience economic hardship, as evidenced by the fact that over a million farmers in this area sustain their livelihoods by migrating as seasonal agricultural laborers. They migrate across the country during planting and harvesting seasons to engage in agricultural work, and when employment opportunities diminish during the winter months, they return to their hometowns, establishing a cyclical pattern of short-term migration. Their migration is typically characterized by short-term periods of approximately two to four months, exhibiting irregular and temporary patterns, with destinations varying according to available employment opportunities. These migration patterns present significant challenges to the implementation of projects aimed at improving their working and living conditions of these laborers. The Turkish government and local municipalities have sought to improve the temporary living conditions of these laborers by providing communal facilities such as toilets and kitchens, initially offering free and unlimited access to utilities, including water and electricity. However, in the absence of any assurance that these seasonal workers would return to the same workplace in the following farming season, the resources provided free of charge were misused and abused by users due to a lack of proper planning and management, ultimately resulting in significant damage to the facilities. The indiscriminate use and degradation of common-pool resources by these agricultural laborers led to the commodification of such resources and the discontinuation of facility provision. Furthermore, this process increasingly exposed the laborers to economic exploitation by intermediaries, exemplifying a classic case of the ‘tragedy of the commons’ phenomenon. Garrett Hardin argued that preventing the tragedy of the commons requires stringent government regulation and the privatization of communal resources (Hardin 1968 ). In contrast, Elinor Ostrom contended that common-pool resources can be managed sustainably through locally established governance institutions and well-defined management systems (Ostrom 1990 ). She proposed eight design principles as fundamental requirements for the successful and sustainable management of common-pool resources by such institutions: clearly defined boundaries of resources and its users; alignment between resource appropriation and provision rules with local conditions; collective-choice arrangements, in which resource users are authorized to participate in the establishment and modification of rules; monitoring systems; proportional sanctions for rule violations; conflict-resolution mechanisms for addressing disputes among users or with officials; minimal recognition by the government of the rights of local users to devise their own rules; governance activities organized in nested enterprises connected to a larger social system (Herzberg 2020 ; Ostrom 1990 ). However, as observed in the study areas in Turkey, there is a complete absence of management and monitoring systems, usage guidelines, and governance structures involving either local communities or resource users, in relation to the temporary communal facilities and resources available to seasonal agricultural laborers. This institutional void has led to the misuse and overexploitation of common resources and the deterioration of shared facilities, which, in some cases, has resulted in conflicts with local residents. To ensure the sustainable use of common resources, it is essential to establish clear policy interventions, alongside community-based management systems and enforceable measures to prevent overuse and violations of established rules. Moreover, the relationship between seasonal agricultural laborers and the Çavuş (labor intermediary) in the study areas is not one of horizontal partnership but rather reflects a dependent dynamic in which workers’ livelihoods are at stake. This asymmetrical power relationship legitimizes the privatization of shared resources and the imposition of unjust fees, further deepening structural inequality by leaving workers unable to voice objections or influence decisions. In such contexts, active governmental intervention and systematic oversight are imperative. While numerous studies are conducted annually to address the poor living conditions of seasonal agricultural workers, and although the Turkish government continues to allocate substantial budgets to related development projects, there remains a striking lack of follow-up research or policy frameworks aimed at ensuring the sustainable use of communal resources after project implementation. Therefore, to improve the temporary living environments of seasonal agricultural workers and enhance their overall quality of life through sustainable project design, a more structured and institutionalized approach is required. This includes, at the pre-implementation stage, detailed analyses of workers’ migration patterns, the development and dissemination of clear rules and guidelines for resource use, and the establishment of robust monitoring systems. Additionally, governance structures based on community autonomy, involving both local administrators and resource users, must be systematically developed and formally integrated into project frameworks. Declarations Author Contribution Suk-Kyeong Kang wrote the main manuscript text and prepared all figures and tables. All work was completed by her. Ethics declaration : Not applicable. References AÇSHB. (2010). Mevsimlik Gezici Tarım İşçilerinin Çalışma ve Yaşam Koşullarının İyileştirilmesi-I Projesi (METİP I). Çalışma Genel Müdürlüğü . https://www.csgb.gov.tr/media/53610/mevsimlik_gezici_tarim_iscilerinin_calisma_ve_yasam_kosullarinin_iyilestirilmesi-i_projesi-metip1.pdf. Accessed 25 December 2024 Akalın, M. (2018). 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Accessed 25 December 2024 TÜİK. (2023). Adrese Dayalı Nüfus Kayıt Sistemi Sonuçları. TÜİK . https://biruni.tuik.gov.tr/medas/?kn=72&locale=tr adresinden. Accessed 28 December 2024 TÜİK. (2024). Nüfus yoğunluğu (kilometrekareye düşen kişi sayısı). TÜİK . https://biruni.tuik.gov.tr/medas/. Accessed 13 March 2025 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. As a division of Research Square Company, we’re committed to making research communication faster, fairer, and more useful. We do this by developing innovative software and high quality services for the global research community. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7815842","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":534603934,"identity":"3100ad2d-e224-4358-ba3c-2f63b0ac349e","order_by":0,"name":"Suk-Kyeong 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18:47:23","extension":"html","order_by":22,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"acdc-reference","size":104826,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"earlyproof.html","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/2a0c45e9f8b91ed01a70efd6.html"},{"id":94597651,"identity":"fbebb88b-e859-4440-aca6-0c70a245904b","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:48:30","extension":"png","order_by":1,"title":"Figure 1","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":138171,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eComparison of Age Distribution Structures in Niğde and Şanlıurfa Provinces (2024) Source: (TÜİK, 2024)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"1.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/171d9b3e83e13390b9d8eaef.png"},{"id":94597807,"identity":"3e36f83f-0cfb-4c82-b7a9-3072442983fe","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:49:25","extension":"png","order_by":2,"title":"Figure 2","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1956788,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eThe two study areas on a map of Niğde Province, Turkey\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSource: Author; data from Esri, USGS, NOAA, HGM; created using ArcGIS 10.4.\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"2.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/83b25ad02762c0f361f415e3.png"},{"id":94597250,"identity":"99907789-13d1-4ac8-b5cb-005155edf7dc","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:46:20","extension":"png","order_by":3,"title":"Figure 3","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1222472,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eCemented grounds for temporary tent installation (left) and bathrooms equipped with solar energy systems (right). Source: By author (13 July 2019)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"3.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/633879904c209941d3470ece.png"},{"id":94596971,"identity":"2c10335c-e136-4b10-9195-798704ff9c16","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:45:02","extension":"png","order_by":4,"title":"Figure 4","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1604018,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eSanitation facilities damaged and contaminated by users: the toilet building and its polluted surroundings (left), the interior of the damaged sanitation facility (center), and the reappearance of makeshift tent toilets (right). Source: By author (04 October 2024)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"4.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/7edf68bf7d282cca199de964.png"},{"id":94597558,"identity":"1e24f162-5b36-43b7-9ac9-1d9498c911c7","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:47:56","extension":"png","order_by":5,"title":"Figure 5","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1450444,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eCommunal kitchen facility estabilshed by METIP, converted into a private room used by \u003cem\u003eÇavuşes\u003c/em\u003e. Source: By author (04 October 2024)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"5.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/bec5fad8aa597d1526e4d0bb.png"},{"id":94597637,"identity":"cc8baaa0-38d6-42c8-960f-7bb4676d45ed","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:48:23","extension":"png","order_by":6,"title":"Figure 6","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":1635252,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eToilet tents (left) set up by workers next to temporary sanitation facilities provided by the local government, and the interior of a makeshift bathing tent (right). Source: By author (18 June 2019)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"6.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/f06e6ed42800cc0b4af22435.png"},{"id":94597562,"identity":"641dbc00-5d25-4336-b14c-7ae3650470e1","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-28 18:47:57","extension":"png","order_by":7,"title":"Figure 7","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"figure","size":2084889,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"\u003cp\u003eWashing machine installed in a worker’s residential tent (left) and ground contaminated by domestic wastewater (right). Source: By author (18 June 2019)\u003c/p\u003e","description":"","filename":"7.png","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/34f8551676c5c93e077ded63.png"},{"id":101688530,"identity":"f44df718-3e76-4aaa-ac88-7e1193f225f5","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-02 15:41:44","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":15880968,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7815842/v1/3c9b9402-5b55-49a8-a753-b98ff47645d5.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"The Tragedy of the Commons Revisited: Governance Challenges in Temporary Communal Living Areas for Seasonal Agricultural Laborers in Rural Turkey","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eTurkey is regarded as the world’s seventh-largest producer of agricultural goods, with approximately one-fifth of the country’s total labor force engaged in the agricultural sector. According to 2020 data from TÜİK (Turkish Statistical Institute), around 4.7\u0026nbsp;million people are employed in Turkey’s agricultural sector, with an estimated half of them being seasonal migrant agricultural workers (Ekip 2021; FAO \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Gökmen and Egemen \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; OECD \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Reşit Sevinç and Davran \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; TÜİK \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). Each year, over a million migrant laborers, along with their families, migrate across the country in search of seasonal employment due to economic reasons (Çelik et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; S.-K. Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023a\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Öz and Bulut \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Semerci et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR42\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). To understand why such a large number of people are engaged in seasonal migratory agricultural labor in Turkey, it is essential to examine the unique social structure and geographical characteristics of the Southeastern Anatolia region. This region retains a kinship-based tribal social structure, and due to its semi-arid climate and adverse geographical conditions, traditional nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyles continue to persist (Gökalp \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e; İcli et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Sukkyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Following land reforms, significant portions of arable land became concentrated in the hands of a few tribal leaders, leaving most farming households without land ownership and relegating them to the status of sharecroppers or wage laborers (Esen et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). As a result, 53.1% of the country’s seasonal agricultural workers are currently concentrated in this region (Benek and Ökten \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Nurettin et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). The rise in seasonal agricultural workers has also been influenced by the declining demand for agricultural labor due to the mechanization of agriculture during the 1950s (Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Kıray \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1999\u003c/span\u003e; Öz and Bulut \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, the reduction of agricultural subsidies under neoliberal policies in the 1980s led many small-scale farmers to abandon agriculture. Alongside these changes, the transition from subsistence crops to cash crops necessitated concentrated labor during specific periods, such as planting and harvesting, thereby further reinforced the short-term employment of seasonal agricultural laborers (Aydin \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Pelek \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlthough Turkey's climate is predominantly classified as a Mediterranean macroclimate, its geographical features give rise to significant diversity, as also demonstrated by Iyigun et al.'s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) classification of the country into 14 distinct clusters. Consequently, the types of crops cultivated vary significantly across regions, leading to differences in harvest periods. Due to these geographical features, seasonal agricultural laborers in the country migrate to regions where labor is needed for harvests, work for 2–4 months, and, once the work is completed, move to other regions to continue their agricultural labor, thereby establishing a seasonal short-term migration pattern. Their migration is characterized by being informal, temporary, short-term, and unplanned, with most individuals being employed as daily wage laborers through intermediaries. Additionally, as they typically engage in agricultural labor within small family units, they constitute a vulnerable group that struggles to benefit from the protections provided under Turkey’s labor laws. According to Turkey’s labor laws, Article 4 of Turkey’s labor laws specifies an exception, stating that the provisions of the labor law do not apply to workplaces or businesses employing 50 or fewer workers (including 50) and engaged in agricultural or forestry activities (TBMM 2003). As a result, seasonal agricultural workers, who often fall within the blind spots of labor law, face extremely inadequate employment conditions and temporary living arrangements. This issue has increasingly been recognized as a significant social problem requiring urgent resolution in Turkey. In response to these pressing social needs and demands, the Turkish government has been implementing the METIP (\u003cem\u003eMevsimlik Gezici Tarım İşçilerinin Çalışma ve Yaşam Koşullarının İyileştirilmesi projesi; Project for Improving the Working and Social Lives of Seasonal Agricultural Workers\u003c/em\u003e) since 2010. The initiative involves collaboration among various stakeholders, including public institutions, local governments, governors, non-governmental organizations, agricultural intermediaries, and employers, with the aim of improving the education, health, employment and living conditions of seasonal agricultural workers (AÇSHB \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; ÇSGB \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e; Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Reşit Sevinç and Davran \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Resmi Gazete \u003cspan citationid=\"CR41\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Through this project, approximately 96\u0026nbsp;million TL (66.2\u0026nbsp;million USD, based on an average exchange rate of 1.45 TRY/USD in 2010) was allocated to 65 projects prepared by the governorates of 38 provinces with a high concentration of seasonal agricultural labor from 2010 to 2013 (AÇSHB \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, since 2017, to meet the fundamental needs of seasonal agricultural workers in provinces where seasonal agricultural labor is prevalent, resources have been allocated to 22 provinces for the establishment of temporary settlements. These settlements include electricity, water, and sewerage infrastructure, as well as superstructures that provide opportunities for education, healthcare, and social activities (ÇSGB, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). However, the common resources such as water supply, electricity, temporary shelter, and sanitation that were originally provided free of charge to temporary migrant seasonal agricultural workers through the project quickly became unusable due to misuse, overuse, and neglect by users. Garrett Hardin, in \u003cem\u003eThe Tragedy of the Commons\u003c/em\u003e, argued that in an open-access system with unrestricted use of common resources, rational individuals acting in their short-term self-interest will inevitably overexploit these resources. This, in turn, will lead to the depletion of the commons, resulting in long-term negative consequences for the entire community. To prevent this outcome, he emphasized the necessity of either strict government regulation or privatization, asserting that moral appeals alone are insufficient to address the issue (Hardin \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1968\u003c/span\u003e). Elinor Ostrom, in Governing the Commons, argued that common-pool resources can be effectively managed in a sustainable manner through locally crafted governance institutions and well-defined management systems (Ostrom \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). She also agrued in \u003cem\u003eA General Framework for Analyzing Sustainability of Social-Ecological Systems\u003c/em\u003e that resources used by humans are often embedded within complex social-ecological systems (SES), which consist of four interdependent subsystems: the resource system, resource units, users, and the governance system, that interact dynamically (Ostrom \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, to ensure the sustainable use of common-pool resources, it is essential to understand these dynamic interactions and adopt a systematic approach involving continuous analysis, adaptive management, and long-term research. However, in the context of this project, research on the utilization of these facilities, their observed positive and negative outcomes, and the necessary management strategies and improvements for sustainable development remains largely unexplored. Most existing studies are primarily concerned with traditional perspectives, such as the precarious labor conditions of seasonal workers, the challenges of migration and living environments, and the lack of educational opportunities for children engaged in agricultural labor (Akalın, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Benek and Ökten, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Çelik et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Gökmen and Egemen, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Gülin, 2015; Kang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023a\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e; Köroğlu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Mertol et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Nurettin et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Orhan and Koçak, 2024; Öztaş et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e; Pelek, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Reşit Sevinç and Davran, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e ). Therefore, this study aims to examine the facilities established to improve the living and working conditions of workers, identify the issues that have arisen in their utilization and management, and explore the efforts needed to sustain and manage them effectively.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"The study area and methodological considerations","content":"\u003cp\u003eNiğde Province, located in the Central Anatolia Region of Turkey, is one of the 10 provinces considered the “granary of wheat” of Anatolia (Besleme and Güleç \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The economy of the province is primarily based on agriculture, with approximately 35.4% of its land used for agricultural purposes and 70% of the active population engaged in agricultural activities (Besleme and Güleç \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003erü et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; S.-K. Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023a\u003c/span\u003e; Toroğlu \u003cspan citationid=\"CR44\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). The province is among the most agriculturally productive regions in Turkey, ranking first in potato production and third in apple production. Additionally, it is renowned for the large-scale cultivation of cabbage and grapes (Görü et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; S.-K. Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e; TÜİK \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Despite being one of the most drought-prone regions in Turkey, characterized by a continental climate with an average annual precipitation of only 350 mm and hot, dry summers (Aladağ \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Arslan \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), agricultural productivity has steadily increased each year. This progress is largely attributed to advancements in fertilization, irrigation, and the adoption of modern agricultural machinery (Besleme and Güleç \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, the development of irrigation systems and agricultural technology has led to greater diversification of agricultural products and further improvements in productivity. However, a significant shortage of agricultural labor has emerged as a critical issue. In particular, planting and harvesting still rely more on manual labor than on machinery, requiring a substantial workforce. As a result, most farms employ seasonal migrant agricultural workers to meet labor demands (Suk-kyeong Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Approximately 90% of seasonal migrant agricultural laborers in Turkey are originally from Şanlıurfa Province in the southeastern Anatolia region (S.-K. Kang \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023b\u003c/span\u003e). As shown in Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e, Şanlıurfa Province has a notably high birth rate and a large proportion of young and working-age individuals. The population of the 0–4 age group in Şanlıurfa Province is 12.53 times larger than that of Niğde Province, and its population pyramid exhibits a distinctly pyramidal structure. In contrast, Niğde Province has a significantly smaller infant and young child population compared to Şanlıurfa Province, along with a decline in the number of young and middle-aged adults aged 25 and above (Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: (TÜİK, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, in terms of population density, Şanlıurfa Province had more than twice the population density of Niğde Province in 2024, with 116 people per square kilometre compared to 52 people per square kilometre (TÜİK \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). As a result, a large number of unemployed individuals from Şanlıurfa Province migrate seasonally to agricultural regions, including Niğde Province, to engage in agricultural labor as a means of sustaining their livelihoods.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn Şanlıurfa Province, many individuals who do not own land or are unable to find employment, along with Syrian refugees, engage in short-term migratory agricultural labor in accordance with the country’s planting and harvesting seasons. Consequently, thousands of seasonal agricultural workers temporarily migrate to Niğde Province during this period. However, due to the highly inadequate living and working conditions in their temporary residences, the METIP Project was implemented in Niğde Province between 2011 and 2012 to improve these conditions (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study investigates the utilization and management of common resources and facilities in temporary residential areas established under the METIP project and by local governments, with a particular focus on proposing the essential conditions for their effective and sustainable use. The research is based on two case study areas in Niğde Province: the town of Konaklı, where a temporary residential area was established in 2011 through the METIP Project, and the area between the town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca, which accommodates approximately 3,000 seasonal agricultural workers during planting and harvesting periods, with Communal facilities established by the local government (Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e). For the purposes of this study, fieldwork—including observations and interviews—was conducted on two occasions: in June, July, and October 2019, and in October 2024, in the town of Konaklı. Additionally, three rounds of field research were carried out in the temporary residential area located between the town of Çukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca from June 2019 to July 2022. The field research involved direct observation of the use of communal facilities, along with data collection through surveys on the consumption of utilities such as water and electricity. Furthermore, qualitative data were obtained by conducting in-depth, semi-structured face-to-face interviews with local authorities, seasonal agricultural workers, intermediaries, and community residents. Each interview lasted approximately 30 minutes. All participants were informed about the purpose of the study and their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Data confidentiality and anonymity were strictly maintained throughout the research process to protect the privacy of all individuals involved.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: Author; data from Esri, USGS, NOAA, HGM; created using ArcGIS 10.4.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"The Tragedy of the Commons","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003e1. Communal Facilities Established under the METIP Project: The case of Konaklı Town\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eKonaklı town, located at an elevation of 1,200 meters above sea level, is characterized by a continental climate. The local population is primarily engaged in livestock farming and agriculture. Due to its substantial potato production, the town is widely recognized as the “potato storage of Niğde Province.” It was officially established as a municipality in 1989 (Konaklı Belediyesi \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Since the expansion of irrigation facilities, the town has cultivated various crops including potatoes, beans, corn, and wheat. However, a persistent labor shortage has necessitated the employment of seasonal agricultural workers from outside the town for approximately 25 years. The presence of these workers is indispensable to the town’s agricultural activities. Each year, between 400 and 1,500 seasonal agricultural workers migrate to the town during the period from February to October. In 2011, the Niğde Provincial Special Administration designated a temporary residential area under the METIP project for seasonal agricultural workers. This site was equipped with cemented platforms for tent installation and tents were distributed free of charge. In addition, communal infrastructure–including electricity and water supply, sanitation facilities, and shared kitchens and bathrooms outfitted with solar energy systems–was constructed to support the workers (Fig.\u0026nbsp;3).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study conducted field research between June and October 2019, and again in October 2024, to evaluate the extent to which the infrastructure expansion and environmental improvement initiatives implemented under the METIP project contributed to enhancing the living conditions of seasonal agricultural laborers. During the 2019 field survey, it was observed that all facilities established under the METIP project had deteriorated to the point of being entirely unusable due to extensive damage and contamination. The solar energy panels had either been broken or stolen, rendering the hot water systems inoperable. Furthermore, the windows, doors, and other structural components of the communal kitchens and sanitation facilities were found to be severely damaged and contaminated. Consequently, seasonal agricultural workers reverted to pre-METIP practices by installing and utilizing makeshift tented toilets for their sanitary needs (Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e4\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeasonal agricultural workers constitute an essential component of the local agrarian economy. Although the facilities were initially designed to accommodate approximately 500 individuals, over 1,500 workers occupy the temporary settlement annually. Despite continuous maintenance efforts, the irregular and short-term nature of seasonal workers’ employment has perpetuated a recurring cycle of infrastructure damage and degradation with each new influx of workers.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to interviews with local government officials, the annual cost of water and electricity consumption by seasonal agricultural workers amounted to approximately 100,000 TL in 2019 (equivalent to 17,620 USD at the 2019 exchange rate). In addition, an estimated 10,000 TL (1,762 USD) was spent annually on materials for repairing damaged facilities. As these costs were borne by the local government, they represented a significant source of fiscal burden. In response, the provision of electricity, which had previously been free of charge, was converted to a paid service beginning in 2021, a change confirmed during a follow-up field survey conducted in October 2024.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAmong seasonal agricultural workers, the\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026Ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e functions as both an intermediary and a leader. The\u003cem\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u0026Ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e communicates directly with farm owners and, when agricultural work is needed, contacts seasonal workers to organize a labor force for the farms. Generally, a \u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e is responsible for coordinating between 200 and 500 workers and receives a 10% commission from their wages as a brokerage fee. In the absence of \u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuşes\u003c/em\u003e, it is extremely difficult for seasonal agricultural workers to secure employment individually; thus, the \u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e holds considerable influence within the seasonal worker community. Following the introduction of paid electricity usage in the town, \u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuşes\u003c/em\u003e began collecting electricity fees from workers by dividing the total monthly bill by the number of individuals in their group and paying the amount on their behalf. However, workers reported being charged more than their actual share. Furthermore, the communal kitchen facility established by METIP was found to have been converted into a private room used by\u0026nbsp;\u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuşes\u003c/em\u003e, thereby serving individual rather than communal purposes (Fig. 5).\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e2. Communal facilities established by the local goverment: The case of the town of \u0026Ccedil;ukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eEfforts to improve the living and working conditions of seasonal agricultural laborers are supported not only through the METIP Project but also by local municipalities and the Niğde Provincial Special Administration, which monitor, manage, and support the needs of these workers. The town of \u0026Ccedil;ukurkuyu and the village of Kızılca also began large-scale fruit and vegetable cultivation following the introduction of irrigation facilities in 1991. Although agricultural productivity in the area is high, there remains a significant shortage of agricultural labor. Consequently, approximately 3,000 seasonal agricultural laborers migrate to the region during the harvest period. To meet the demand for a large, short-term agricultural workforce, a temporary residential area for migrant seasonal laborers was established in 2016 between \u0026Ccedil;ukurkuyu and Kızılca (Suk-kyeong Kang 2022). Prepared by the Niğde Provincial Special Administration to improve living conditions, the area included essential infrastructure such as temporary sanitation facilities, tents, and access to water and electricity, and was intended to meet the basic needs of seasonal agricultural workers. However, this temporary residential area also became non-functional due to the destruction and contamination of communal facilities by seasonal workers. As the temporary toilets and bathing facilities became unusable due to pollution and damage, seasonal workers in the area had resorted to using makeshift tents for sanitation and bathing (Fig. 6). \u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDue to inadequate maintenance, damage, and contamination of temporary communal facilities, such as container-type toilets and bathing facilities provided by the local government each year, the 2022 field survey confirmed that these facilities were no longer being provided by the local government.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring the field survey conducted in June 2019, one of the primary complaints from local community members regarding seasonal agricultural workers was their excessive and improper use of electricity and water, which were provided free of charge to the workers. In the workers\u0026rsquo; residential area, washing machines brought by the laborers were in use, and domestic wastewater from toilets, bathing, cooking, dishwashing, and laundry was discharged directly onto the ground without any treatment. These issues of environmental pollution and resource overuse were emerging as significant concerns within the local community (Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e7\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAs a result of local community conflicts and environmental degradation, electricity and water resources that had previously been provided free of charge had been converted to paid services by the time the field survey was revisited three years later. In this survey area as well, electricity and water fees for the workers were collected and paid in bulk by the \u003cem\u003e\u0026ccedil;avuşes\u003c/em\u003e. Some workers expressed dissatisfaction, claiming that the \u003cem\u003e\u0026ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e overcharged them beyond the actual utility costs and deducted excessive brokerage fees from their wages. However, as employment opportunities were largely mediated through the \u003cem\u003e\u0026ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e, workers were extremely cautious about voicing complaints and were generally reluctant to speak openly about these issues.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn the temporary residential area established by the local government in 2016 for seasonal migrant workers, the infrastructure and resources initially provided were eventually damaged and rendered unusable due to poor maintenance, misuse, and abuse by the workers. These situations led to the commodification of essential resources and further contributed to a \u0026lsquo;tragedy of the commons\u0026rsquo;\u0026mdash;marked by the intensification of power abuse and economic exploitation by \u003cem\u003e\u0026ccedil;avuşes.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eTurkey continues to experience significant social and economic disparities between its eastern and western regions (Ersungur et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e). Since the 1980s, the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP; G\u0026uuml;neydoğu Anadolu Projesi) has been implemented as a comprehensive regional development initiative aimed at achieving regional balance and social integration. Despite these efforts, numerous rural residents in the southeastern region continue to experience economic hardship, as evidenced by the fact that over a million farmers in this area sustain their livelihoods by migrating as seasonal agricultural laborers. They migrate across the country during planting and harvesting seasons to engage in agricultural work, and when employment opportunities diminish during the winter months, they return to their hometowns, establishing a cyclical pattern of short-term migration. Their migration is typically characterized by short-term periods of approximately two to four months, exhibiting irregular and temporary patterns, with destinations varying according to available employment opportunities. These migration patterns present significant challenges to the implementation of projects aimed at improving their working and living conditions of these laborers. The Turkish government and local municipalities have sought to improve the temporary living conditions of these laborers by providing communal facilities such as toilets and kitchens, initially offering free and unlimited access to utilities, including water and electricity. However, in the absence of any assurance that these seasonal workers would return to the same workplace in the following farming season, the resources provided free of charge were misused and abused by users due to a lack of proper planning and management, ultimately resulting in significant damage to the facilities. The indiscriminate use and degradation of common-pool resources by these agricultural laborers led to the commodification of such resources and the discontinuation of facility provision. Furthermore, this process increasingly exposed the laborers to economic exploitation by intermediaries, exemplifying a classic case of the \u0026lsquo;tragedy of the commons\u0026rsquo; phenomenon. Garrett Hardin argued that preventing the tragedy of the commons requires stringent government regulation and the privatization of communal resources (Hardin \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1968\u003c/span\u003e). In contrast, Elinor Ostrom contended that common-pool resources can be managed sustainably through locally established governance institutions and well-defined management systems (Ostrom \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e). She proposed eight design principles as fundamental requirements for the successful and sustainable management of common-pool resources by such institutions: clearly defined boundaries of resources and its users; alignment between resource appropriation and provision rules with local conditions; collective-choice arrangements, in which resource users are authorized to participate in the establishment and modification of rules; monitoring systems; proportional sanctions for rule violations; conflict-resolution mechanisms for addressing disputes among users or with officials; minimal recognition by the government of the rights of local users to devise their own rules; governance activities organized in nested enterprises connected to a larger social system (Herzberg \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Ostrom \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1990\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHowever, as observed in the study areas in Turkey, there is a complete absence of management and monitoring systems, usage guidelines, and governance structures involving either local communities or resource users, in relation to the temporary communal facilities and resources available to seasonal agricultural laborers. This institutional void has led to the misuse and overexploitation of common resources and the deterioration of shared facilities, which, in some cases, has resulted in conflicts with local residents. To ensure the sustainable use of common resources, it is essential to establish clear policy interventions, alongside community-based management systems and enforceable measures to prevent overuse and violations of established rules. Moreover, the relationship between seasonal agricultural laborers and the \u003cem\u003e\u0026Ccedil;avuş\u003c/em\u003e (labor intermediary) in the study areas is not one of horizontal partnership but rather reflects a dependent dynamic in which workers\u0026rsquo; livelihoods are at stake. This asymmetrical power relationship legitimizes the privatization of shared resources and the imposition of unjust fees, further deepening structural inequality by leaving workers unable to voice objections or influence decisions. In such contexts, active governmental intervention and systematic oversight are imperative.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile numerous studies are conducted annually to address the poor living conditions of seasonal agricultural workers, and although the Turkish government continues to allocate substantial budgets to related development projects, there remains a striking lack of follow-up research or policy frameworks aimed at ensuring the sustainable use of communal resources after project implementation. Therefore, to improve the temporary living environments of seasonal agricultural workers and enhance their overall quality of life through sustainable project design, a more structured and institutionalized approach is required. This includes, at the pre-implementation stage, detailed analyses of workers\u0026rsquo; migration patterns, the development and dissemination of clear rules and guidelines for resource use, and the establishment of robust monitoring systems. Additionally, governance structures based on community autonomy, involving both local administrators and resource users, must be systematically developed and formally integrated into project frameworks.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSuk-Kyeong Kang wrote the main manuscript text and prepared all figures and tables. All work was completed by her.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics declaration\u003c/strong\u003e: Not applicable.\u003c/p\u003e\n"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eA\u0026Ccedil;SHB. (2010). 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Accessed 13 March 2025\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Turkey, Seasonal agricultural laborers, Temporary settlements, Tragedy of the commons, Rural sustainability","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7815842/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7815842/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThis study investigates the governance challenges of temporary communal settlements established for seasonal agricultural laborers in Turkey. Each year, over one million landless workers migrate from eastern and southeastern Anatolia to agricultural regions, residing with their families in makeshift tents near contracted farms. In response to inadequate living conditions, rural municipalities have created temporary settlements equipped with basic infrastructure such as water, electricity, and sanitation. However, the misuse and degradation of communal resources have led to a \u0026ldquo;tragedy of the commons,\u0026rdquo; resulting in infrastructure damage and exacerbating local water shortages. Consequently, municipalities began charging for utilities, but the involvement of intermediaries in payment collection introduced non-transparent practices, heightening dissatisfaction among laborers. This study draws on qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with laborers and municipal officials in three towns in Niğde Province during the 2019, 2021, and 2024 harvest seasons. The findings underscore the need for sustainable resource management and emphasize the importance of educating seasonal laborers on responsible usage. By addressing both infrastructural and social dimensions, this research contributes to broader discussions on rural sustainability and offers policy-relevant insights for improving the living conditions of migrant laborers while promoting equitable access to shared resources.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"The Tragedy of the Commons Revisited: Governance Challenges in Temporary Communal Living Areas for Seasonal Agricultural Laborers in Rural Turkey","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-28 18:03:09","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7815842/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"d41f4165-28e6-477b-b7bd-a49af00235ec","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 28th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-02-02T15:40:30+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-28 18:03:09","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7815842","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7815842","identity":"rs-7815842","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}