Suffering in Silence: Psychological and Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage in the North East Region of Ghana

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The study adopted a qualitative research approach underpinned by descriptive phenomenological research design. Data was collected using face-to-face interview that explored psychological and social experiences, and the coping strategies. Purposive and snowballing techniques were employed to sample 21 child marriage survivors aged 12–17 years who voluntarily consented to participate in the study. The study found that most child marriage survivors experienced depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. The study also found that a substantial number of child marriage survivors suffer from social stigma, alienation from families, peers and friends, and divorce. Finally, it emerged from the study that most survivors of child marriage use support from families, friends and community, engage in religious or spiritual practices, and reframe their experiences and focus on personal growth or future opportunities. The study recommends individual counselling and psychoeducation, with a focus on mental health support, legal protections, education, and community sensitisation programmes to boost self-concept and self-esteem of survivors. It was further recommended that social welfare, Action Aid Ghana and “Sontaagba”, to promote legal reforms to promote reintegration, reduce stigma, and promote entrepreneurship. The study further recommends that there should be skill development training workshops in soap and beads making, and weaving to provide long-term financial empowerment. The findings highlight the need for tailored interventions to address child marriage and promote well-being of the girl-child. Future research should explore culture norms that promote child marriage. Child marriage survivors psychological social experiences coping strategies Figures Figure 1 INTRODUCTION The menace of child marriage is a global phenomenon deeply engrained in numerous cultures and remains a critical and sensitive problem that has widely attracted the attention of all. Child marriage is defined as a legal or informal partnership in which a girl lives with a spouse before the age of 18 (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2025). United Nations Children’s Fund ( 2018 ) report estimates that almost 700 million women marry before the age of 18. It is also widespread in the Middle East, North Africa, the West, and South Africa (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2023). According to a United Nations Children’s Fund ( 2018 ) report, child marriage occurs at a rate of 9% in South America, 5% in the Middle East and North Africa, 44% in South Asia, and 18% in Sub-Saharan Africa. Similarly, In many parts of the world, marriage also entails the bride moving to a new home and neighbourhood, as well as the formation of new social networks, which can worsen the mental health consequences of child marriage (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2014). Child marriage also reduces girls’ assets and resources by limiting their access to education. The United Nations Children’s Fund (2017) defines psychosocial obstacles for survivors of child marriage as difficulties that influence both their psychological well-being and social functioning. These difficulties stem from the physical, mental, and social demands associated with early marriage, which are frequently marked by limited personal autonomy, disturbed development, and exposure to undesirable circumstances. Furthermore, survivors frequently suffer from mental health concerns such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and low self-esteem as a result of emotional abuse, a lack of support, early exposure to marital roles, and, in many cases, domestic violence (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2018 ). Furthermore, child marriage survivors are frequently isolated from their peers, have restricted access to school and employment possibilities, and endure stigma, especially if their marriage fails or has issues such as divorce or domestic abuse. These obstacles limit their ability to build helpful relationships and perform effectively in their communities (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2023). According to research, girls who married when they were young also had a far higher lifetime risk of receiving treatment for mental illnesses, with antisocial personality disorder being one of the most common (Sajid et al., 2024 ). Additionally, Burgess et al. ( 2022 ) found that psychological effects of child marriage have been previously identified in the literature as depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation and attempts, and emotional distress triggered when accompanied by other factors like poverty, intimate partner violence, social isolation, childbirth consequences, compromised self-esteem, and diminished autonomy. Additionally, young girls who marry are expected to play a number of roles, such as mother, housewife, daughter-in-law, and wife. This can be emotionally and mentally taxing for them because they lack the maturity and skills necessary to manage their social, familial, economic, and personal relationships, which can lead to the development of complexes and fears that last a lifetime (Aggarwal et al., 2023 ; Morrow et al., 2023 ). United Nations Children’s Fund (2020) report indicates that Ghana is a home to over 2 million child brides and one in five young women were married or in union before their 18th birthday. This report further indicates that North East Region is the highest ranked region in Ghana, highlighting the need for further research to curb it. In Ghana, various factors, including social norms, protection against teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted illnesses, and poverty, have been identified as drivers of child marriage (de Groot et al., 2018 ). One of the key underlying causes of the practice is gender inequality, which originates from societal constructs of gender and sexuality. Global statistics show that, while boys are often pushed into child marriages, the majority of child weddings involve young girls (Ahonsi et al., 2019 ). Child marriage violates the rights of its survivors because most of them are coerced by physical or sexual threats, abuse, and psychological pressure (Women Living Under Muslim Laws, 2013 ). Furthermore, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 2016 ) recognises the individual’s right to provide free and full consent to marriage as a universal right. Consent may not be regarded as “free and full” when at least one partner is very young and coerced (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2014). Additionally, Ghana’s Marriages Act prohibits both male and female marriages before the legal age of 18 years (de Groot et al., 2018 ). Global estimates of child marriage suggest that 650 million women alive now were married before the age of 18 (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2018 ), while around 250 million were married before the age of 15, accounting for more than one in every three females (Sarfo et al., 2024 ). Approximately one-third of the world's most recently married girls live in Sub-Saharan Africa. Child marriage is unlawful in Ghana, and successive governments have made deliberate attempts to curb it. A child’s right to refuse and be free from marriage has been established in a number of international and regional accords to which Ghana has agreed. According to the Ghana Statistical Service ( 2018 ), 5% of Ghanaian women marry before the age of 15, while 19.3% marry by the age of 18. More females are impacted in Ghana’s three northern regions, where one in every three girls (34%) is under the age of 18. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (2014) study, around 21% of child marriages happened before the age of 18, while approximately 5% occurred before the age of fifteen. Compared to girls, just 2.3% of boys marry by the age of 18 (Ahonsi et al., 2019 ; de Groot et al., 2018 ), highlighting the gender gap. There is substantial evidence that survivors of child marriage mostly develop depression and anxiety as a result of the demands of early marital duties, limited autonomy, and exposure to domestic abuse (Le Strat et al., 2011 ). The authors also stated that early marriage impairs educational and personal growth, leaving survivors feeling imprisoned and depressed. In a related view, Kidman ( 2017 ) confirmed that child marriage entails sexual assault, coercion, or marital rape, which can result in post-traumatic stress disorder which causes flashbacks, emotional numbness, and difficulties in developing healthy relationships. According to research, child marriage is one of the main causes of school dropout for girls, and survivors are mostly forced to quit school, limiting their potential to acquire skills, knowledge, and economic independence, perpetuating cycles of poverty and reliance (Parsons et al., 2015 ). Furthermore, the United Nations Children’s Fund (2014) discovered that limited education and access to employment possibilities leave survivors monetarily dependent on their spouses or family. This dependence limits their negotiating power inside the household and makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Studies have also shown that many child brides endure societal stigma, particularly if they are abandoned, divorced, or widowed at a young age. They may be excluded from their communities, making it difficult for them to reintegrate into society and access support networks (Girls Not Brides, 2022). Furthermore, child brides are more likely to experience intimate partner abuse due to power imbalances in their marriages, which isolates them socially and exacerbates their psychological anguish (Kidman, 2017 ). Research has further shown that survivors of child marriage most at times seek emotional support from family members, friends, and community groups (Kidman, 2017 ). In most of these cases, social support is essential for coping with depression, anxiety, and trauma; when survivors connect with peers who have gone through similar situations, they can minimise feelings of isolation and develop a sense of solidarity. Research has indicated that child marriage survivors in many cultures seek solace and resilience through religious or spiritual traditions such as prayer, meditation, and participation in faith-based community activities can all bring emotional comfort and hope (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2014). Moreover, child marriage survivors who may get help from local non-governmental organisations or women’s groups normally receive psychosocial counselling and mental health care, which helps them process their trauma and restore confidence (Parsons et al., 2015 ). The authors continue that some survivors utilise cognitive reappraisal, a type of emotion-focused coping, to reinterpret their experiences, finding significance in their problems, redefining their roles as mothers or husbands, or focusing on their personal growth despite the obstacles. It is clear that many survivors want to resume their education or engage in vocational training programmes, which are frequently sponsored by non-governmental organisations and government initiatives (Parsons et al., 2015 ). Besides, participating in community groups or women’s networks allows survivors to share their stories, learn from others, and lobby for change. Nations Children’s Fund (2014) report suggest that peer networks can provide emotional and social support to survivors, allowing them to reconstruct their lives. Also, economic dependency is a key societal barrier for child marriage survivors, but microfinance programmes and business training can help them boost their income levels, establish independence, and lessen their vulnerability to exploitation (Raj et al., 2010 ). Kidman ( 2017 ) posit that speaking up publicly can provide people a sense of agency and purpose while also tackling systemic concerns such as child marriage. While United Nations Children’s Fund ( 2018 ) studies reported the Northern region to be one of the regions with the highest rates of child marriage in Ghana, the latest statistics from the United Nations Children’s Fund (2025) found the North East Region to have recorded the highest child marriage cases. This finding has caught the attention of many stakeholders and has piqued the interest of the researcher to explore further into this phenomenon and to propose target recommendations for policy direction and formulation. Research Questions The following questions were formulated to guide the study: What are the psychological experiences of survivors of child marriage in the North East Region? What are the social experiences of survivors of child marriage in the North East Region? In which way do child marriage survivors in the North East Region cope with their psychological and social experiences? Theoretical Review This research is hinged on Bronfenbrenner’s ( 1979 ) ecological system of thought and Folkman and Lazarus ( 1984 ) theory of stress and coping. According to Bronfenbrenner’s ecology of human development theory (1979), human development is a time-dependent process in which the developing individual and the local environment impact each other. Bronfenbrenner ( 1979 ) offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the different factors that influence child development, including social experiences of child marriage. This idea holds that a child’s development is influenced by various layers of environmental systems that interact with one another (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ). It is noteworthy that development occurs through a series of reciprocal interactions between an individual and the people, things, and symbols in their immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 ). The study of human experience is inextricably linked to the family, social structure, and situations in which individuals interact. According to this hypothesis, children’s growth is influenced by their environment. According to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, a child is at the centre of a constantly evolving system. All of these contexts are the surroundings that contain the individual. Source: Adopted from Bronfenbrenner ( 1979 ) Ecological Model This study employed this theory because it provides the framework for (a) understanding the nature of the social context of survivors of child marriage, (b) understanding the individual in context, and (c) designing interventions that focus on the environmental or social factors that influence the development and well-being of child marriage survivors, rather than the individual only. Bronfenbrenner’s theory is relevant to the study because of its social networks, relationships, and support systems that exist to benefit the individual and the community. Social relationships promote social stability and are necessary for good mental and psychosocial well-being. It is important to emphasise that the child is the individual at the centre of the interactions among the many interacting subsystems, and the individual may or may not be aware of being influenced by the recursive interactions that exist between these subsystems. Bronfenbrenner's ecological model helps to understand child marriage by examining the various nested systems and units in society that contribute to its continued practice. Furthermore, Lazarus and Folkman ( 1984 ) theory of stress and coping provides an important framework for understanding how survivors of child marriage deal with their psychosocial issues. The theory proposes two main coping strategies: problem-focused and emotion-focused. Survivors of child marriage who adopted problem-solving strategies may pursue education or vocational training to achieve financial independence, or they may seek assistance from social welfare or advocacy organizations to leave abusive or restrictive environments. This style of coping is goal-oriented and entails intentional efforts to directly affect the cause of stress (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984 ). In addition, emotion-focused coping is done when people belief the unpleasant situation is unchangeable. As a result, survivors may engage in strategies to help regulate their emotional responses to their situation. This can include seeking social or emotional support from friends or family, engaging in religious or spiritual activities for solace, or cognitively reevaluating their circumstances in search of purpose or acceptance. These strategies assist survivors in coping with their experiences (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984 ). METHODOLOGY Research Design The researcher approached the study qualitatively, using descriptive phenomenology as the research design. Survivors of child marriage used a variety of coping mechanisms, giving them a new opportunity to live in a new environment in which their prior circumstances are less significant. The process of acquiring new coping methods and managing the changes required by the new lessons that child marriage brings is an experience worth exploring. In doing so, the researcher prioritised depth over breadth, focusing on fewer child marriage survivors whose experiences could be applied to other similar cases. In view of this, qualitative phenomenological design seemed ideal. This design allowed the researcher to convey child marriage survivors’ experiences and the phenomenon as they lived it while maintaining the “voice” of the participants in the research without divorcing their viewpoint through analysis (Giorgi, 2009 ). Sample Size and Sampling Technique The sample size for the study comprised 21 married girls aged between 12–17 years from three districts in the North East Region of Ghana who voluntarily consented to participate in the study. A pool of participants was established and through purposive sampling and snowballing techniques, the participants were recruited to participate in the study. According to the purposive principles proposed by Shaheen and Pradhan ( 2019 ), the researcher made selections about which individuals to include in the sample based on factors such as lettered and could express themselves in the English Language, years of marriage, knowledge and experience with child marriage. Child marriage survivors assisted with referrals, and the researcher recruited study participants through snowballing. The researcher sampled child marriage survivors who were lettered and could express themselves in the English Language. This figure is considered sufficient for phenomenological research (Creswell, 2013 ; Denzin & Lincoln, 2008 ). After interviewing nineteen people and noticing that the data began to duplicate (Hennink & Kaiser, 2022 ), the researcher interviewed two more participants to see whether new themes could emerge. When the researcher realised that all insights into the phenomenon had been exhausted and there was no new emerging topic, they stopped collecting data due to data saturation. Instrumentation The interview used to collect data was developed for this study (ref. attached). After the interview guide was constructed, it was piloted on a sample size of 8 participants with similar characteristics who were not part of the targeted sample for the study. After piloting, amendments were made to some of the initial interview questions before using it to collect data on the targeted sample for the study. The use of semi-structured interviews was well-justified for a phenomenological study, as it allowed participants to express their thoughts and feelings freely while also guiding the conversation to cover specific thematic areas relevant to the research questions. Each interview lasted approximately 35 minutes and was conducted in a comfortable setting chosen by the participants to encourage openness and rapport. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent and subsequently transcribed verbatim for analysis, ensuring accuracy and completeness of the raw data. Data Collection Procedure The researcher used a semi-structured interview to gather data for the study. The researcher did not fully adhere to the formalised list of questions established during semi-structured interviews (Gray et al., 2020 ; Rubin & Rubin, 2012 ). When additional remarks were made, open-ended questions were employed to get further insights into the topic (Addai-Mununkum & Setordzi, 2023 ). An interview strategy was developed to guide the investigation, which helped to better characterise the phenomenon without the possibility of any questionable responses. Data Analysis The data generated includes extended hours of interview data recorded in audio format. The researcher manually transcribed the data. During the transcribing, the researcher highlighted major areas of the data that addressed certain study questions using different highlighters. The researcher used a seven-step process to analyse the data, which included familiarisation, identifying significant statements (coding), formulating meaning, clustering themes, developing an exhaustive description, producing a fundamental structure, and seeking verification of the fundamental structure (Glaser & Laudel, 2013; Jones, 2023 ). These processes were completed iteratively, with the findings derived and discussed subsequently. The analysis process involved six steps as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2013). This involves: Familiarisation with the Data : Initially, the researcher transcribed all audio-recorded interviews verbatim to ensure accuracy. This step was crucial for immersing oneself in the data, allowing for a comprehensive understanding of the participants' perspectives. Generating Initial Codes : The researcher systematically coded the data by identifying significant phrases and concepts that emerged during the interviews. This involved highlighting relevant excerpts that pertained to retirement perceptions, financial concerns, healthcare issues, and social integration. Searching for Themes : After coding, the researcher grouped related codes into broader themes that captured the essence of participants’ experiences. This step involved examining how different codes could be combined to form overarching themes reflecting the various dimensions of retirement perceptions and the impacts of pre-retirement planning. Reviewing Themes : The identified themes were then reviewed and refined to ensure they accurately represented the data. This involved checking whether the themes worked in relation to both the coded extracts and the entire dataset, ensuring consistency and coherence. Defining and Naming Themes : Each theme was clearly defined and named to reflect its content succinctly. This step included articulating what each theme represented in relation to the research questions. Writing Up : Finally, the themes were integrated into a narrative that conveyed a comprehensive understanding of how Basic school teachers in Ghana perceive retirement and how pre-retirement planning and counselling programmes influence these perceptions. The findings were contextualised within existing literature to highlight their significance. To ensure the integrity of the participants’ experiences and draw meaningful conclusions from the data, care was taken throughout the process to ensure their voices were accurately represented. This careful approach enhanced the transparency and legitimacy of the study’s analytical framework. The researcher serves as the primary instrument in interpretive research. While methodical procedures were adhered to, achieving methodological rigor necessitates a heightened self-awareness regarding the potential effects on data interpretation. Ethical Considerations The study was conducted in compliance with ethical standards and principles of University of Education, Winneba Institutional Review Board (IRB). Also, the research strictly adhered to the World Medical Association of Helsinki Declaration (2024) of ethical principles for research involving human data. Due to the sensitivity of the research, permission was sought from the Department of Social Welfare in the North East region of Ghana which is the statutory agency responsible for the protection of vulnerable children including married adolescents in the research setting. Prior the commencement of the data collection process, all the participants were provided with adequate information on the aims, methods, anticipated benefits, and potential risks as well as any potential conflict of interest. The ethical clearance process confirmed that the study’s design, instruments, data handling procedures, and consent processes adhered to Helsinki Declaration standards for safeguarding participants’ rights and well-being. Participants were explicitly informed, through both verbal communication and a written consent form, that their participation was entirely voluntary. Furthermore, participants were reassured that they could withdraw from the study at any time without facing any repercussions. The participants voluntarily consented to participate in the study by giving their informed consent and throughout the research process, confidentiality was maintained, participants’ identities were anonymised by using pseudonyms, and encrypting research data to prevent unauthorised access. Confidentiality and anonymity were guaranteed, ensuring that no personally identifying information, such as names, email addresses, or phone numbers, were collected during the study. All data were securely stored in a password-protected file, accessible only to the researcher. The final report omitted any quotes or individual-level data that could potentially identify participants indirectly, thus further safeguarding their privacy. The ethical guidelines strengthened participants’ trust in the study’s overall credibility, authenticity, and accuracy. The researcher spent close to four months in the districts collecting the data, checking members, and conducting peer debriefings to confirm the research’s authenticity. At the conclusion of the interview, each participant received a token of GH₵135.00, which was comparable to $ 12.35 at the time of the study, to cover their time and travel expenses. Trustworthiness and Rigor To assure the dependability of the research findings, the researcher maintained an audit trail that documented major study-related activities. Also to guarantee transferability, the researcher provided in this report a detailed description of the phenomenon under study (Stahl & King, 2020 ). This was done to contextually situate the study and help readers gain an adequate understanding of the phenomenon described in the researcher’s report to those that may or may not have emerged in the situation. Authenticity was ensured by carefully selecting information-rich participants and providing rich descriptive descriptions to accurately and completely depict a range of distinct realities that truly express participants’ lives (Guba & Lincoln, 1994 ; Polit & Beck, 2014 ). Furthermore, the following measures were implemented to ensure the trustworthiness standards established (Guba & Lincoln, 1994 ; Lincoln & Guba, 1986 ). RESULTS The research objectives are addressed through empirical findings derived from the qualitative study, emphasisng significant psychological experiences child marriage survivors face. Additionally, the study further explores the social experiences of child marriage survivors and the coping strategies employed to deal with these experiences. The results are arranged under distinct headings that align with the primary topics and are bolstered by representative quotes from the participants. Psychological Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage The first research question explored the psychological experiences of survivors of child marriage in Ghana. The analysis revealed recurring themes of depression, anxiety, sexual violence, low self-esteem, and emotional isolation. Table 1 provides a summary of the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged from the study regarding these psychological experiences. Table 1 Psychological Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage Main Theme Sub-Themes Depression Persistent sadness and despair, a sense of guilt or unworthiness, a decline in interest in once-enjoyed activities, pessimism and negative thinking, trouble making decisions, social disengagement and peer isolation, tense family relationships, irritability, and unexpected outbursts. Anxiety Insistent anxiety and concern about the future, a sense of helplessness and vulnerability, increased relationship insecurity, restlessness and difficulty relaxing, excessive rumination and overthinking, and fear of being judged and victimised. Low-Self Esteem Feelings of inadequacy and worthlessness, self-blame for their circumstances, internalised shame and stigma, failure and reluctance to try new things, inability to assert oneself, excessive dependence on others for approval, loneliness brought on by judgment or rejection, and the conviction that they are incapable of succeeding. Source: Field Data (2025) Depression Child marriage survivors expressed significant psychological lived experiences of depression, a predominant theme that emerged from the data. These include persistent sadness and despair, a sense of guilt or unworthiness, a decline in interest in once-enjoyed activities, pessimism and negative thinking, trouble making decisions, social disengagement and peer isolation, tense family relationships, irritability, and unexpected outbursts. One participant articulated this burden, stating “Some days I couldn’t get out of bed. I felt heavy, like a weight on my chest that wouldn’t go. I wondered whether this was how I'd spend the rest of my life. That thought scared me. (Participant-5). Another participant buttressed this assertion that: “After I married, I lost my sense of self. Despite performing what was expected of me, I felt empty inside. I sobbed myself to sleep many nights, but no one noticed or cared. It’s as if darkness follows me everywhere. Even after years, I still struggle to find joy.” (Participant 2). This evidence provide evidence that child marriage causes long-lasting harm and that survivors frequently struggle with depression as a result of the stress and limitations associated with early marriage. Anxiety From participants narratives, there was anxiety stemming from fears about their present circumstances and the uncertainty of the future. It was evident from participants narratives that they mostly experienced chronic worry and fear about their current and future circumstances, including concerns about health, relationships, and financial security. A participant in her narration, admitted that “I was always nervous that something horrible was about to happen. Even when things were peaceful, my heart raced, and I couldn’t breathe properly. I kept wondering what he would do next. Will I ever be safe? Every time I heard his footsteps, I started shivering. I couldn’t stop worrying about what I could have done wrong that day. The fear of his wrath never left me.” (Participant 1). Besides, another participant corroborated this assertion by adding that “I am always on edge. I can’t sleep because my mind replays events from the past and predicts future events. I feel imprisoned in an endless loop of concern. I was self-conscious about my appearance, communication, and cooking abilities. I was terrified of being judged or punished. I still feel like I’m never good enough. ” (Participant 4). Relatedly, this assertion was corroborated by another participant who added that “The feeling of anxiety did not subside after the marriage. I am concerned about my children’s future, as they may face similar experiences as I did. It feels like my mind never rests.” (Participant 3). The narratives from the participants revealed that survived child marriage frequently have ongoing worry, which is a reflection of the anxiety, uncertainty, and sense of insecurity that come with early forced marriage. Low Self-Esteem It emerged from the data that the traumatic experiences of the participants were further compounded by low self-esteem, as child marriage often deprives survivors of their sense of worth and identity. The interview with the participants further revealed that early marriage often diminishes a sense of self-worth and confidence. In support of this theme, a participant shared her experiences by highlighting “I felt inadequate for anything. My dreams and feelings were not important. It felt like I didn't matter as a person. When my family married me off, I questioned my own worth. "It made me feel small, as if I was only capable of being someone's wife.” (Participant 6). Relatedly, another participant added that “He would continually call me useless and foolish. Over time, I came to believe him. Even now, I'm not confident in myself. I always believe I'm not good enough. Despite my youth, I was pushed to feel unimportant unless I married. I lost confidence in myself and my abilities. I stopped dreaming because I didn't believe I was worth it.” (Participant 9). Another participant shared her by stating “When I looked in the mirror, I hated what I saw. I felt like I failed, despite not knowing what I did wrong. It’s difficult to feel proud of yourself when you’re treated as if you’re nothing. Being forced to marry made me feel as if I deserved nothing better. I felt powerless to change my current situation.” (Participant 11). The results indicates that child marriage robs survivors’ self-esteem and confidence, leaving many with long-lasting low self-esteem. Social Experiences Child marriage often leads to profound social experiences that further marginalise survivors and isolate them from their communities. Interviews with survivors revealed recurring themes of social stigma, alienation from family and peers, and divorce. Table 2 succinctly summarises the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged as social experiences of survivors of child marriage. Table 2 Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage Main Theme Sub-Themes Social Stigma Being called names or ridiculed, being labeled and gossiped about in the community, being shunned by neighbors and extended family, feeling guilty and alone, losing one's dignity and self-worth, having a hard time making new acquaintances or ties, and more. Alienation Avoiding peers and group activities, preferring to be by oneself over being with others, feeling undesired in one's family or community, and experiencing mockery that further distances oneself from others are all examples. Financial Dependence Anxiety about survival and the future, humiliation or embarrassment over relying on others all the time, incapacity to meet personal requirements without help, and making compromises in order to get support. Source: Field Data (2025) Social Stigma From the interview narratives of the participants, it emerged that child marriage survivors are most of the time judged or blamed for their circumstances, leading to feelings of shame and rejection. In relation to this theme, a participant shared her views by stating that “People sometimes look at me as if I did something wrong. They accuse me of being a spoiled child, despite the fact that I had no control over my experiences. After getting married, my pals stopped talking to me. They treated me differently, like I didn’t belong to them anymore. I felt like I was being punished for something I hadn’t asked for.” (Participant 8). In affirming this claim, another participant added that “After I divorced, some people in my neighbourhood began calling me names. They called me a shame and said no man would want me again. I was ashamed to leave my house. In my village, child marriage is prevalent, but if you speak up or try to leave, you are labeled as a horrible wife or disrespectful. I was hesitant to express myself for fear of being judged. ” (Participant 7). Additionally, this assertion was further substantiated by another participant who stated that “People said it was my fault that my marriage failed. They said I wasn’t a good enough wife. It hurt because I was only a child trying to survive, and no one understood. Despite my hardship, the older women in my family continuously reminded me that I was fortunate to be married. If I complained, they would call me ungrateful and embarrassment to the family.” (Participant 4). It emerged from the interview data that survivors of child marriage frequently face social stigma, rejection, and labeling, which exacerbates their psychological suffering and prevents them from integrating into society. Alienation A predominant theme that emerged from the data was alienation. Many participants expressed their experiences in relating to the isolation they had to suffer as a result of them being marriage. “My own peers have deserted me and will didn’t want to do anything with me” . (Participant 14). “ …Hmm! if there are social gatherings, I don’t feel comfortable going there” (Participant 3). My colleagues most at times mock at me, tease me and ridicule me and because of that, I’ll rather prefer to be alone that to associate myself with them” (Participant 6). It can be deduced from the encapsulated views of the participants that alienation poses a major challenge for child marriage survivors. This highlights the need for legislative initiatives that foster social participation and create support networks to reduce their feelings of loneliness. Financial Dependence The interview data further revealed that many of the child marriage survivors are not employed and depend on family members in meeting their financial obligations. This is assertion is backed by what a participant recounted thus, "I rely on my husband for basic necessities such as soap, pomade, and clothing. “If my husband does not provide me money, it will be an issue for me." (Participant 4). In addition, another participant added her experiences that, “When there’s no money at home, I go to my parents to ask for help, but they are also struggling. Sometimes, I borrow from neighbours because I don't have any of my own.” (Participant 3). Moreover, another participant agreed with this claim by adding that, “I want to help my family, but I don’t have the resources to sustain myself, let alone them. Even buying medicine for my children is dependent on if someone decides to help me.” (Participant 1). This suggests that survivors of child marriage often experience financial dependence because early marriage limits their access to educational and employment opportunities, forcing them to rely on their spouses and families for financial support. Coping Strategies Survivors of child marriage often develop coping strategies to navigate the psychological emotional, and social experiences they face. Interviews with survivors revealed that emerging themes in their strategies of coping. Among the themes that emerged include; seeking support from family, friends and community, engaging in religious or spiritual practices, and cognitive appraisal. Table 3 succinctly summarises the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged concerning the coping strategies that child marriage survivors adopt in dealing with their psychological and social experiences. Table 3 Coping Strategies Adopted by Survivors of Child Marriage in Dealing with Psychological and Social Experiences Main Theme Sub-Themes Seeking Help from Others Parents’ consolation and assurance, friends’ and family’s understanding and attention, financial support from extended family or neighbours, and a feeling of acceptance and belonging in the community. Engaging in Religious and Spiritual Practices Prayers for strength and healing on a personal level, attendance at church, mosque, or other religious events, hymn singing, and rituals as a source of tranquility. Coping Appraisal Reframing one’s value beyond victimhood, seeing surviving as a sign of strength, and seeing trauma as a challenge rather than a permanent setback. Source: Field Data (2025) Seeking Support from Family Members, Friends and Community Seeking support from family members, friends and community emerged as a prominent theme, with survivors emphasising it as a way to rebuild their lives, and finding strength in the solidarity from relatives who offer encouragement and support. Participants believed that such support ensure that they are able to understand and accept that despite what they are going through, their situation can change and hope can be rebuilt. In support of this theme, a participant shared her views as that, “When it became too much to bear, I finally told my mother.” She assured me that I was not alone and that we would definitely find a solution to the problem. Her encouragement gave me the strength to keep going. I also found a group of ladies in my community who shared similar experiences. Talking to them helped me feel less isolated. “They reminded me that I wasn't alone in my suffering.” (Participant 21). “… Talking to them helped me feel less isolated. They reminded me that I wasn’t alone in my suffering. My best friend was my lifeline. She listened without judgment and reminded me of my worth, even when I felt humiliated to disclose my struggles. My brother supported me when no one else did. He told me I deserved better and encouraged me to quit the marriage. "Having his support made a huge difference.” (Participant 17). This insight emphasise the need to strengthen family, peer, and community support systems through counselling services, community awareness programmes and social network to enhance the psychological and social well-being of child marriage survivors. Engaging in Religious and Spiritual Practices It is important to underscore that some of the participants resorted to religious or spiritual practices such as prayer, meditation and fasting, so as to find solace and hope amidst their struggles as found in the interview. In line with this theme, a participant shared her experiences as she stated, “I prayed every night, begging God for the fortitude to bear the suffering. It was the only thing that brought me comfort when everything seemed hopeless. Fasting also increased my spiritual connection with God. It helped me gain clarity and strength for the day ahead. It convinced me that there was yet hope for a better future.” (Participant 10). This assertion is further corroborated by another participant as she narrates, “Whenever I felt overwhelmed, I would sit quietly and meditate on biblical scriptures. It comforted me and reassured me that God was looking over me, even as I suffered. Prayer has been my armor. I will close my eyes, cry, and express what I am feeling to God. After doing this, I felt as if He was the only one who actually understood my suffering.” (Participant 19). Similarly, another participant substantiated this claim by stating that: “I’ll light a candle and sit quietly, praying for guidance. It was my way of finding serenity and reminding myself that everything has a higher purpose. Attending religious services helped me cope. Being surrounded by people who shared my beliefs provided me a sense of belonging and reassured me that I wasn't alone.” (Participant 8). This highlights the importance of integrating religious and spiritual support systems such as faith-based counselling, partnerships with religious institutions that promote the psychological and social well-being of child marriage survivors. Cognitive appraisal Survivors often engage in cognitive, reframing their experiences and focusing on personal growth or future opportunities despite their experiences as the interview data reported. A participant narrated her views as she stated that, “I kept reminding myself that this scenario would not last forever. I attempted to concentrate on the small things I could control, such as gaining new talents or finding moments of tranquility throughout my day. I opted to view my experience as a lesson. It was awful, but I convinced myself that it would strengthen me and that one day, I would be able to help others in similar situations.” (Participant 11). Similarly, another participant substantiated this claim by that, “Whenever I felt hopeless, I reminded myself that I had overcome obstacles that many others could not. That thinking gave me the strength to keep going, even on the most difficult days. I began to view my marriage as a challenge rather than a source of identity. It helped me stay focused on seeking solutions rather than feeling stuck.” (Participant 2). To further substantiate this claim, another participant recounted her views by adding that, “I reminded myself that my life did not have to end with this marriage. I began to fantasize about a future in which I could be independent and happy, and this kept me going. Even when things were difficult, I tried to see the bright side. I persuaded myself that at least I was still alive and fighting. That perspective made me believe that things may improve.” (Participant 10). This highlights the necessity for support programs aimed at helping child marriage survivors to address their psychological and social challenges. These programs should incorporate cognitive appraisal techniques, such as resilience training, problem-solving skills, and constructive coping strategies. DISCUSSION The study explored the psychological and social experiences, and the various strategies these survivors employ to cope with their experiences. It emerged from the study that most child marriage survivors experienced psychological experiences in the form of depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. This is alluded to by the encapsuled views of some participants who empahasised these from their narratives. “Some days I couldn’t get out of bed. I felt heavy, like a weight on my chest that wouldn’t go. I wondered whether this was how I'd spend the rest of my life. That thought scared me. (Participant 5). This is further asserted to by another participant who had this to say, “ Will I ever be safe? Every time I heard his footsteps, I started shivering. I couldn’t stop worrying about what I could have done wrong that day. The fear of his wrath never left me.” (Participant 1). This assertion resonates what one of the participants shared, “He would continually call me useless and foolish. Over time, I came to believe him. Even now, I'm not confident in myself. I always believe I'm not good enough.” (Participant 9). These findings corroborate with the findings of Le Strat et al. ( 2011 ) who posit that survivors of child marriage mostly develop depression and anxiety as a result of the demands of early marital duties, limited autonomy, and exposure to domestic abuse. In a related opinion, Kidman ( 2017 ) further substantiated this assertion that child marriage entails sexual assault, coercion, or marital rape, which can result in post-traumatic stress disorder, leading to flashbacks, emotional numbness, and difficulties in developing healthy relationships. Additionally, from the data, it was observed that a substantial number of the child marriage survivors suffer from social experiences resulting from social stigma, alienation from family, peers and friends, highlighted by the excerpts of their narratives. This is affirmed by one of the participants who had this to say “… People sometimes look at me as if I did something wrong. They accuse me of being a spoiled child, despite the fact that I had no control over my experiences. After getting married, my pals stopped talking to me. They treated me differently, like I didn’t belong to them anymore. I felt like I was being punished for something I hadn’t asked for.” (Participant 8). Relatedly, another participant buttressed this claim that “ …Hmm! if there are social gatherings, I don’t feel comfortable going there” (Participant 3). Besides, a participant attested to assertion that “ My colleagues most at times mock at me, tease me and ridicule me and because of that, I’ll rather prefer to be alone that to associate myself with them” (Participant 6). This augment is in agreement with a study conducted on child marriage prevalence which reported that many child brides endure societal stigma, particularly if they are abandoned, divorced, or widowed at a young age (Girls Not Brides, 2022). In most instances, these victims find it difficult to freely and openly participate in community activities, making it difficult for them to reintegrate into society and access support networks. In addition, the data revealed further that these participants in most instances rely on others for financial support due to their inability to further their education and gain employment as indicated in their descriptions. A participant shared her experiences as "I rely on my husband for basic necessities such as soap, pomade, and clothing. “If my husband does not provide me money, it will be an issue for me." (Participant 4). In addition, another participant added her experiences that, “When there’s no money at home, I go to my parents to ask for help, but they are also struggling. Sometimes, I borrow from neighbours because I don't have any of my own.” (Participant 3). This finding affirms the findings of Parsons et al. ( 2015 ), which testified that child marriage is the main cause of school dropout for girls, and survivors are mostly forced to quit school, limiting their potential to acquire employable skills, knowledge, and economic independence, perpetuating cycles of poverty and reliance. This finding is further authenticated by the United Nations Children’s Fund (2014) report which posit that limited education and access to employment possibilities leave survivors monetarily dependent on their spouses or family. This dependence limits their negotiating power inside the household and makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Finally, another important theme that emerged from the data is the coping strategies adopted by child marriage survivors in navigating their psychological and social experiences. The study revealed that most survivors of child marriage use support from families, friends and community, engage in religious or spiritual practices, employ cognitive appraisal such as reframing their experiences and focusing on personal growth or future opportunities to cope with their psychological and social consequences. In support of this theme, one of the participants recounted that, “I prayed every night, begging God for the fortitude to bear the suffering. It was the only thing that brought me comfort when everything seemed hopeless. Fasting also increased my spiritual connection with God. It helped me gain clarity and strength for the day ahead. It convinced me that there was yet hope for a better future.” (Participant 10). To substantiate this claim, another participant added her views as “Whenever I felt overwhelmed, I would sit quietly and meditate on biblical scriptures. It comforted me and reassured me that God was looking over me, even as I suffered. Prayer has been my armor. I will close my eyes, cry, and express what I am feeling to God. After doing this, I felt as if He was the only one who actually understood my suffering.” (Participant 19). These findings are consistent with Parsons et al. ( 2015 ) who reported that child marriage survivors who may get help from local non-governmental organisations or women’s groups normally receive psychosocial counselling and mental health care, which helps them process their trauma and restore confidence. This is consistent with Bronfenbrenner Ecological Model, which position the child at the centre, where social relationships promote social stability and are necessary for good mental and psychosocial well-being of the child. Furthermore, the United Nations Children’s Fund (2014) report also indicated that child marriage survivors in many cultures, seek solace and resilience through religious or spiritual traditions such as prayer, meditation, and participation in faith-based community activities which give them emotional comfort and hope. CONCLUSION In conclusion, this study sought to gain a deeper knowledge of the psychological and social difficulties that survivors of child marriage face on a daily basis, as well as the coping strategies they frequently use to address these difficulties. The study found that child marriage has serious psychological repercussions that come from societal norms and institutional inequalities, such as depression, anxiety, sexual violence, and low self-esteem. In addition, survivors of child marriage face significant social barriers that restrict their autonomy and general well-being, including financial dependence, estrangement, and stigma. It is therefore recommended that social welfare, Action Aid Ghana and “Songtaagba”, an NGO who are advocates of child rights to promote legal reforms to promote reintegration, reduce stigma, and empower survivors to live independently. Finally, the study discovered that the majority of child marriage survivors rely on emotion-focused coping and support from friends, family, and community organisations to manage their social and psychological consequences. RECOMMENDATIONS In order to inform and help child marriage survivors restore their sense of self and increase their self-esteem, the study recommends that a concerted effort be made to implement individual counseling and psychoeducation programmes, with an emphasis on mental health support, legal protections, education, and community sensitisation. Additionally, the study suggests that in order to achieve long-term financial empowerment, child marriage survivors should be offered skill development training programmes including weaving, bead making, and soap making. Limitations of the Study Despite its valuable contributions, the study has some limitations. The sample consisted of 21 child marriage survivors from three districts in the North East Region of Ghana, where child marriage is predominant. While this sample is sufficient for the analysis, however, it may not fully represent the diverse child marriage survivor population across different regions in the country. Future studies could address this limitation by including a larger and more diverse sample to enhance a comprehensive understanding of the findings. Therefore, the findings of this study may be peculiar to child marriage survivors in these districts. Besides, due to the small sample size, the findings cannot be generalised as being the general reflection of all child marriage survivors in other districts of Ghana. Moreover, the primary mode of data collection for the study was interview, and triangulation could not be guaranteed, as these could potentially resort to social desirability from the participants. Implications for Policy Formulation and Direction Culturally sensitive campaigns education programmes can aid in altering societal attitudes that support child marriage. To provide a thorough, multi-sectoral response to child marriage and its aftermath, the institutions of health, education, justice, and social welfare should work together. Policies should prioritise accessible mental health care since survivors often experience trauma, sadness, or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), particularly in underserved or rural locations. Additionally, programmes should incorporate peer support, counselling, and community reintegration initiatives to assist survivors in their lives, as they frequently experience social isolation and stigma. In order to promote financial independence, policies might also support job placement services, microcredit, and vocational training. In order to develop more adaptable and empowering programmes, it is also important to integrate the lived experiences of child marriage survivors into the formulation, execution, and assessment of policies. Implications for Counselling Practice To help survivors deal with hopelessness, anxiety, and sexual assault, counsellors who work with survivors of child marriage should place a high priority on trauma-informed care, resilience building, and enlisting social support. Counsellors can help child marriage survivors heal and maintain their long-term health by empowering them, resolving their psychological problems, and enhancing their social connections. It is important to stress that in order to provide comprehensive support, holistic and culturally sensitive approaches are needed, in addition to systemic change advocacy. Counsellors must be aware of and sufficiently equipped to handle relapses and re-traumatisation when survivors recall earlier experiences because many of the impacts of child marriage are permanent. Additionally, since PTSD, anxiety, and depression are all symptoms of trauma, counsellors must employ trauma-informed practices that put safety, reliability, and empowerment first. Finally, while these support groups for survivors may be very helpful in reducing isolation, counsellors should assist in reestablishing social networks and cultivating wholesome relationships. Declarations Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Education, Winneba. The research was conducted in accordance with the guidelines and ethical standards of the University of Education, Winneba IRB. All procedures involving human participants were performed in compliance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 2024 Helsinki declaration on research involving human participants. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before data collection. Participants were informed of the study’s purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any time without penalty. Confidentiality of participants’ data was strictly maintained throughout the study. Consent for Publication Not applicable. The study did not include any identifiable personal data, multimedia content, or sensitive materials requiring individual publication consent. Competing Interests The author declare that he has no known competing interests of financial, personal, or otherwise that could have influenced the outcomes or interpretations of this study. Funding This research was completely self-funded by the author. No external grants, sponsorships, or institutional financial contributions were obtained. The independence and objectivity of the study were fully upheld throughout the research process. Author Contribution J N conceived and designed the study, wrote the main manuscript text and prepared figures. He also reviewed the manuscript. Acknowledgement The author expresses sincere appreciation to all the survivors of child marriage participants who participated in this study. I am also grateful to my team of research assistants for their invaluable support in data collection and assisted with data interpretation. Data Availability The datasets generated and analysed during the current study on Suffering in Silence: Psychological and Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage in the North East are available from the corresponding author, John N-yelbi, upon reasonable request. 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07:47:45","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":1082198,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7764375/v1/b548b64d-23bd-4ac5-a316-68399879f96f.pdf"},{"id":94623768,"identity":"0258415f-5e31-48b1-91be-2192edd9b463","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2025-10-29 04:19:37","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"supplement","size":143280,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"INTERVIEWGUIDEFORPSCYHOLOGICALANDSOCIALEXPERIENCESOFCHILDMARRIAGESURVIVORS.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7764375/v1/ee195e823493b262572d29b8.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Suffering in Silence: Psychological and Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage in the North East Region of Ghana","fulltext":[{"header":"INTRODUCTION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe menace of child marriage is a global phenomenon deeply engrained in numerous cultures and remains a critical and sensitive problem that has widely attracted the attention of all. Child marriage is defined as a legal or informal partnership in which a girl lives with a spouse before the age of 18 (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2025). United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) report estimates that almost 700\u0026nbsp;million women marry before the age of 18. It is also widespread in the Middle East, North Africa, the West, and South Africa (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2023). According to a United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) report, child marriage occurs at a rate of 9% in South America, 5% in the Middle East and North Africa, 44% in South Asia, and 18% in Sub-Saharan Africa. Similarly,\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn many parts of the world, marriage also entails the bride moving to a new home and neighbourhood, as well as the formation of new social networks, which can worsen the mental health consequences of child marriage (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2014). Child marriage also reduces girls\u0026rsquo; assets and resources by limiting their access to education. The United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2017) defines psychosocial obstacles for survivors of child marriage as difficulties that influence both their psychological well-being and social functioning. These difficulties stem from the physical, mental, and social demands associated with early marriage, which are frequently marked by limited personal autonomy, disturbed development, and exposure to undesirable circumstances.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, survivors frequently suffer from mental health concerns such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and low self-esteem as a result of emotional abuse, a lack of support, early exposure to marital roles, and, in many cases, domestic violence (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, child marriage survivors are frequently isolated from their peers, have restricted access to school and employment possibilities, and endure stigma, especially if their marriage fails or has issues such as divorce or domestic abuse. These obstacles limit their ability to build helpful relationships and perform effectively in their communities (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to research, girls who married when they were young also had a far higher lifetime risk of receiving treatment for mental illnesses, with antisocial personality disorder being one of the most common (Sajid et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Additionally, Burgess et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e) found that psychological effects of child marriage have been previously identified in the literature as depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation and attempts, and emotional distress triggered when accompanied by other factors like poverty, intimate partner violence, social isolation, childbirth consequences, compromised self-esteem, and diminished autonomy. Additionally, young girls who marry are expected to play a number of roles, such as mother, housewife, daughter-in-law, and wife. This can be emotionally and mentally taxing for them because they lack the maturity and skills necessary to manage their social, familial, economic, and personal relationships, which can lead to the development of complexes and fears that last a lifetime (Aggarwal et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e; Morrow et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eUnited Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2020) report indicates that Ghana is a home to over 2\u0026nbsp;million child brides and one in five young women were married or in union before their 18th birthday. This report further indicates that North East Region is the highest ranked region in Ghana, highlighting the need for further research to curb it. In Ghana, various factors, including social norms, protection against teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted illnesses, and poverty, have been identified as drivers of child marriage (de Groot et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). One of the key underlying causes of the practice is gender inequality, which originates from societal constructs of gender and sexuality. Global statistics show that, while boys are often pushed into child marriages, the majority of child weddings involve young girls (Ahonsi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e). Child marriage violates the rights of its survivors because most of them are coerced by physical or sexual threats, abuse, and psychological pressure (Women Living Under Muslim Laws, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) recognises the individual\u0026rsquo;s right to provide free and full consent to marriage as a universal right. Consent may not be regarded as \u0026ldquo;free and full\u0026rdquo; when at least one partner is very young and coerced (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2014). Additionally, Ghana\u0026rsquo;s Marriages Act prohibits both male and female marriages before the legal age of 18 years (de Groot et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). Global estimates of child marriage suggest that 650\u0026nbsp;million women alive now were married before the age of 18 (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), while around 250\u0026nbsp;million were married before the age of 15, accounting for more than one in every three females (Sarfo et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Approximately one-third of the world's most recently married girls live in Sub-Saharan Africa.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eChild marriage is unlawful in Ghana, and successive governments have made deliberate attempts to curb it. A child\u0026rsquo;s right to refuse and be free from marriage has been established in a number of international and regional accords to which Ghana has agreed. According to the Ghana Statistical Service (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), 5% of Ghanaian women marry before the age of 15, while 19.3% marry by the age of 18. More females are impacted in Ghana\u0026rsquo;s three northern regions, where one in every three girls (34%) is under the age of 18. According to the United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2014) study, around 21% of child marriages happened before the age of 18, while approximately 5% occurred before the age of fifteen. Compared to girls, just 2.3% of boys marry by the age of 18 (Ahonsi et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; de Groot et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e), highlighting the gender gap.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThere is substantial evidence that survivors of child marriage mostly develop depression and anxiety as a result of the demands of early marital duties, limited autonomy, and exposure to domestic abuse (Le Strat et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). The authors also stated that early marriage impairs educational and personal growth, leaving survivors feeling imprisoned and depressed. In a related view, Kidman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) confirmed that child marriage entails sexual assault, coercion, or marital rape, which can result in post-traumatic stress disorder which causes flashbacks, emotional numbness, and difficulties in developing healthy relationships.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAccording to research, child marriage is one of the main causes of school dropout for girls, and survivors are mostly forced to quit school, limiting their potential to acquire skills, knowledge, and economic independence, perpetuating cycles of poverty and reliance (Parsons et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, the United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2014) discovered that limited education and access to employment possibilities leave survivors monetarily dependent on their spouses or family. This dependence limits their negotiating power inside the household and makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Studies have also shown that many child brides endure societal stigma, particularly if they are abandoned, divorced, or widowed at a young age. They may be excluded from their communities, making it difficult for them to reintegrate into society and access support networks (Girls Not Brides, 2022). Furthermore, child brides are more likely to experience intimate partner abuse due to power imbalances in their marriages, which isolates them socially and exacerbates their psychological anguish (Kidman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eResearch has further shown that survivors of child marriage most at times seek emotional support from family members, friends, and community groups (Kidman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). In most of these cases, social support is essential for coping with depression, anxiety, and trauma; when survivors connect with peers who have gone through similar situations, they can minimise feelings of isolation and develop a sense of solidarity. Research has indicated that child marriage survivors in many cultures seek solace and resilience through religious or spiritual traditions such as prayer, meditation, and participation in faith-based community activities can all bring emotional comfort and hope (United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund, 2014).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eMoreover, child marriage survivors who may get help from local non-governmental organisations or women\u0026rsquo;s groups normally receive psychosocial counselling and mental health care, which helps them process their trauma and restore confidence (Parsons et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). The authors continue that some survivors utilise cognitive reappraisal, a type of emotion-focused coping, to reinterpret their experiences, finding significance in their problems, redefining their roles as mothers or husbands, or focusing on their personal growth despite the obstacles. It is clear that many survivors want to resume their education or engage in vocational training programmes, which are frequently sponsored by non-governmental organisations and government initiatives (Parsons et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBesides, participating in community groups or women\u0026rsquo;s networks allows survivors to share their stories, learn from others, and lobby for change. Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2014) report suggest that peer networks can provide emotional and social support to survivors, allowing them to reconstruct their lives. Also, economic dependency is a key societal barrier for child marriage survivors, but microfinance programmes and business training can help them boost their income levels, establish independence, and lessen their vulnerability to exploitation (Raj et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Kidman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) posit that speaking up publicly can provide people a sense of agency and purpose while also tackling systemic concerns such as child marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhile United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e) studies reported the Northern region to be one of the regions with the highest rates of child marriage in Ghana, the latest statistics from the United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2025) found the North East Region to have recorded the highest child marriage cases. This finding has caught the attention of many stakeholders and has piqued the interest of the researcher to explore further into this phenomenon and to propose target recommendations for policy direction and formulation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eResearch Questions\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe following questions were formulated to guide the study:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003col\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhat are the psychological experiences of survivors of child marriage in the North East Region?\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eWhat are the social experiences of survivors of child marriage in the North East Region?\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn which way do child marriage survivors in the North East Region cope with their psychological and social experiences?\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eTheoretical Review\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis research is hinged on Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e) ecological system of thought and Folkman and Lazarus (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e) theory of stress and coping. According to Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s ecology of human development theory (1979), human development is a time-dependent process in which the developing individual and the local environment impact each other. Bronfenbrenner (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e) offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the different factors that influence child development, including social experiences of child marriage. This idea holds that a child\u0026rsquo;s development is influenced by various layers of environmental systems that interact with one another (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e). It is noteworthy that development occurs through a series of reciprocal interactions between an individual and the people, things, and symbols in their immediate environment (Bronfenbrenner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e). The study of human experience is inextricably linked to the family, social structure, and situations in which individuals interact. According to this hypothesis, children\u0026rsquo;s growth is influenced by their environment. According to Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s ecological theory, a child is at the centre of a constantly evolving system. All of these contexts are the surroundings that contain the individual.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSource: Adopted from Bronfenbrenner (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e) Ecological Model\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study employed this theory because it provides the framework for (a) understanding the nature of the social context of survivors of child marriage, (b) understanding the individual in context, and (c) designing interventions that focus on the environmental or social factors that influence the development and well-being of child marriage survivors, rather than the individual only. Bronfenbrenner\u0026rsquo;s theory is relevant to the study because of its social networks, relationships, and support systems that exist to benefit the individual and the community. Social relationships promote social stability and are necessary for good mental and psychosocial well-being. It is important to emphasise that the child is the individual at the centre of the interactions among the many interacting subsystems, and the individual may or may not be aware of being influenced by the recursive interactions that exist between these subsystems. Bronfenbrenner's ecological model helps to understand child marriage by examining the various nested systems and units in society that contribute to its continued practice.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFurthermore, Lazarus and Folkman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e) theory of stress and coping provides an important framework for understanding how survivors of child marriage deal with their psychosocial issues. The theory proposes two main coping strategies: problem-focused and emotion-focused. Survivors of child marriage who adopted problem-solving strategies may pursue education or vocational training to achieve financial independence, or they may seek assistance from social welfare or advocacy organizations to leave abusive or restrictive environments. This style of coping is goal-oriented and entails intentional efforts to directly affect the cause of stress (Lazarus \u0026amp; Folkman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition, emotion-focused coping is done when people belief the unpleasant situation is unchangeable. As a result, survivors may engage in strategies to help regulate their emotional responses to their situation. This can include seeking social or emotional support from friends or family, engaging in religious or spiritual activities for solace, or cognitively reevaluating their circumstances in search of purpose or acceptance. These strategies assist survivors in coping with their experiences (Lazarus \u0026amp; Folkman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1984\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"METHODOLOGY","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec5\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eResearch Design\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe researcher approached the study qualitatively, using descriptive phenomenology as the research design. Survivors of child marriage used a variety of coping mechanisms, giving them a new opportunity to live in a new environment in which their prior circumstances are less significant. The process of acquiring new coping methods and managing the changes required by the new lessons that child marriage brings is an experience worth exploring. In doing so, the researcher prioritised depth over breadth, focusing on fewer child marriage survivors whose experiences could be applied to other similar cases. In view of this, qualitative phenomenological design seemed ideal. This design allowed the researcher to convey child marriage survivors\u0026rsquo; experiences and the phenomenon as they lived it while maintaining the \u0026ldquo;voice\u0026rdquo; of the participants in the research without divorcing their viewpoint through analysis (Giorgi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eSample Size and Sampling Technique\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe sample size for the study comprised 21 married girls aged between 12\u0026ndash;17 years from three districts in the North East Region of Ghana who voluntarily consented to participate in the study. A pool of participants was established and through purposive sampling and snowballing techniques, the participants were recruited to participate in the study. According to the purposive principles proposed by Shaheen and Pradhan (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), the researcher made selections about which individuals to include in the sample based on factors such as lettered and could express themselves in the English Language, years of marriage, knowledge and experience with child marriage. Child marriage survivors assisted with referrals, and the researcher recruited study participants through snowballing. The researcher sampled child marriage survivors who were lettered and could express themselves in the English Language. This figure is considered sufficient for phenomenological research (Creswell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Denzin \u0026amp; Lincoln, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). After interviewing nineteen people and noticing that the data began to duplicate (Hennink \u0026amp; Kaiser, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), the researcher interviewed two more participants to see whether new themes could emerge. When the researcher realised that all insights into the phenomenon had been exhausted and there was no new emerging topic, they stopped collecting data due to data saturation.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eInstrumentation\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe interview used to collect data was developed for this study (ref. attached). After the interview guide was constructed, it was piloted on a sample size of 8 participants with similar characteristics who were not part of the targeted sample for the study. After piloting, amendments were made to some of the initial interview questions before using it to collect data on the targeted sample for the study. The use of semi-structured interviews was well-justified for a phenomenological study, as it allowed participants to express their thoughts and feelings freely while also guiding the conversation to cover specific thematic areas relevant to the research questions. Each interview lasted approximately 35 minutes and was conducted in a comfortable setting chosen by the participants to encourage openness and rapport. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants\u0026rsquo; consent and subsequently transcribed verbatim for analysis, ensuring accuracy and completeness of the raw data.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Collection Procedure\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe researcher used a semi-structured interview to gather data for the study. The researcher did not fully adhere to the formalised list of questions established during semi-structured interviews (Gray et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e; Rubin \u0026amp; Rubin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). When additional remarks were made, open-ended questions were employed to get further insights into the topic (Addai-Mununkum \u0026amp; Setordzi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). An interview strategy was developed to guide the investigation, which helped to better characterise the phenomenon without the possibility of any questionable responses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Analysis\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe data generated includes extended hours of interview data recorded in audio format. The researcher manually transcribed the data. During the transcribing, the researcher highlighted major areas of the data that addressed certain study questions using different highlighters. The researcher used a seven-step process to analyse the data, which included familiarisation, identifying significant statements (coding), formulating meaning, clustering themes, developing an exhaustive description, producing a fundamental structure, and seeking verification of the fundamental structure (Glaser \u0026amp; Laudel, 2013; Jones, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). These processes were completed iteratively, with the findings derived and discussed subsequently. The analysis process involved six steps as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2013). This involves:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003col\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eFamiliarisation with the Data\u003c/b\u003e: Initially, the researcher transcribed all audio-recorded interviews verbatim to ensure accuracy. This step was crucial for immersing oneself in the data, allowing for a comprehensive understanding of the participants' perspectives.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eGenerating Initial Codes\u003c/b\u003e: The researcher systematically coded the data by identifying significant phrases and concepts that emerged during the interviews. This involved highlighting relevant excerpts that pertained to retirement perceptions, financial concerns, healthcare issues, and social integration.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eSearching for Themes\u003c/b\u003e: After coding, the researcher grouped related codes into broader themes that captured the essence of participants\u0026rsquo; experiences. This step involved examining how different codes could be combined to form overarching themes reflecting the various dimensions of retirement perceptions and the impacts of pre-retirement planning.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eReviewing Themes\u003c/b\u003e: The identified themes were then reviewed and refined to ensure they accurately represented the data. This involved checking whether the themes worked in relation to both the coded extracts and the entire dataset, ensuring consistency and coherence.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eDefining and Naming Themes\u003c/b\u003e: Each theme was clearly defined and named to reflect its content succinctly. This step included articulating what each theme represented in relation to the research questions.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eWriting Up\u003c/b\u003e: Finally, the themes were integrated into a narrative that conveyed a comprehensive understanding of how Basic school teachers in Ghana perceive retirement and how pre-retirement planning and counselling programmes influence these perceptions. The findings were contextualised within existing literature to highlight their significance.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e To ensure the integrity of the participants\u0026rsquo; experiences and draw meaningful conclusions from the data, care was taken throughout the process to ensure their voices were accurately represented. This careful approach enhanced the transparency and legitimacy of the study\u0026rsquo;s analytical framework. The researcher serves as the primary instrument in interpretive research. While methodical procedures were adhered to, achieving methodological rigor necessitates a heightened self-awareness regarding the potential effects on data interpretation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eEthical Considerations\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e The study was conducted in compliance with ethical standards and principles of University of Education, Winneba Institutional Review Board (IRB). Also, the research strictly adhered to the World Medical Association of Helsinki Declaration (2024) of ethical principles for research involving human data. Due to the sensitivity of the research, permission was sought from the Department of Social Welfare in the North East region of Ghana which is the statutory agency responsible for the protection of vulnerable children including married adolescents in the research setting. Prior the commencement of the data collection process, all the participants were provided with adequate information on the aims, methods, anticipated benefits, and potential risks as well as any potential conflict of interest. The ethical clearance process confirmed that the study\u0026rsquo;s design, instruments, data handling procedures, and consent processes adhered to Helsinki Declaration standards for safeguarding participants\u0026rsquo; rights and well-being. Participants were explicitly informed, through both verbal communication and a written consent form, that their participation was entirely voluntary. Furthermore, participants were reassured that they could withdraw from the study at any time without facing any repercussions. The participants voluntarily consented to participate in the study by giving their informed consent and throughout the research process, confidentiality was maintained, participants\u0026rsquo; identities were anonymised by using pseudonyms, and encrypting research data to prevent unauthorised access.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eConfidentiality and anonymity were guaranteed, ensuring that no personally identifying information, such as names, email addresses, or phone numbers, were collected during the study. All data were securely stored in a password-protected file, accessible only to the researcher. The final report omitted any quotes or individual-level data that could potentially identify participants indirectly, thus further safeguarding their privacy. The ethical guidelines strengthened participants\u0026rsquo; trust in the study\u0026rsquo;s overall credibility, authenticity, and accuracy. The researcher spent close to four months in the districts collecting the data, checking members, and conducting peer debriefings to confirm the research\u0026rsquo;s authenticity. At the conclusion of the interview, each participant received a token of GH₵135.00, which was comparable to \u003cspan\u003e$\u003c/span\u003e12.35 at the time of the study, to cover their time and travel expenses.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eTrustworthiness and Rigor\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo assure the dependability of the research findings, the researcher maintained an audit trail that documented major study-related activities. Also to guarantee transferability, the researcher provided in this report a detailed description of the phenomenon under study (Stahl \u0026amp; King, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). This was done to contextually situate the study and help readers gain an adequate understanding of the phenomenon described in the researcher\u0026rsquo;s report to those that may or may not have emerged in the situation. Authenticity was ensured by carefully selecting information-rich participants and providing rich descriptive descriptions to accurately and completely depict a range of distinct realities that truly express participants\u0026rsquo; lives (Guba \u0026amp; Lincoln, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e; Polit \u0026amp; Beck, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, the following measures were implemented to ensure the trustworthiness standards established (Guba \u0026amp; Lincoln, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e; Lincoln \u0026amp; Guba, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1986\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"RESULTS","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe research objectives are addressed through empirical findings derived from the qualitative study, emphasisng significant psychological experiences child marriage survivors face. Additionally, the study further explores the social experiences of child marriage survivors and the coping strategies employed to deal with these experiences. The results are arranged under distinct headings that align with the primary topics and are bolstered by representative quotes from the participants.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003ePsychological Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe first research question explored the psychological experiences of survivors of child marriage in Ghana. The analysis revealed recurring themes of depression, anxiety, sexual violence, low self-esteem, and emotional isolation. Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e provides a summary of the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged from the study regarding these psychological experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003ePsychological Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMain Theme\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSub-Themes\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eDepression\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePersistent sadness and despair, a sense of guilt or unworthiness, a decline in interest in once-enjoyed activities, pessimism and negative thinking, trouble making decisions, social disengagement and peer isolation, tense family relationships, irritability, and unexpected outbursts.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnxiety\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eInsistent anxiety and concern about the future, a sense of helplessness and vulnerability, increased relationship insecurity, restlessness and difficulty relaxing, excessive rumination and overthinking, and fear of being judged and victimised.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eLow-Self Esteem\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFeelings of inadequacy and worthlessness, self-blame for their circumstances, internalised shame and stigma, failure and reluctance to try new things, inability to assert oneself, excessive dependence on others for approval, loneliness brought on by judgment or rejection, and the conviction that they are incapable of succeeding.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003ctfoot\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"2\"\u003eSource: Field Data (2025)\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tfoot\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eDepression\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eChild marriage survivors expressed significant psychological lived experiences of depression, a predominant theme that emerged from the data. These include persistent sadness and despair, a sense of guilt or unworthiness, a decline in interest in once-enjoyed activities, pessimism and negative thinking, trouble making decisions, social disengagement and peer isolation, tense family relationships, irritability, and unexpected outbursts. One participant articulated this burden, stating \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Some days I couldn\u0026rsquo;t get out of bed. I felt heavy, like a weight on my chest that wouldn\u0026rsquo;t go. I wondered whether this was how I'd spend the rest of my life. That thought scared me.\u003c/em\u003e (Participant-5). Another participant buttressed this assertion that: \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;After I married, I lost my sense of self. Despite performing what was expected of me, I felt empty inside. I sobbed myself to sleep many nights, but no one noticed or cared. It\u0026rsquo;s as if darkness follows me everywhere. Even after years, I still struggle to find joy.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 2). This evidence provide evidence that child marriage causes long-lasting harm and that survivors frequently struggle with depression as a result of the stress and limitations associated with early marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAnxiety\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom participants narratives, there was anxiety stemming from fears about their present circumstances and the uncertainty of the future. It was evident from participants narratives that they mostly experienced chronic worry and fear about their current and future circumstances, including concerns about health, relationships, and financial security. A participant in her narration, admitted that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I was always nervous that something horrible was about to happen. Even when things were peaceful, my heart raced, and I couldn\u0026rsquo;t breathe properly. I kept wondering what he would do next. Will I ever be safe? Every time I heard his footsteps, I started shivering. I couldn\u0026rsquo;t stop worrying about what I could have done wrong that day. The fear of his wrath never left me.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 1). Besides, another participant corroborated this assertion by adding that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I am always on edge. I can\u0026rsquo;t sleep because my mind replays events from the past and predicts future events. I feel imprisoned in an endless loop of concern. I was self-conscious about my appearance, communication, and cooking abilities. I was terrified of being judged or punished. I still feel like I\u0026rsquo;m never good enough.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; (Participant 4). Relatedly, this assertion was corroborated by another participant who added that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;The feeling of anxiety did not subside after the marriage. I am concerned about my children\u0026rsquo;s future, as they may face similar experiences as I did. It feels like my mind never rests.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 3). The narratives from the participants revealed that survived child marriage frequently have ongoing worry, which is a reflection of the anxiety, uncertainty, and sense of insecurity that come with early forced marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eLow Self-Esteem\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eIt emerged from the data that the traumatic experiences of the participants were further compounded by low self-esteem, as child marriage often deprives survivors of their sense of worth and identity. The interview with the participants further revealed that early marriage often diminishes a sense of self-worth and confidence. In support of this theme, a participant shared her experiences by highlighting \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I felt inadequate for anything. My dreams and feelings were not important. It felt like I didn't matter as a person. When my family married me off, I questioned my own worth. \"It made me feel small, as if I was only capable of being someone's wife.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 6). Relatedly, another participant added that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;He would continually call me useless and foolish. Over time, I came to believe him. Even now, I'm not confident in myself. I always believe I'm not good enough. Despite my youth, I was pushed to feel unimportant unless I married. I lost confidence in myself and my abilities. I stopped dreaming because I didn't believe I was worth it.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 9). Another participant shared her by stating \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When I looked in the mirror, I hated what I saw. I felt like I failed, despite not knowing what I did wrong. It\u0026rsquo;s difficult to feel proud of yourself when you\u0026rsquo;re treated as if you\u0026rsquo;re nothing. Being forced to marry made me feel as if I deserved nothing better. I felt powerless to change my current situation.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 11). The results indicates that child marriage robs survivors\u0026rsquo; self-esteem and confidence, leaving many with long-lasting low self-esteem.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSocial Experiences\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eChild marriage often leads to profound social experiences that further marginalise survivors and isolate them from their communities. Interviews with survivors revealed recurring themes of social stigma, alienation from family and peers, and divorce. Table\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab2\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e2\u003c/span\u003e succinctly summarises the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged as social experiences of survivors of child marriage.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eSocial Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMain Theme\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSub-Themes\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSocial Stigma\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eBeing called names or ridiculed, being labeled and gossiped about in the community, being shunned by neighbors and extended family, feeling guilty and alone, losing one's dignity and self-worth, having a hard time making new acquaintances or ties, and more.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAlienation\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAvoiding peers and group activities, preferring to be by oneself over being with others, feeling undesired in one's family or community, and experiencing mockery that further distances oneself from others are all examples.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eFinancial Dependence\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eAnxiety about survival and the future, humiliation or embarrassment over relying on others all the time, incapacity to meet personal requirements without help, and making compromises in order to get support.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003ctfoot\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"2\"\u003eSource: Field Data (2025)\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tfoot\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSocial Stigma\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eFrom the interview narratives of the participants, it emerged that child marriage survivors are most of the time judged or blamed for their circumstances, leading to feelings of shame and rejection. In relation to this theme, a participant shared her views by stating that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;People sometimes look at me as if I did something wrong. They accuse me of being a spoiled child, despite the fact that I had no control over my experiences. After getting married, my pals stopped talking to me. They treated me differently, like I didn\u0026rsquo;t belong to them anymore. I felt like I was being punished for something I hadn\u0026rsquo;t asked for.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 8). In affirming this claim, another participant added that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;After I divorced, some people in my neighbourhood began calling me names. They called me a shame and said no man would want me again. I was ashamed to leave my house. In my village, child marriage is prevalent, but if you speak up or try to leave, you are labeled as a horrible wife or disrespectful. I was hesitant to express myself for fear of being judged.\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; (Participant 7). Additionally, this assertion was further substantiated by another participant who stated that \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;People said it was my fault that my marriage failed. They said I wasn\u0026rsquo;t a good enough wife. It hurt because I was only a child trying to survive, and no one understood. Despite my hardship, the older women in my family continuously reminded me that I was fortunate to be married. If I complained, they would call me ungrateful and embarrassment to the family.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 4). It emerged from the interview data that survivors of child marriage frequently face social stigma, rejection, and labeling, which exacerbates their psychological suffering and prevents them from integrating into society.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec19\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAlienation\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eA predominant theme that emerged from the data was alienation. Many participants expressed their experiences in relating to the isolation they had to suffer as a result of them being marriage. \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;My own peers have deserted me and will didn\u0026rsquo;t want to do anything with me\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e. (Participant 14). \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003e\u0026hellip;Hmm! if there are social gatherings, I don\u0026rsquo;t feel comfortable going there\u0026rdquo; (Participant 3). My colleagues most at times mock at me, tease me and ridicule me and because of that, I\u0026rsquo;ll rather prefer to be alone that to associate myself with them\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 6). It can be deduced from the encapsulated views of the participants that alienation poses a major challenge for child marriage survivors. This highlights the need for legislative initiatives that foster social participation and create support networks to reduce their feelings of loneliness.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec20\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFinancial Dependence\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe interview data further revealed that many of the child marriage survivors are not employed and depend on family members in meeting their financial obligations. This is assertion is backed by what a participant recounted thus, \u003cem\u003e\"I rely on my husband for basic necessities such as soap, pomade, and clothing. \u0026ldquo;If my husband does not provide me money, it will be an issue for me.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 4). In addition, another participant added her experiences that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When there\u0026rsquo;s no money at home, I go to my parents to ask for help, but they are also struggling. Sometimes, I borrow from neighbours because I don't have any of my own.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 3). Moreover, another participant agreed with this claim by adding that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I want to help my family, but I don\u0026rsquo;t have the resources to sustain myself, let alone them. Even buying medicine for my children is dependent on if someone decides to help me.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 1). This suggests that survivors of child marriage often experience financial dependence because early marriage limits their access to educational and employment opportunities, forcing them to rely on their spouses and families for financial support.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec21\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCoping Strategies\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSurvivors of child marriage often develop coping strategies to navigate the psychological emotional, and social experiences they face. Interviews with survivors revealed that emerging themes in their strategies of coping. Among the themes that emerged include; seeking support from family, friends and community, engaging in religious or spiritual practices, and cognitive appraisal.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eTable\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Tab3\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e3\u003c/span\u003e succinctly summarises the primary themes and sub-themes that emerged concerning the coping strategies that child marriage survivors adopt in dealing with their psychological and social experiences.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab3\" border=\"1\"\u003e\u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 3\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eCoping Strategies Adopted by Survivors of Child Marriage in Dealing with Psychological and Social Experiences\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/caption\u003e\u003ccolgroup cols=\"2\"\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cthead\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eMain Theme\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSub-Themes\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/th\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/thead\u003e\u003ctbody\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeeking Help from Others\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eParents\u0026rsquo; consolation and assurance, friends\u0026rsquo; and family\u0026rsquo;s understanding and attention, financial support from extended family or neighbours, and a feeling of acceptance and belonging in the community.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eEngaging in Religious and Spiritual Practices\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003ePrayers for strength and healing on a personal level, attendance at church, mosque, or other religious events, hymn singing, and rituals as a source of tranquility.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eCoping Appraisal\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e\u003cp\u003eReframing one\u0026rsquo;s value beyond victimhood, seeing surviving as a sign of strength, and seeing trauma as a challenge rather than a permanent setback.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tbody\u003e\u003c/colgroup\u003e\u003ctfoot\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd colspan=\"2\"\u003eSource: Field Data (2025)\u003c/td\u003e\u003c/tr\u003e\u003c/tfoot\u003e\u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec22\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSeeking Support from Family Members, Friends and Community\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSeeking support from family members, friends and community emerged as a prominent theme, with survivors emphasising it as a way to rebuild their lives, and finding strength in the solidarity from relatives who offer encouragement and support. Participants believed that such support ensure that they are able to understand and accept that despite what they are going through, their situation can change and hope can be rebuilt. In support of this theme, a participant shared her views as that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When it became too much to bear, I finally told my mother.\u0026rdquo; She assured me that I was not alone and that we would definitely find a solution to the problem. Her encouragement gave me the strength to keep going. I also found a group of ladies in my community who shared similar experiences. Talking to them helped me feel less isolated. \u0026ldquo;They reminded me that I wasn't alone in my suffering.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 21). \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;\u003cem\u003eTalking to them helped me feel less isolated. They reminded me that I wasn\u0026rsquo;t alone in my suffering. My best friend was my lifeline. She listened without judgment and reminded me of my worth, even when I felt humiliated to disclose my struggles. My brother supported me when no one else did. He told me I deserved better and encouraged me to quit the marriage. \"Having his support made a huge difference.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 17). This insight emphasise the need to strengthen family, peer, and community support systems through counselling services, community awareness programmes and social network to enhance the psychological and social well-being of child marriage survivors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec23\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eEngaging in Religious and Spiritual Practices\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003e It is important to underscore that some of the participants resorted to religious or spiritual practices such as prayer, meditation and fasting, so as to find solace and hope amidst their struggles as found in the interview. In line with this theme, a participant shared her experiences as she stated, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I prayed every night, begging God for the fortitude to bear the suffering. It was the only thing that brought me comfort when everything seemed hopeless. Fasting also increased my spiritual connection with God. It helped me gain clarity and strength for the day ahead. It convinced me that there was yet hope for a better future.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 10). This assertion is further corroborated by another participant as she narrates, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Whenever I felt overwhelmed, I would sit quietly and meditate on biblical scriptures. It comforted me and reassured me that God was looking over me, even as I suffered. Prayer has been my armor. I will close my eyes, cry, and express what I am feeling to God. After doing this, I felt as if He was the only one who actually understood my suffering.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 19). Similarly, another participant substantiated this claim by stating that:\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I\u0026rsquo;ll light a candle and sit quietly, praying for guidance. It was my way of finding serenity and reminding myself that everything has a higher purpose. Attending religious services helped me cope. Being surrounded by people who shared my beliefs provided me a sense of belonging and reassured me that I wasn't alone.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 8). This highlights the importance of integrating religious and spiritual support systems such as faith-based counselling, partnerships with religious institutions that promote the psychological and social well-being of child marriage survivors.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec24\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCognitive appraisal\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSurvivors often engage in cognitive, reframing their experiences and focusing on personal growth or future opportunities despite their experiences as the interview data reported. A participant narrated her views as she stated that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I kept reminding myself that this scenario would not last forever. I attempted to concentrate on the small things I could control, such as gaining new talents or finding moments of tranquility throughout my day. I opted to view my experience as a lesson. It was awful, but I convinced myself that it would strengthen me and that one day, I would be able to help others in similar situations.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 11). Similarly, another participant substantiated this claim by that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Whenever I felt hopeless, I reminded myself that I had overcome obstacles that many others could not. That thinking gave me the strength to keep going, even on the most difficult days. I began to view my marriage as a challenge rather than a source of identity. It helped me stay focused on seeking solutions rather than feeling stuck.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 2). To further substantiate this claim, another participant recounted her views by adding that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I reminded myself that my life did not have to end with this marriage. I began to fantasize about a future in which I could be independent and happy, and this kept me going. Even when things were difficult, I tried to see the bright side. I persuaded myself that at least I was still alive and fighting. That perspective made me believe that things may improve.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 10). This highlights the necessity for support programs aimed at helping child marriage survivors to address their psychological and social challenges. These programs should incorporate cognitive appraisal techniques, such as resilience training, problem-solving skills, and constructive coping strategies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"DISCUSSION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study explored the psychological and social experiences, and the various strategies these survivors employ to cope with their experiences. It emerged from the study that most child marriage survivors experienced psychological experiences in the form of depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. This is alluded to by the encapsuled views of some participants who empahasised these from their narratives. \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Some days I couldn\u0026rsquo;t get out of bed. I felt heavy, like a weight on my chest that wouldn\u0026rsquo;t go. I wondered whether this was how I'd spend the rest of my life. That thought scared me.\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 5). This is further asserted to by another participant who had this to say, \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eWill I ever be safe? Every time I heard his footsteps, I started shivering. I couldn\u0026rsquo;t stop worrying about what I could have done wrong that day. The fear of his wrath never left me.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 1). This assertion resonates what one of the participants shared, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;He would continually call me useless and foolish. Over time, I came to believe him. Even now, I'm not confident in myself. I always believe I'm not good enough.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 9). These findings corroborate with the findings of Le Strat et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) who posit that survivors of child marriage mostly develop depression and anxiety as a result of the demands of early marital duties, limited autonomy, and exposure to domestic abuse. In a related opinion, Kidman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) further substantiated this assertion that child marriage entails sexual assault, coercion, or marital rape, which can result in post-traumatic stress disorder, leading to flashbacks, emotional numbness, and difficulties in developing healthy relationships.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eAdditionally, from the data, it was observed that a substantial number of the child marriage survivors suffer from social experiences resulting from social stigma, alienation from family, peers and friends, highlighted by the excerpts of their narratives. This is affirmed by one of the participants who had this to say \u0026ldquo;\u0026hellip;\u003cem\u003ePeople sometimes look at me as if I did something wrong. They accuse me of being a spoiled child, despite the fact that I had no control over my experiences. After getting married, my pals stopped talking to me. They treated me differently, like I didn\u0026rsquo;t belong to them anymore. I felt like I was being punished for something I hadn\u0026rsquo;t asked for.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 8). Relatedly, another participant buttressed this claim that \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003e\u0026hellip;Hmm! if there are social gatherings, I don\u0026rsquo;t feel comfortable going there\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 3). Besides, a participant attested to assertion that \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eMy colleagues most at times mock at me, tease me and ridicule me and because of that, I\u0026rsquo;ll rather prefer to be alone that to associate myself with them\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 6). This augment is in agreement with a study conducted on child marriage prevalence which reported that many child brides endure societal stigma, particularly if they are abandoned, divorced, or widowed at a young age (Girls Not Brides, 2022). In most instances, these victims find it difficult to freely and openly participate in community activities, making it difficult for them to reintegrate into society and access support networks.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition, the data revealed further that these participants in most instances rely on others for financial support due to their inability to further their education and gain employment as indicated in their descriptions. A participant shared her experiences as \u003cem\u003e\"I rely on my husband for basic necessities such as soap, pomade, and clothing. \u0026ldquo;If my husband does not provide me money, it will be an issue for me.\"\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 4). In addition, another participant added her experiences that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When there\u0026rsquo;s no money at home, I go to my parents to ask for help, but they are also struggling. Sometimes, I borrow from neighbours because I don't have any of my own.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 3). This finding affirms the findings of Parsons et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), which testified that child marriage is the main cause of school dropout for girls, and survivors are mostly forced to quit school, limiting their potential to acquire employable skills, knowledge, and economic independence, perpetuating cycles of poverty and reliance. This finding is further authenticated by the United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2014) report which posit that limited education and access to employment possibilities leave survivors monetarily dependent on their spouses or family. This dependence limits their negotiating power inside the household and makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eFinally, another important theme that emerged from the data is the coping strategies adopted by child marriage survivors in navigating their psychological and social experiences. The study revealed that most survivors of child marriage use support from families, friends and community, engage in religious or spiritual practices, employ cognitive appraisal such as reframing their experiences and focusing on personal growth or future opportunities to cope with their psychological and social consequences. In support of this theme, one of the participants recounted that, \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I prayed every night, begging God for the fortitude to bear the suffering. It was the only thing that brought me comfort when everything seemed hopeless. Fasting also increased my spiritual connection with God. It helped me gain clarity and strength for the day ahead. It convinced me that there was yet hope for a better future.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 10). To substantiate this claim, another participant added her views as \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Whenever I felt overwhelmed, I would sit quietly and meditate on biblical scriptures. It comforted me and reassured me that God was looking over me, even as I suffered. Prayer has been my armor. I will close my eyes, cry, and express what I am feeling to God. After doing this, I felt as if He was the only one who actually understood my suffering.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e (Participant 19). These findings are consistent with Parsons et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) who reported that child marriage survivors who may get help from local non-governmental organisations or women\u0026rsquo;s groups normally receive psychosocial counselling and mental health care, which helps them process their trauma and restore confidence. This is consistent with Bronfenbrenner Ecological Model, which position the child at the centre, where social relationships promote social stability and are necessary for good mental and psychosocial well-being of the child. Furthermore, the United Nations Children\u0026rsquo;s Fund (2014) report also indicated that child marriage survivors in many cultures, seek solace and resilience through religious or spiritual traditions such as prayer, meditation, and participation in faith-based community activities which give them emotional comfort and hope.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"CONCLUSION","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, this study sought to gain a deeper knowledge of the psychological and social difficulties that survivors of child marriage face on a daily basis, as well as the coping strategies they frequently use to address these difficulties. The study found that child marriage has serious psychological repercussions that come from societal norms and institutional inequalities, such as depression, anxiety, sexual violence, and low self-esteem.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn addition, survivors of child marriage face significant social barriers that restrict their autonomy and general well-being, including financial dependence, estrangement, and stigma. It is therefore recommended that social welfare, Action Aid Ghana and \u0026ldquo;Songtaagba\u0026rdquo;, an NGO who are advocates of child rights to promote legal reforms to promote reintegration, reduce stigma, and empower survivors to live independently. Finally, the study discovered that the majority of child marriage survivors rely on emotion-focused coping and support from friends, family, and community organisations to manage their social and psychological consequences.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eRECOMMENDATIONS\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn order to inform and help child marriage survivors restore their sense of self and increase their self-esteem, the study recommends that a concerted effort be made to implement individual counseling and psychoeducation programmes, with an emphasis on mental health support, legal protections, education, and community sensitisation. Additionally, the study suggests that in order to achieve long-term financial empowerment, child marriage survivors should be offered skill development training programmes including weaving, bead making, and soap making.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec28\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eLimitations of the Study\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eDespite its valuable contributions, the study has some limitations. The sample consisted of 21 child marriage survivors from three districts in the North East Region of Ghana, where child marriage is predominant. While this sample is sufficient for the analysis, however, it may not fully represent the diverse child marriage survivor population across different regions in the country. Future studies could address this limitation by including a larger and more diverse sample to enhance a comprehensive understanding of the findings. Therefore, the findings of this study may be peculiar to child marriage survivors in these districts. Besides, due to the small sample size, the findings cannot be generalised as being the general reflection of all child marriage survivors in other districts of Ghana. Moreover, the primary mode of data collection for the study was interview, and triangulation could not be guaranteed, as these could potentially resort to social desirability from the participants.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec29\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eImplications for Policy Formulation and Direction\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCulturally sensitive campaigns education programmes can aid in altering societal attitudes that support child marriage. To provide a thorough, multi-sectoral response to child marriage and its aftermath, the institutions of health, education, justice, and social welfare should work together. Policies should prioritise accessible mental health care since survivors often experience trauma, sadness, or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), particularly in underserved or rural locations. Additionally, programmes should incorporate peer support, counselling, and community reintegration initiatives to assist survivors in their lives, as they frequently experience social isolation and stigma. In order to promote financial independence, policies might also support job placement services, microcredit, and vocational training. In order to develop more adaptable and empowering programmes, it is also important to integrate the lived experiences of child marriage survivors into the formulation, execution, and assessment of policies.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec30\" class=\"Section3\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eImplications for Counselling Practice\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo help survivors deal with hopelessness, anxiety, and sexual assault, counsellors who work with survivors of child marriage should place a high priority on trauma-informed care, resilience building, and enlisting social support. Counsellors can help child marriage survivors heal and maintain their long-term health by empowering them, resolving their psychological problems, and enhancing their social connections. It is important to stress that in order to provide comprehensive support, holistic and culturally sensitive approaches are needed, in addition to systemic change advocacy. Counsellors must be aware of and sufficiently equipped to handle relapses and re-traumatisation when survivors recall earlier experiences because many of the impacts of child marriage are permanent. Additionally, since PTSD, anxiety, and depression are all symptoms of trauma, counsellors must employ trauma-informed practices that put safety, reliability, and empowerment first. Finally, while these support groups for survivors may be very helpful in reducing isolation, counsellors should assist in reestablishing social networks and cultivating wholesome relationships.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics Approval and Consent to Participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Education, Winneba. The research was conducted in accordance with the guidelines and ethical standards of the University of Education, Winneba IRB. All procedures involving human participants were performed in compliance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 2024 Helsinki declaration on research involving human participants. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before data collection. Participants were informed of the study\u0026rsquo;s purpose, procedures, and their right to withdraw at any time without penalty. Confidentiality of participants\u0026rsquo; data was strictly maintained throughout the study.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eConsent for Publication\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cp\u003eNot applicable. The study did not include any identifiable personal data, multimedia content, or sensitive materials requiring individual publication consent.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCompeting Interests\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe author declare that he has no known competing interests of financial, personal, or otherwise that could have influenced the outcomes or interpretations of this study.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eFunding\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThis research was completely self-funded by the author. No external grants, sponsorships, or institutional financial contributions were obtained. The independence and objectivity of the study were fully upheld throughout the research process.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eJ N conceived and designed the study, wrote the main manuscript text and prepared figures. He also reviewed the manuscript.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAcknowledgement\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe author expresses sincere appreciation to all the survivors of child marriage participants who participated in this study. I am also grateful to my team of research assistants for their invaluable support in data collection and assisted with data interpretation.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and analysed during the current study on Suffering in Silence: Psychological and Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage in the North East are available from the corresponding author, John N-yelbi, upon reasonable request. To safeguard participant anonymity and in line with ethical guidelines, raw data will not be made publicly available but can be accessed under appropriate institutional oversight.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAddai-Mununkum R, Setordzi S. Implementing curriculum change in Ghana: Exploring teachers\u0026rsquo; experiences with enacting 21st century pedagogies. Am J Qualitative Res. 2023;7(4):119\u0026ndash;39. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.29333/ajqr/136660\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.29333/ajqr/136660\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAggarwal S, Francis KL, Dashti SG, Patton G. (2023). 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UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights; 2013.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-womens-health","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"bmwh","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Women's Health](http://bmcwomenshealth.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"https://www.editorialmanager.com/bmwh/default.aspx","title":"BMC Women's Health","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Child marriage, survivors, psychological, social, experiences, coping strategies","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7764375/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7764375/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe study explored psychological and social experiences and coping strategies of survivors of child marriage in north east region. The study adopted a qualitative research approach underpinned by descriptive phenomenological research design. Data was collected using face-to-face interview that explored psychological and social experiences, and the coping strategies. Purposive and snowballing techniques were employed to sample 21 child marriage survivors aged 12\u0026ndash;17 years who voluntarily consented to participate in the study. The study found that most child marriage survivors experienced depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem. The study also found that a substantial number of child marriage survivors suffer from social stigma, alienation from families, peers and friends, and divorce. Finally, it emerged from the study that most survivors of child marriage use support from families, friends and community, engage in religious or spiritual practices, and reframe their experiences and focus on personal growth or future opportunities. The study recommends individual counselling and psychoeducation, with a focus on mental health support, legal protections, education, and community sensitisation programmes to boost self-concept and self-esteem of survivors. It was further recommended that social welfare, Action Aid Ghana and \u0026ldquo;Sontaagba\u0026rdquo;, to promote legal reforms to promote reintegration, reduce stigma, and promote entrepreneurship. The study further recommends that there should be skill development training workshops in soap and beads making, and weaving to provide long-term financial empowerment. The findings highlight the need for tailored interventions to address child marriage and promote well-being of the girl-child. Future research should explore culture norms that promote child marriage.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"Suffering in Silence: Psychological and Social Experiences of Survivors of Child Marriage in the North East Region of Ghana","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-29 04:14:33","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7764375/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":1},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2025-12-15T11:08:00+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-12-11T21:04:23+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-12-11T15:40:32+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"44366507754643277228867133153777135786","date":"2025-12-08T06:59:45+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"154107602555796367635788080210527577765","date":"2025-11-18T02:12:31+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2025-11-16T20:35:46+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"206443586324153452104974503828846108207","date":"2025-11-13T13:30:30+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"20438009345105904479151379620337285688","date":"2025-11-10T21:26:45+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"64299264100580146771985602336382678856","date":"2025-11-10T18:23:38+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"70003169183893077253731170002306693192","date":"2025-10-20T06:52:05+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"25528079281826661401487698221037173740","date":"2025-10-16T18:48:56+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"56172174095349694222829145039281920391","date":"2025-10-14T18:27:13+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"249199315861154192521630039644977195770","date":"2025-10-14T14:36:01+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2025-10-14T14:31:02+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-10-14T14:24:20+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2025-10-13T05:35:55+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-10-12T11:39:00+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"BMC Women's Health","date":"2025-10-12T11:30:34+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"bmc-womens-health","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"bmwh","sideBox":"Learn more about [BMC Women's Health](http://bmcwomenshealth.biomedcentral.com/)","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"https://www.editorialmanager.com/bmwh/default.aspx","title":"BMC Women's Health","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"em","reportingPortfolio":"BMC Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"85352560-dc0b-4c4f-80e2-76579da7be15","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 29th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-01-29T15:38:31+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-29 04:14:33","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7764375","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7764375","identity":"rs-7764375","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}

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