From Strong Ties to Weak Ties: Social Networks and Precarity among Undocumented Zimbabwean Waitrons

From Strong Ties to Weak Ties: Social Networks and Precarity among Undocumented Zimbabwean Waitrons | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article From Strong Ties to Weak Ties: Social Networks and Precarity among Undocumented Zimbabwean Waitrons Sostina Spiwe Matina This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8475756/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 5 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract Social networks are an integral part of migrant city life in the absence of the legal and moral obligation to care that formal citizenship provides, which is unavailable to labour migrants. Social networks serve as recruitment tools for employees and migrants, and their use is visible in the hospitality industry, where employees are exposed to precarious work. The study used narrative interviews to examine how undocumented Zimbabwean waiters in Johannesburg use social networks to mitigate economic precarity. The study found that Zimbabwean waiters working in Johannesburg’s precarious hospitality sector rely on social networks. I found evidence demonstrating the importance of social networks; however, these networks are not only strong social connections but also weak ties, religious networks, and – perhaps most importantly – overt patterns of disconnections. While social networks can play an important role in migrants’ (and others’) success, they are not without potential risks. In light of this, this study sought to systematically investigate the role of social networks in mitigating precarity. This study adds to the emerging field of social networks among marginalised groups and to a growing literature on migrant integration in the social and economic environments of the global south. undocumented migrants social networks precarious labour hospitality sector social capital precarity hospitality work Introduction Migration is a complex phenomenon that is difficult to understand without a close focus on what migrants actually do and how they comprehend their experiences (Tutt et al., 2013 ). Migration tends to devalue the qualifications of highly qualified migrants (Ryan, 2011 ) pushing them to precarity and low paying jobs with harsh conditions. Without legal protection, migrants are presented as disposable and interchangeable. As many in the hospitality industry worldwide, both citizens and foreigners are in precarious work, this is an issue of importance not only to South Africa or Zimbabwe but to migrants in general across (Dunn & Maharaj, 2023; Muanamoha et al., 2010 ). Moreover, waitrons face triple precarity because of the nature of their job, their status as aliens in a foreign land and as illegal migrants resulting in job mobility (Denstedt, 2008 ). Scholarship indicates that migrants navigate through such systems and predicaments by utilising social networks (M. Boyd, 1989 ; Kathiravelu, 2012 ). Faced with precarious situations, migrants have the agency to act upon the situations they are exposed to, thus employing social networks are often employed as a tool for mitigating their precarity (Lin, 2008 ; McCollum & Apsite-Berina, 2015 ; Palloni et al., 2001 ). These networks sometimes have obligations that stem from migrants’ sending countries to the host countries (M. Boyd, 1989 ). Social networks are an integral part of migrant city life in the absence of the legal and moral obligation from the care of the state that is ensured through formal citizenship, which is unavailable to labour migrants (Kathiravelu, 2012 ). Social networks act as a recruitment tool used by employees and migrants (Fernandes & Paul GD, 2011; Liu, 2013 ; Thieme, 2008 ) thus these networks become migrants’ social capital (Alberti, 2011 ). Social experiences at work become sites for the accumulation of ‘social capital’, which is not necessarily re-invested in the search for new jobs (Alberti 2011 :225). Religion also plays a crucial role in forming supportive networks for migrant workers, offering emotional and practical support, and creating a sense of belonging and community essential for migrants facing isolation and hardship (Hirschman, 2004 ; Saud et al., 2021 ) Religious networks provide a space for migrants to connect with others who share their beliefs and experiences, fostering solidarity and mutual support (Levitt, 2003 ). For example, churches and other religious organisations may run programs that provide food, shelter, information about jobs and other resources to migrants in need (Ebaugh & Chafetz, 2000 ; Hirschman, 2004 ). This practical support can be crucial in helping migrants establish stability in their new environments and mitigate precarity. However, the utility of social networks cannot be overly romanticised as not all social network ties are equal (Liu 2013 ). Migrant social networks are dynamic and change overtime, networks that migrants encounter on arrival are unlikely to remain static (Ryan, 2011 ; Worby, 2010 ). Migrants may disconnect from their initial networks to create new ones they see as appropriate at the time (Ryan, 2011 ). Worby ( 2010 ) reveals that disconnection is used as efficiently as a connection when one finds themselves in a situation of exceeding difficulty. Notably, social networks can heighten real or perceived vulnerability or precarity. Moreover, due to the reciprocity that social networks demand, some migrants disconnect from networks they perceive networks (Worby, 2010 ). Boyd ( 1989 ) alludes that the study of social networks is not new and has been done since the 1960s. However, there is not much literature which focuses on how migrants mitigate their precarity in the absence of their close social networks (Kathiravelu, 2012 ; Muanamoha et al., 2010 ). This study does not focus on how migrant networks are formed but on how these networks are used as tools for mitigating migrants’ precarity in their host countries. Migrants interact heterogeneously hence they employ networks at different degrees, and some choose to disconnect. Alberti ( 2011 ) states the social networks of migrants are not formed only on ethnic and family networks but are more temporary, individualised, and yet, at the same time, more embedded in friendships. Based on previous studies, this part has tried to demonstrate that migrants interact within social networks differently and may yield different outcomes. Lewis et al. ( 2015 ) observed that most migrants in a state of precariousness are undocumented. Following this observation, this study looks at an under-researched and vulnerable population of Zimbabwean undocumented migrant waitrons. It builds on a school of research that treats social networks as the primary mechanism that migrant workers adopt to mitigate their challenges in precarious labour markets (see Comola & Mendola, 2015 ; Lin, 2008 )(see Lin 2005, Comola and Mendola 2015 , Yieuh 2011). Theoretical framework This study is theoretically grounded in social network theory, drawing on scholarship that conceptualises migration as a socially embedded process shaped by interpersonal ties rather than solely by individual choice or structural push–pull factors. Social networks are understood as patterned sets of relationships through which information, resources, obligations, and expectations circulate, thereby shaping migrants’ mobility trajectories and labour market incorporation. In migration studies, social networks constitute a form of social capital that migrants mobilise to reduce the costs and risks of movement, settlement, and employment. Following Boyd and Fortin (2010) and Lin (2008), this study treats networks not merely as support systems but as mechanisms that mediate access to jobs, accommodation, and survival knowledge. In contexts of undocumented status and precarious labour, where formal protections are absent, networks often substitute for state support, becoming primary tools for navigating exclusionary labour markets. Importantly, this framework distinguishes between strong and weak ties. Although kinship and close familial ties are traditionally assumed central to migrant support, scholarship shows that weak ties, such as friendships, co-worker relationships, and casual social contacts, often provide more timely and valuable labour-market information. These ties are particularly significant in sectors such as hospitality, where employment is informal, turnover is high, and recruitment often occurs through word of mouth. However, the framework resists romanticising social networks. Social ties are not uniformly beneficial; they are dynamic, unequal, and embedded in relations of power. Networks generate reciprocal obligations, emotional labour, and material expectations that can intensify migrants’ precarity. Drawing on Worby (2010) and Kathiravelu (2012), this study conceptualises disconnection as an integral part of networked life. Migrants may strategically distance themselves from certain ties to avoid exploitation, manage the shame associated with occupational downgrading, or reduce the financial and emotional burden of reciprocity. Religion is situated within this framework as a particular form of social network that can simultaneously foster belonging and enable disconnection from prior ties. Religious networks offer moral legitimacy, emotional support, and material assistance, yet they may also impose new obligations and constraints. Overall, this framework conceptualises undocumented migrant waitrons as strategic social actors who actively negotiate connections and disconnections within social networks to mitigate precarity. Networks are thus treated not as static safety nets but as flexible, contested resources that migrants continuously assess, reshape, and, at times, abandon to survive within precarious labour regimes. Methods Study setting This study divides the hospitality industry into two distinct sectors; accommodation sector (hotels, bed & breakfasts, caravan parks, camping sites, inns, game lodges and time sharing of apartments at resorts) and food and beverage services, these include restaurants, coffee shops, tearooms, fast food outlets as well as other catering services (NALEDI, 2001). This research focuses on restaurants because precarious employment is particularly evident within the restaurant industry where there are seemingly low barriers to entry and significant competition among local businesses (Alberti, 2011; Denstedt, 2008). Most restaurants in South Africa and globally are not unionized which can make them an even more precarious place to work (Alberti, 2011; Denstedt, 2008; Jinnah et al., 2015). The study focused on migrants living in Johannesburg, South Africa; the city is an economic hub with a vibrant hospitality sector, including numerous restaurants, cafes, and bars. It is an ideal location to study employment patterns, job satisfaction, and working conditions. Additionally, Johannesburg faces urban challenges such as high unemployment rates, economic inequality, and safety concerns, offering insights into how these factors impact the service industry and waitrons' livelihoods. Study design The study used a qualitative interpretivist approach (Riessman, 1993), which enabled the use of narrative interviews which attend to both personal conditions and social conditions (Clandinin & Connelly, 2004; Riessman, 2003). The study used narrative interviews and allowed participants to tell their stories in their own way without being forced to leave out some information they wanted to include (Riessman, 1993, 2002). The study was part of a master’s thesis with a two-part research interview. The first part focused on the challenges faced by waitrons in the study (see Matina in press), and the second part, which is the study, was follow-up interviews that focused on how waitrons mitigated their precarity. Participant selection and sampling strategy This study was part of a master’s thesis with a two-part research interviews. The first round of interviews focused on the challenges faced by waitrons in the study (see Matina, 2025), and the second part, which is the study, was formed from follow-up interviews that focused on how waitrons mitigated their precarity. Research participants worked in different restaurants across Johannesburg, such as Melville, Eastgate, and Midrand. To identify participants the researcher’s networks who were waitrons were approached and snowballing was used to recruit participants. The study used snowball sampling because undocumented waitrons are cautious about the people they talk to so this method allows a researcher to study a stigmatised group and behaviour, hence having a previous participant vouch for the trustworthiness of the researcher (Yin, 2009, 2015). The study focused on both men and women. I recruited five men and five women for an equal representation of both sexes. Data collection The study was approved by Wits University (Ethics number: H16/08/18) to fulfil the master's requirements at the African Center for Migration and Displacement. Data collection was conducted from November 2016 to January 2017. Participants were first contacted by phone to schedule appointments; the researcher met with participants at their preferred locations ranging from close to their workplaces during their lunchtime, their houses and places they hang around during their off days. The interviews lasted an hour to two hours. Participants were interviewed in Shona and Ndebele, with some using one vernacular language and English. Data analysis Participants were asked to consent to recording interviews. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and then translated into English. The study used thematic analysis. Thematic analysis, as described by Braun and Clarke (2019), identifies patterns (themes) within the data. Codes were used to pinpoint common and recurring themes that emerged from the data. Themes provide commonality among participants, highlighting shared experiences or perceptions central to the research inquiry. Riessman (1993, 2002) emphasises that themes offer a framework for organising and interpreting the data, allowing researchers to draw meaningful insights and conclusions. In this study, the identified themes were used to encapsulate the collective experiences of the participants. These themes help to convey the essence of what participants expressed, providing a deeper understanding of their experiences, challenges, and perspectives. Results The participants were aged between 27 and 42, had lived in Johannesburg for an average of 9 years, and had an average of 8.5 years’ experience as waiters. Three participants had not finished secondary education, four had finished secondary education, two had diplomas, and one was a university dropout. Respondents highlighted that people in their networks influenced their decision to come to South Africa. They further indicated that most of their networks were the ones who introduced them to their first jobs. Respondents highlighted the existence and importance of social networks in their everyday lives. All ten respondents indicated that family, friends and sexual networks played a role in deciding to migrate. Strong and weak ties However, some waiters expressed disappointment upon arrival. Weak social ties played a strong role in the migration decisions of the migrants. 80% of the waiters highlighted that their decision to move to South Africa was influenced by friends, and only one mentioned a partner bringing her here and only one a relative. This contradictory information reveals that weak social ties can at times prove more influential than close networks. Charmaine, aged 32 and a single mother of one who has been living in South Africa for six years explained: “Sahwira mukuru anokunda weropa” This is a Shona idiom meaning that a friend is more important than relatives. Most respondents said their kinship networks had disappointed them, and they relied more on friends. Charmaine elaborated on her point: “When my husband left me for another woman I was stressed and had to go back to my mother. He wanted me to leave my children and promised that if I left with them (for South Africa) he won’t support them. I couldn’t leave my children (in Zimbabwe). I could not take him to court since he came from a politically influential family. I knew I would not win the case. My friend who was visiting (Zimbabwe) offered to take me to Johannesburg so that I could provide for my children and mother. ‘ Shamwari inokunda weropa , when we were on our way, she told me that life in South Africa is difficult and we would have to stay in the shelters. We would go there to sleep only, the gates were opened by 6 am, and we would pay R5 per night. For the first two weeks my friend would pay for me as she taught me how to survive here”. In a separate interview, Cheryl, aged 30 and having lived in South Africa for 3 years, also supported the point that friends are very important for migrants. This is what she had to say about her experience with friends: “A friend that sticks by you becomes your relative. Carol is more than a friend to me; she is like a sister. When you call relatives they only sympathise with you but never come to your rescue. Two years ago I was raped in the park and I called my cousin to tell her and she never showed any compassion or visit me. Carol was the only person who stood by me…… I needed someone to confide to and Carol proved to be more than a friend. I no longer call my relatives because they have proved not to care about me. I once stayed with my uncle and aunt (in South Africa). I had no peacethey insulted me and denied me food. I find it better to live with a boyfriend, even if he beats me he won’t deny me food” These responses indicated that migrants rely more on so-called weak ties than on traditional family ties. This may be because weak ties provide more innovative and useful information, and friends have a greater influence on one’s likelihood to migrate than close family (Liu 2013). Weak ties usually facilitate the flow of crucial information. Ray’s statement below illustrates how weak ties can at times be an advantage in finding information about new vacancies and which restaurants are the best to look for jobs. When migrants socialise in bars, they share their work experiences and opportunities at other restaurants. Ray, a 37-year-old male who has worked for 8 years as a waiter, emphasised that to get information about what is happening, who is hiring, or who offers better working conditions, a waiter has to go out for drinks with other waiters. Ray explained; “We find information about job vacancies while sharing beers, when someone states that they have quit or have been fired that is how you know you can go look for a job at that restaurant”. Ray Thus, the so-called weak ties facilitate the spread of useful information about prospective jobs. They are essential for labour migrants whose main mission in South Africa is to find jobs. Respondents highlighted that it was essential to maintain these networks and to be well positioned within them. Disconnection During fieldwork, I met a 37-year-old waiter, Ray, with a diploma, who did not want to meet at certain places because he did not want people who knew him from Zimbabwe to see him. He explained that in Zimbabwe he had a good office job, and most of his relatives and friends did not know that he was now a waiter. Hence his decision to disconnect from friends and family. Landau & Freemantle (2016) and Worby (2010) posit that the downgrading of skills may lead to one disconnecting from their social networks. Leroy, a 35-year-old male waiter, during fieldwork highlighted that he did not go to certain places and preferred working in expensive restaurants because it reduced the chance that people who knew him from Zimbabwe would see him. To him, it was embarrassing for a university dropout from one of the esteemed universities to be seen waiting tables. Some waitrons believed that social networks might bind them because they believed they owed someone who helped them. Some migrants then try to detach themselves from such networks. “If you help a friend to come here and you find them a job they owe you hence they have to be loyal to you. They do whatever you ask them because you have helped them.”Peter a 42 year old with 12 years’ experience as a waiter. In his statement above, Peter suggests that helping someone gives you power over them and allows you to demand things from the person who ‘owes’ you. Borrowing from Landau & Freemantle (2016), such relationships introduce material obligations and inconvenience, as well as an additional source of uncertainty. Migrants then tend to disconnect from such demanding networks and move towards others that demand less. Nuttall & Mbembe (2008)highlight that migrants’ lives are tied to multiple elsewhere. This may refer to their home countries where they need to send remittances, and where they currently stay. Hence maintaining all these multiple elsewhere may prove to be costly. During my field works, respondents highlighted the need to provide to those left in Zimbabwe and some believed that their families did not understand that life in Johannesburg was not all rosy and they kept on demanding a lot from them. To the waitrons these demands seemed to be frustrating. Due to the pressures of sending remittances others highlighted that they could not afford to host relatives and only their immediate family had their phone numbers to avoid other relatives seeking their help. Worby (2010) states that some migrants who come to Johannesburg and their networks are not reachable. One responded stated that he had a good job in Zimbabwe but was promised a better job by his father’s friend. He left his job upon reaching Johannesburg he could not get hold of his father’s friend; he ended up looking for friends who accommodated him and introduced him to the hospitality industry since they were waitrons. During interviews one respondent reflected on the disappointment from his networks, he had helped friends but none of them reciprocated. “I will never help any Zimbabwean again, I hosted many of them but when I got fired no one could reciprocate. It is better I keep my money and use it when I am in trouble. Zimbabweans are not grateful people. You help a person and tomorrow they forget you. Some once you take them in and they steal from you” Xolani After saying this he ‘kissed his teeth’ (a mark of annoyance), this action however shows the extent to which he was disappointed by his friends and decided not to help any of them. Networks are largely informal, they lack means of ensuring accountability to members hence help and assistance, then, is given with a vague expectation, but no guarantee, of return (Kathiravelu 2012). Xolani, a 40-year-old with 20 years of experience working as a waiter, is not the only respondent who revealed such disappointment from their networks and decided to detach themselves from these networks. McCollum and Apsite-Berina (2015) articulate that some migrants disconnect from their networks because the people they helped out never reciprocated and they felt let down. Religion; a tool for disconnection Religion can act as a contributing factor to disconnection. Migrants who belong to the same church may build relations with their church communities where they feel they belong. They disconnect from their relatives who are non-believers (Landau 2016). “ My church pastors and church mates are my closest family and in times of trouble they are always there to support me ” Nobuhle a 35-year-old waiter who has 7 years experience as a waiter However, religion, at times, becomes binding on migrants. Ray disclosed that the reason he did not get many tips was that his pastor had prophesied that he had to be part of the church ministry and that, as long as he was a waiter, he would suffer. He was considering leaving his job. Discussion “No car can go ahead without fuel. .. Nearly all people who decide to leave their homes in order to get a job in South Africa may know someone here that can guide them. Those who come here without knowing anybody end up having many problems in the process.” Muanamoha et al. ( 2010 :88) The above statement emphasises the importance of social networks in the migration trajectory. Migrants use their social networks to advance themselves, obtain new opportunities, and reach receiving countries. According to Palloni et al. ( 2001 , p. 1280), having a tie to someone who has migrated yields social capital that people can draw upon to gain access to an important form of financial capital, namely high foreign wages, which offer the possibility of accumulating savings abroad and sending remittances home. Muanamoha et al. ( 2010 ) noted that in destination areas, migrants are assisted by family members and friends of new migrants, as well as established immigrants, who are often the first to provide newcomers with accommodation and food, and to support them in securing jobs and documentation in South Africa. In this study, Ray, a father of one with nearly 10 years’ experience as a waiter in South Africa, for example, indicated that he became a waiter because his friend, who facilitated his journey to South Africa, ‘was a waiter and that it was easier to find a person a job in the area you are more knowledgeable in’. Borrowing from McCollum and Apsite-Berina ( 2015 :53), reliance on social networks contributes to migrants’ labour market marginalisation: a new arrival who finds employment through a social network is likely to attain a similar job to those held by the constituents of that network. However, this creates a relative labour market disadvantage for migrants that is effectively reproduced and may hinder the likelihood of upward occupational mobility, resulting in underemployment among migrant workers (Ibid). Fernandes and Paul ( 2011 ) posit that networks are a strategy for risky diversification. Palloni et al. ( 2001 ) and Fernandes and Paul ( 2011 ) state that migration costs and risks are reduced because new migrants use kinship and friendship ties to gain access to employment and assistance at the point of destination. This aligns with our study findings; respondents highlighted that their first jobs were influenced by their networks, making it easier for them to settle in Johannesburg. Social networks provide routine, unsolicited job information that may eventually prove critical in securing a better job without actively searching for one (Lin, 2008 ). Yieuh (2008) and Kathiravelu ( 2012 ) observed that social networks increase the elasticity of labour supply among migrant workers. Thieme ( 2008 ) notes that the job market in Delhi is highly organised, with jobs handed over and sold within networks. She further notes that migrants borrow from one source to repay another, perpetuating debt and dependency. Marques (2011) adds that people and social groups access opportunities, goods, and services, including money, tools, information, affection, solidarity, and emotional support, through social connections. Social networks therefore play a pivotal role in the lives of migrants facing precarity. They also serve as a pathway into employment for those lacking other routes into the labour market (McCollum & Apsite-Berina, 2015 ), with labour migration largely influenced by weak ties (Muanamoha et al., 2010 ). McCollum and Apsite-Berina ( 2015 ) found that migrants play a pivotal role in helping employers recruit new workers. They noted that employers rely on their migrant workers to recruit through their networks, thereby cutting advertising costs. Migrants perceive social networks as offering quick, reliable information about employment opportunities and routes into employment (Boyd, McCollum and Apsite-Berina 2015 , Liu 2013 ). Social networks are often used by migrants to navigate the laws set against them. Failure to appreciate the social dimensions of the migration process has led to the failure of migration laws, which in turn produce outcomes opposite to the desired ones as migrants employ social networks that generate more legal and illegal migrants (Muanamoha et al. 2010 ). Networks are central features of illegal migration (Boyd 1989 ). According to Liu ( 2013 ), previous literature largely overlooks friendship ties and pays less attention to extended ties. Eight out of ten respondents indicated that their decision to migrate was influenced by friends. Liu ( 2013 ) further analysed weak and strong ties among migrants and found that weak ties are also essential to migrants. Interestingly, Liu ( 2013 ) argued that the weaker the tie, the greater the amount of information. According to that research, weak ties are more influential for men than strong ties, while strong and weak ties appear to be of similar importance for women. Contrary to the popular view that ‘blood is thicker than water’, especially during hard times (M. Boyd, 1989 ), with relatives being very helpful for migrants in the host country, this study established that waitrons tended to rely more on their friends than on relatives. In fact, over time they became closer to their friends than to relatives. The above sections focused more on the positive aspects of social networks. However, the utility of connections through networks cannot be overly romanticised, and migrants highlight disappointments in some of their networks. Resources in social networks are not always readily available, and not everyone has access to the same resources (McCollum & Apsite-Berina, 2015 ; Palloni et al., 2001 ; Ryan, 2011 ). Migrants may disconnect from these networks because they have faced disappointment, the fear and expense of reciprocity, or because they no longer find their social networks relevant. Disconnection occurs when members of a social network detach themselves from it (Worby, 2010 ; Comola and Mendola:2015 and Mcollum and Apsite-Berina:2015). Worby ( 2010 ) reveals that disconnection can be as useful as a connection when one finds oneself in a situation of extreme difficulty. Just because resources exist does not mean they are readily accessible to everyone within that network (Ryan, 2011 ). Networks can heighten real or perceived vulnerability and produce new risks (Worby 2010 , Kathiravelu 2012 ). The cost of travel and hosting friends and family are some migrants' reasons for not engaging in social activities (Kathiravelu 2012 ). Being part of a network can at times be perceived as costly. Worby ( 2010 ) and Kathiravelu ( 2012 ) postulate that loss of social status also acts as a reason why migrants are reluctant to allow others to see the reduced circumstances in which they are living, and hence they disconnect from their networks. Kathiravelu ( 2012 ) posits that social solidarity is a double-edged sword. While networks can function as productive ways to achieve social mobility through migration, they may involve becoming implicated in exploitative relations. Many low-wage migrants are aware of this risk, yet agree to such arrangements, leaving them ambivalent about the position of exploiter (Ibid). Concerns about the reciprocity and generosity required in hosting at times lead migrants to disconnect from their networks. Landau & Freemantle ( 2016 ) posit that reciprocal obligations and economic precarity may result in migrants disconnecting from their networks. Kathiravelu ( 2012 ) points out that hosting relatives and friends can be costly. Undocumented migrants lead precarious lives; hence reciprocating and hosting other migrants can be a burden to them. In order to maintain social networks, migrants have to reciprocate and help each other. Resources within these networks are not readily available, and migrants have to invest in them. The cost of investing in these networks may prove too demanding, and some prefer to detach from them. Migrants might disconnect from their networks as a way of survival because networks require one to reciprocate. Migrants may disconnect from their initial networks to create new ones they see as appropriate at the time. Ryan ( 2011 ) gives an example of how educated Polish migrants in London disconnected from their ethnic groups and formed networks with professionals. Some waiters highlighted that they now have stronger ties to co-waiters than to their relatives who brought them to South Africa. Religious teachings frequently emphasise principles such as charity, compassion, and social justice, which can significantly influence the behaviour and interactions of community members. For instance, the practice of tithing and other forms of religious giving can redistribute resources within the community, supporting those in need and reinforcing social bonds (Katsaura, 2016 ; Polanyi, 1957 ). For migrants, religious institutions often serve as crucial mediating structures that help them navigate the complexities of their new environments. By fostering trust and cooperation, religious networks enhance the collective resilience of migrant communities and contribute to their overall well-being (Ebaugh & Chafetz, 2000 ). Landau (2009) and Katsaura ( 2016 ) argue that religion forms societies of believers and can create a network of believers. Religion acts as a coping mechanism, and at the same time, people make sense of the world around them through it. Individuals from the same church solicit jobs for one another and help one another. Furthermore, the social capital generated within religious networks enhances migrants' resilience. By participating in religious activities and building relationships within their religious communities, migrants gain access to a network of support that can help them cope with the challenges of their precarious lives (Cnaan, 2006 ). Religious networks can also serve as a platform for advocacy, giving migrants a collective voice to address issues of injustice and seek better conditions (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2008 ). Notably, religion also plays a significant role in how migrant workers cope with their precarious lives and in the process of disconnecting from their former social networks while forming new ones. Limitations and Strengths This investigation has several limitations. First, the small sample of ten participants, despite reaching data saturation, limits the generalisability of the findings. Additionally, reliance on data from 2016 may not accurately reflect the current socio-economic and policy contexts shaping migrant workers' experiences in South Africa. Nonetheless, the study offers a critical overview of waiters' precarity before the COVID-19 pandemic, establishing a valuable baseline for future post-pandemic research. Conversely, the study also has notable strengths. It contributes empirically by focusing on an under-researched occupational group: undocumented waitstaff in the hospitality sector in a Global South urban setting. By emphasising weak social ties, religious networks, and strategic disconnection, the research extends social network theory beyond its traditional focus on support and cohesion, providing a more nuanced and realistic depiction of networks under conditions of structural marginalisation. Furthermore, conducting interviews in participants’ preferred languages enhanced rapport and bolstered the validity of the findings. Conclusion The findings from this study highlight the pivotal role that social networks play in the lives of undocumented Zimbabwean waitrons working in Johannesburg’s precarious hospitality sector. In the absence of formal citizenship and the associated legal and moral support from the state, these migrants rely heavily on various forms of social networks to navigate their challenging circumstances. The research demonstrates that social networks function as essential tools for recruitment and economic survival, particularly in industries like hospitality where work conditions are often unstable. Crucially, the study identifies a nuanced landscape of social interactions among these migrants, including not only strong social connections but also weak ties, religious networks, and significant patterns of disconnections. While strong social connections provide immediate support, weak ties and religious networks offer broader opportunities and emotional solace. These networks collectively enhance the resilience of migrant workers, helping them mitigate economic precarity and adapt to their new environment. However, the reliance on social networks is not without potential risks. The study underscores that these networks can sometimes expose migrants to exploitation and reinforce their marginalisation. Despite these challenges, the strategic use of social networks remains a crucial survival mechanism for undocumented migrants. This study contributes to the emerging field of social networks among marginalised groups. It adds to the growing literature on migrant integration within the social and economic landscapes of the global south. By systematically investigating the role of social networks, this research offers valuable insights into how migrants navigate economic precarity and highlights the complex interplay of social connections and disconnections in their daily lives. These findings underscore the need for policies that recognise and support the informal networks migrants rely on, ultimately promoting greater social and economic inclusion. Declarations Funding statement: The project was not funded. Competing interests: The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article. Data availability: Data is available upon request Ethical considerations: Informed consent was obtained from participants. The study was approved by Wits Ethics committee: (H16/08/18) Author Contribution All authors whose names appear on the submission made substantial contributions to the conception or design of the work; or the acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data; or the creation of new software used in the work;drafted the work or revised it critically for important intellectual content;approved the version to be published; and agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved. References NALEDI, N. L. a. E. D. I. (2001). Overview of South African Tourism and Hospitality Sector University of Natal. Alberti, G. (2011). Transient working lives: migrant women's everyday politics in London's hospitality industry . Cardiff University (United Kingdom). Boyd, C. M., & Fortin, M. (2010). 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Precariousness on the menu: Restaurant work and labour mobility within the low-wage service industry in Kingston, Ontario ]. Dunn, S., & Maharaj, P. (2023). Migrants in the Informal Sector: What We Know So Far? ( Sustainable Development Goals Series (Vol. Part F2764, pp. 23-59). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21151-5_2 Ebaugh, H. R., & Chafetz, J. (2000). Religion and the new immigrants. Fernandes, D., & Paul GD, B. (2011). Social networks of migrant construction workers in Goa. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations , 65-77. Hirschman, C. (2004). The role of religion in the origins and adaptation of immigrant groups in the United States 1. International Migration Review , 38 (3), 1206-1233. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (2008). God’s heart has no borders: How religious activists are working for immigrant rights . Univ of California Press. Jinnah, Z., Cazarin, R., & Brief, M. P. (2015). Making guests feel comfortable: Migrancy and labour in the hospitality sector in South Africa. Policy Brief , 6 . Kathiravelu, L. (2012). Social networks in Dubai: Informal solidarities in an uncaring state. Journal of Intercultural Studies , 33 (1), 103-119. Katsaura, O. (2016). Enchanted Suburbanism: Fantasy, Fear and Suburbia in Johannesburg. Routes and Rites to the City: Mobility, Diversity and Religious Space in Johannesburg , 163-189. Landau, L. B., & Freemantle, I. (2016). Beggaring belonging in Africa's no-man's lands: diversity, usufruct and the ethics of accommodation. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies , 42 (6), 933-951. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2015.1126086 Levitt, P. (2003). “You know, Abraham was really the first immigrant”: Religion and transnational migration. International migration review , 37 (3), 847-873. Lewis, H., Dwyer, P., Hodkinson, S., & Waite, L. (2015). Hyper-precarious lives: Migrants, work and forced labour in the Global North. Progress in human geography , 39 (5), 580-600. Lin, N. (2008). A network theory of social capital. The handbook of social capital , 50 (1), 69. Liu, M.-M. (2013). Migrant networks and international migration: Testing weak ties. Demography , 50 (4), 1243-1277. Matina, S. S. (2025). Beyond the smile: precarity and emotional labour of undocumented Zimbabwean migrants in the hospitality sector. SN Social Sciences , 5 (10), 1-21. McCollum, D., & Apsite-Berina, E. (2015). Recruitment through migrant social networks from Latvia to the United Kingdom: Motivations, processes and developments. Migration Letters , 12 (1), 50-66. Muanamoha, R. C., Maharaj, B., & Preston-Whyte, E. (2010). Social networks and undocumented Mozambican migration to South Africa. Geoforum , 41 (6), 885-896. Nuttall, S., & Mbembe, A. (2008). Johannesburg: The Elusive Metropolis (Johannesburg. Wits University Press. Palloni, A., Massey, D. S., Ceballos, M., Espinosa, K., & Spittel, M. (2001). Social capital and international migration: A test using information on family networks. American journal of sociology , 106 (5), 1262-1298. Polanyi, K. (1957). The Great. Transformation , 46. Riessman, C. K. (1993). Narrative Analysis Newbury Park. London and New Delhi: Sage Publications . Riessman, C. K. (2002). Doing justice: Positioning the interpreter in narrative work. Strategic Narrative: New Perspectives on the Power of Personal and Cultural Storytelling, Lanham MA and Oxford UK, Lexington Books , 195-216. Riessman, C. K. (2003). Analysis of personal narratives. Inside interviewing: New lenses, new concerns , 331-346. Ryan, L. (2011). Migrants' social networks and weak ties: accessing resources and constructing relationships post-migration. The Sociological Review , 59 (4), 707-724. Saud, M., Ashfaq, A., Abbas, A., Ariadi, S., & Mahmood, Q. K. (2021). Social support through religion and psychological well-being: COVID-19 and coping strategies in Indonesia. Journal of religion and health , 60 , 3309-3325. Thieme, S. (2008). Sustaining livelihoods in multi‐local settings: possible theoretical linkages between transnational migration and livelihood studies. Mobilities , 3 (1), 51-71. Tutt, D., Pink, S., Dainty, A. R., & Gibb, A. (2013). Building networks to work: an ethnographic study of informal routes into the UK construction industry and pathways for migrant up-skilling. Construction management and economics , 31 (10), 1025-1037. Worby, E. (2010). Address unknown: the temporality of displacement and the ethics of disconnection among Zimbabwean migrants in Johannesburg. Journal of Southern African Studies , 36 (2), 417-431. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2010.485792 Yin, R. K. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods (Vol. 5). sage. Yin, R. K. (2015). Qualitative research from start to finish . Guilford publications. Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Migration tends to devalue the qualifications of highly qualified migrants (Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) pushing them to precarity and low paying jobs with harsh conditions. Without legal protection, migrants are presented as disposable and interchangeable. As many in the hospitality industry worldwide, both citizens and foreigners are in precarious work, this is an issue of importance not only to South Africa or Zimbabwe but to migrants in general across (Dunn \u0026amp; Maharaj, 2023; Muanamoha et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Moreover, waitrons face triple precarity because of the nature of their job, their status as aliens in a foreign land and as illegal migrants resulting in job mobility (Denstedt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Scholarship indicates that migrants navigate through such systems and predicaments by utilising social networks (M. Boyd, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e; Kathiravelu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFaced with precarious situations, migrants have the agency to act upon the situations they are exposed to, thus employing social networks are often employed as a tool for mitigating their precarity (Lin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; McCollum \u0026amp; Apsite-Berina, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Palloni et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e). These networks sometimes have obligations that stem from migrants\u0026rsquo; sending countries to the host countries (M. Boyd, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e). Social networks are an integral part of migrant city life in the absence of the legal and moral obligation from the care of the state that is ensured through formal citizenship, which is unavailable to labour migrants (Kathiravelu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Social networks act as a recruitment tool used by employees and migrants (Fernandes \u0026amp; Paul GD, 2011; Liu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e; Thieme, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) thus these networks become migrants\u0026rsquo; social capital (Alberti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Social experiences at work become sites for the accumulation of \u0026lsquo;social capital\u0026rsquo;, which is not necessarily re-invested in the search for new jobs (Alberti \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e:225).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eReligion also plays a crucial role in forming supportive networks for migrant workers, offering emotional and practical support, and creating a sense of belonging and community essential for migrants facing isolation and hardship (Hirschman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e; Saud et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR33\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e) Religious networks provide a space for migrants to connect with others who share their beliefs and experiences, fostering solidarity and mutual support (Levitt, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). For example, churches and other religious organisations may run programs that provide food, shelter, information about jobs and other resources to migrants in need (Ebaugh \u0026amp; Chafetz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e; Hirschman, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). This practical support can be crucial in helping migrants establish stability in their new environments and mitigate precarity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, the utility of social networks cannot be overly romanticised as not all social network ties are equal (Liu \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Migrant social networks are dynamic and change overtime, networks that migrants encounter on arrival are unlikely to remain static (Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Worby, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Migrants may disconnect from their initial networks to create new ones they see as appropriate at the time (Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Worby (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) reveals that disconnection is used as efficiently as a connection when one finds themselves in a situation of exceeding difficulty. Notably, social networks can heighten real or perceived vulnerability or precarity.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMoreover, due to the reciprocity that social networks demand, some migrants disconnect from networks they perceive networks (Worby, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Boyd (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e) alludes that the study of social networks is not new and has been done since the 1960s. However, there is not much literature which focuses on how migrants mitigate their precarity in the absence of their close social networks (Kathiravelu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e; Muanamoha et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). This study does not focus on how migrant networks are formed but on how these networks are used as tools for mitigating migrants\u0026rsquo; precarity in their host countries. Migrants interact heterogeneously hence they employ networks at different degrees, and some choose to disconnect. Alberti (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) states the social networks of migrants are not formed only on ethnic and family networks but are more temporary, individualised, and yet, at the same time, more embedded in friendships. Based on previous studies, this part has tried to demonstrate that migrants interact within social networks differently and may yield different outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLewis et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) observed that most migrants in a state of precariousness are undocumented. Following this observation, this study looks at an under-researched and vulnerable population of Zimbabwean undocumented migrant waitrons. It builds on a school of research that treats social networks as the primary mechanism that migrant workers adopt to mitigate their challenges in precarious labour markets (see Comola \u0026amp; Mendola, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Lin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e)(see Lin 2005, Comola and Mendola \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e, Yieuh 2011).\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Theoretical framework","content":"\u003cp\u003eThis study is theoretically grounded in social network theory, drawing on scholarship that conceptualises migration as a socially embedded process shaped by interpersonal ties rather than solely by individual choice or structural push\u0026ndash;pull factors. Social networks are understood as patterned sets of relationships through which information, resources, obligations, and expectations circulate, thereby shaping migrants\u0026rsquo; mobility trajectories and labour market incorporation.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn migration studies, social networks constitute a form of social capital that migrants mobilise to reduce the costs and risks of movement, settlement, and employment. Following \u0026nbsp;Boyd and Fortin (2010) and Lin (2008), this study treats networks not merely as support systems but as mechanisms that mediate access to jobs, accommodation, and survival knowledge. In contexts of undocumented status and precarious labour, where formal protections are absent, networks often substitute for state support, becoming primary tools for navigating exclusionary labour markets.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eImportantly, this framework distinguishes between strong and weak ties. Although kinship and close familial ties are traditionally assumed central to migrant support, scholarship shows that weak ties, such as friendships, co-worker relationships, and casual social contacts, often provide more timely and valuable labour-market information. These ties are particularly significant in sectors such as hospitality, where employment is informal, turnover is high, and recruitment often occurs through word of mouth. However, the framework resists romanticising social networks. Social ties are not uniformly beneficial; they are dynamic, unequal, and embedded in relations of power. Networks generate reciprocal obligations, emotional labour, and material expectations that can intensify migrants\u0026rsquo; precarity. Drawing on Worby (2010) and Kathiravelu (2012), this study conceptualises disconnection as an integral part of networked life. Migrants may strategically distance themselves from certain ties to avoid exploitation, manage the shame associated with occupational downgrading, or reduce the financial and emotional burden of reciprocity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReligion is situated within this framework as a particular form of social network that can simultaneously foster belonging and enable disconnection from prior ties. Religious networks offer moral legitimacy, emotional support, and material assistance, yet they may also impose new obligations and constraints.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eOverall, this framework conceptualises undocumented migrant waitrons as strategic social actors who actively negotiate connections and disconnections within social networks to mitigate precarity. Networks are thus treated not as static safety nets but as flexible, contested resources that migrants continuously assess, reshape, and, at times, abandon to survive within precarious labour regimes.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eStudy setting\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study divides the hospitality industry into two distinct sectors; accommodation sector (hotels, bed \u0026amp; breakfasts, caravan parks, camping sites, inns, game lodges and time sharing of apartments at resorts) and food and beverage services, these include restaurants, coffee shops, tearooms, fast food outlets as well as other catering services (NALEDI, 2001). This research focuses on restaurants because precarious employment is particularly evident within the restaurant industry where there are seemingly low barriers to entry and significant competition among local businesses (Alberti, 2011; Denstedt, 2008). Most restaurants in South Africa and globally are not unionized which can make them an even more precarious place to work (Alberti, 2011; Denstedt, 2008; Jinnah et al., 2015).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study focused on migrants living in Johannesburg, South Africa; the city is an economic hub with a vibrant hospitality sector, including numerous restaurants, cafes, and bars. It is an ideal location to study employment patterns, job satisfaction, and working conditions. Additionally, Johannesburg faces urban challenges such as high unemployment rates, economic inequality, and safety concerns, offering insights into how these factors impact the service industry and waitrons\u0026apos; livelihoods.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eStudy design\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study used a qualitative interpretivist approach (Riessman, 1993), which enabled the use of narrative interviews which attend to both personal conditions and social conditions \u0026nbsp;(Clandinin \u0026amp; Connelly, 2004; Riessman, 2003). The study used narrative interviews and allowed participants to tell their stories in their own way without being forced to leave out some information they wanted to include (Riessman, 1993, 2002). The study was part of a master\u0026rsquo;s thesis with a two-part research interview. The first part focused on the challenges faced by waitrons in the study (see Matina in press), and the second part, which is the study, was follow-up interviews that focused on how waitrons mitigated their precarity.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eParticipant selection and sampling strategy\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study was part of a master\u0026rsquo;s thesis with a two-part research interviews. The first round of interviews focused on the challenges faced by waitrons in the study (see Matina, 2025), and the second part, which is the study, was formed from follow-up interviews that focused on how waitrons mitigated their precarity. Research participants worked in different restaurants across Johannesburg, such as Melville, Eastgate, and Midrand. To identify participants the researcher\u0026rsquo;s networks who were waitrons were approached and snowballing was used to recruit participants. The study used snowball sampling because undocumented waitrons are cautious about the people they talk to so this method allows a researcher to study a stigmatised group and behaviour, hence having a previous participant vouch for the trustworthiness of the researcher (Yin, 2009, 2015). The study focused on both men and women. I recruited five men and five women for an equal representation of both sexes.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eData collection\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe study was approved by Wits University (Ethics number: H16/08/18) to fulfil the master\u0026apos;s requirements at the African Center for Migration and Displacement. Data collection was conducted from November 2016 to January 2017. Participants were first contacted by phone to schedule appointments; the researcher met with participants at their preferred locations ranging from close to their workplaces during their lunchtime, their houses and places they hang around during their off days. The interviews lasted an hour to two hours. Participants were interviewed in Shona and Ndebele, with some using one vernacular language and English.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003eData analysis\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eParticipants were asked to consent to recording interviews. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and then translated into English. The study used thematic analysis. Thematic analysis, as described by Braun and Clarke (2019), identifies patterns (themes) within the data. Codes were used to pinpoint common and recurring themes that emerged from the data. Themes provide commonality among participants, highlighting shared experiences or perceptions central to the research inquiry. Riessman (1993, 2002) emphasises that themes offer a framework for organising and interpreting the data, allowing researchers to draw meaningful insights and conclusions. In this study, the identified themes were used to encapsulate the collective experiences of the participants. These themes help to convey the essence of what participants expressed, providing a deeper understanding of their experiences, challenges, and perspectives.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Results","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe participants were aged between 27 and 42, had lived in Johannesburg for an average of 9 years, and had an average of 8.5 years\u0026rsquo; experience as waiters. Three participants had not finished secondary education, four had finished secondary education, two had diplomas, and one was a university dropout. Respondents highlighted that people in their networks influenced their decision to come to South Africa. They further indicated that most of their networks were the ones who introduced them to their first jobs. Respondents highlighted the existence and importance of social networks in their everyday lives. All ten respondents indicated that family, friends and sexual networks played a role in deciding to migrate.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eStrong and weak ties\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, some waiters expressed disappointment upon arrival. Weak social ties played a strong role in the migration decisions of the migrants. 80% of the waiters highlighted that their decision to move to South Africa was influenced by friends, and only one mentioned a partner bringing her here and only one a relative. This contradictory information reveals that weak social ties can at times prove more influential than close networks.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eCharmaine, aged 32 and a single mother of one who has been living in South Africa for six years explained:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Sahwira mukuru anokunda weropa\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis is a Shona idiom meaning that a friend is more important than relatives. Most respondents said their kinship networks had disappointed them, and they relied more on friends. Charmaine elaborated on her point:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;When my husband left me for another woman I was stressed and had to go back to my mother. He wanted me to leave my children and promised that if I left with them (for South Africa) he won\u0026rsquo;t support them. I couldn\u0026rsquo;t leave my children (in Zimbabwe). I could not take him to court since he came from a politically influential family. I knew I would not win the case. My friend who was visiting (Zimbabwe) offered to take me to Johannesburg so that I could provide for my children and mother. \u0026lsquo;\u003cstrong\u003eShamwari inokunda weropa\u003c/strong\u003e, when we were on our way, she told me that life in South Africa is difficult and we would have to stay in the shelters. We would go there to sleep only, the gates were opened by 6 am, and we would pay R5 per night. For the first two weeks my friend would pay for me as she taught me how to survive here\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn a separate interview, Cheryl, aged 30 and having lived in South Africa for 3 years, also supported the point that friends are very important for migrants. This is what she had to say about her experience with friends:\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;A friend that sticks by you becomes your relative. Carol is more than a friend to me; she is like a sister. When you call relatives they only sympathise with you but never come to your rescue. Two years ago I was raped in the park and I called my cousin to tell her and she never showed any compassion or visit me. Carol was the only person who stood by me\u0026hellip;\u0026hellip; I needed someone to confide to and Carol proved to be more than a friend. I no longer call my relatives because they have proved not to care about me. I once stayed with my uncle and aunt (in South Africa). I had no peacethey insulted me and denied me food. I find it better to live with a boyfriend, even if he beats me he won\u0026rsquo;t deny me food\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThese responses indicated that migrants rely more on so-called weak ties than on traditional family ties. This may be because weak ties provide more innovative and useful information, and friends have a greater influence on one\u0026rsquo;s likelihood to migrate than close family (Liu 2013). Weak ties usually facilitate the flow of crucial information.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRay\u0026rsquo;s statement below illustrates how weak ties can at times be an advantage in finding information about new vacancies and which restaurants are the best to look for jobs. When migrants socialise in bars, they share their work experiences and opportunities at other restaurants. Ray, a 37-year-old male who has worked for 8 years as a waiter, emphasised that to get information about what is happening, who is hiring, or who offers better working conditions, a waiter has to go out for drinks with other waiters. Ray explained;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;We find information about job vacancies while sharing beers, when someone states that they have quit or have been fired that is how you know you can go look for a job at that restaurant\u0026rdquo;. Ray\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThus, the so-called weak ties facilitate the spread of useful information about prospective jobs. They are essential for labour migrants whose main mission in South Africa is to find jobs. Respondents highlighted that it was essential to maintain these networks and to be well positioned within them.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eDisconnection\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eDuring fieldwork, I met a 37-year-old waiter, Ray, with a diploma, who did not want to meet at certain places because he did not want people who knew him from Zimbabwe to see him. He explained that in Zimbabwe he had a good office job, and most of his relatives and friends did not know that he was now a waiter. Hence his decision to disconnect from friends and family.\u0026nbsp;Landau \u0026amp; Freemantle (2016) and Worby (2010) posit that the downgrading of skills may lead to one disconnecting from their social networks. Leroy, a 35-year-old male waiter, during fieldwork highlighted that he did not go to certain places and preferred working in expensive restaurants because it reduced the chance that people who knew him from Zimbabwe would see him. To him, it was embarrassing for a university dropout from one of the esteemed universities to be seen waiting tables.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eSome waitrons believed that social networks might bind them because they believed they owed someone who helped them. Some migrants then try to detach themselves from such networks.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If you help a friend to come here and you find them a job they owe you hence they have to be loyal to you. They do whatever you ask them because you have helped them.\u0026rdquo;Peter a 42 year old with 12 years\u0026rsquo; experience as a waiter.\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIn his statement above, Peter suggests that helping someone gives you power over them and allows you to demand things from the person who \u0026lsquo;owes\u0026rsquo; you. Borrowing from Landau \u0026amp; Freemantle (2016), such relationships introduce material obligations and inconvenience, as well as an additional source of uncertainty. Migrants then tend to disconnect from such demanding networks and move towards others that demand less.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNuttall \u0026amp; Mbembe (2008)highlight that migrants\u0026rsquo; lives are tied to multiple elsewhere. This may refer to their home countries where they need to send remittances, and where they currently stay. Hence maintaining all these multiple elsewhere may prove to be costly. During my field works, respondents highlighted the need to provide to those left in Zimbabwe and some believed that their families did not understand that life in Johannesburg was not all rosy and they kept on demanding a lot from them. To the waitrons these demands seemed to be frustrating. Due to the pressures of sending remittances others highlighted that they could not afford to host relatives and only their immediate family had their phone numbers to avoid other relatives seeking their help.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eWorby (2010) states that some migrants who come to Johannesburg and their networks are not reachable. One responded stated that he had a good job in Zimbabwe but was promised a better job by his father\u0026rsquo;s friend. He left his job upon reaching Johannesburg he could not get hold of his father\u0026rsquo;s friend; he ended up looking for friends who accommodated him and introduced him to the hospitality industry since they were waitrons. During interviews one respondent reflected on the disappointment from his networks, he had helped friends but none of them reciprocated.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;I will never help any Zimbabwean again, I hosted many of them but when I got fired no one could reciprocate. It is better I keep my money and use it when I am in trouble. Zimbabweans are not grateful people. You help a person and tomorrow they forget you. Some once you take them in and they steal from you\u0026rdquo; Xolani\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eAfter saying this he \u0026lsquo;kissed his teeth\u0026rsquo; (a mark of annoyance), this action however shows the extent to which he was disappointed by his friends and decided not to help any of them. Networks are largely informal, they lack means of ensuring accountability to members hence help and assistance, then, is given with a vague expectation, but no guarantee, of return (Kathiravelu 2012). Xolani, a 40-year-old with 20 years of experience working as a waiter, is not the only respondent who revealed such disappointment from their networks and decided to detach themselves from these networks. McCollum and Apsite-Berina (2015) articulate that some migrants disconnect from their networks because the people they helped out never reciprocated and they felt let down.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e\u003cem\u003eReligion; a tool for disconnection\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eReligion can act as a contributing factor to disconnection. Migrants who belong to the same church may build relations with their church communities where they feel they belong. They disconnect from their relatives who are non-believers (Landau 2016).\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eMy church pastors and church mates are my closest family and in times of trouble they are always there to support me\u003c/em\u003e\u0026rdquo; Nobuhle a 35-year-old waiter who has 7 years experience as a waiter\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHowever, religion, at times, becomes binding on migrants. Ray disclosed that the reason he did not get many tips was that his pastor had prophesied that he had to be part of the church ministry and that, as long as he was a waiter, he would suffer. He was considering leaving his job.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Discussion","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;No car can go ahead without fuel. .. Nearly all people who decide to leave their homes in order to get a job in South Africa may know someone here that can guide them. Those who come here without knowing anybody end up having many problems in the process.\u0026rdquo; Muanamoha et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e:88)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe above statement emphasises the importance of social networks in the migration trajectory. Migrants use their social networks to advance themselves, obtain new opportunities, and reach receiving countries. According to Palloni et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e, p. 1280), having a tie to someone who has migrated yields social capital that people can draw upon to gain access to an important form of financial capital, namely high foreign wages, which offer the possibility of accumulating savings abroad and sending remittances home.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMuanamoha et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) noted that in destination areas, migrants are assisted by family members and friends of new migrants, as well as established immigrants, who are often the first to provide newcomers with accommodation and food, and to support them in securing jobs and documentation in South Africa. In this study, Ray, a father of one with nearly 10 years\u0026rsquo; experience as a waiter in South Africa, for example, indicated that he became a waiter because his friend, who facilitated his journey to South Africa, \u0026lsquo;was a waiter and that it was easier to find a person a job in the area you are more knowledgeable in\u0026rsquo;. Borrowing from McCollum and Apsite-Berina (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e:53), reliance on social networks contributes to migrants\u0026rsquo; labour market marginalisation: a new arrival who finds employment through a social network is likely to attain a similar job to those held by the constituents of that network. However, this creates a relative labour market disadvantage for migrants that is effectively reproduced and may hinder the likelihood of upward occupational mobility, resulting in underemployment among migrant workers (Ibid). Fernandes and Paul (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) posit that networks are a strategy for risky diversification. Palloni et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e) and Fernandes and Paul (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) state that migration costs and risks are reduced because new migrants use kinship and friendship ties to gain access to employment and assistance at the point of destination. This aligns with our study findings; respondents highlighted that their first jobs were influenced by their networks, making it easier for them to settle in Johannesburg.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial networks provide routine, unsolicited job information that may eventually prove critical in securing a better job without actively searching for one (Lin, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Yieuh (2008) and Kathiravelu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) observed that social networks increase the elasticity of labour supply among migrant workers. Thieme (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR34\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) notes that the job market in Delhi is highly organised, with jobs handed over and sold within networks. She further notes that migrants borrow from one source to repay another, perpetuating debt and dependency. Marques (2011) adds that people and social groups access opportunities, goods, and services, including money, tools, information, affection, solidarity, and emotional support, through social connections. Social networks therefore play a pivotal role in the lives of migrants facing precarity. They also serve as a pathway into employment for those lacking other routes into the labour market (McCollum \u0026amp; Apsite-Berina, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), with labour migration largely influenced by weak ties (Muanamoha et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMcCollum and Apsite-Berina (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) found that migrants play a pivotal role in helping employers recruit new workers. They noted that employers rely on their migrant workers to recruit through their networks, thereby cutting advertising costs. Migrants perceive social networks as offering quick, reliable information about employment opportunities and routes into employment (Boyd, McCollum and Apsite-Berina \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e, Liu \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSocial networks are often used by migrants to navigate the laws set against them. Failure to appreciate the social dimensions of the migration process has led to the failure of migration laws, which in turn produce outcomes opposite to the desired ones as migrants employ social networks that generate more legal and illegal migrants (Muanamoha et al. \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Networks are central features of illegal migration (Boyd \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccording to Liu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e), previous literature largely overlooks friendship ties and pays less attention to extended ties. Eight out of ten respondents indicated that their decision to migrate was influenced by friends. Liu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) further analysed weak and strong ties among migrants and found that weak ties are also essential to migrants. Interestingly, Liu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) argued that the weaker the tie, the greater the amount of information. According to that research, weak ties are more influential for men than strong ties, while strong and weak ties appear to be of similar importance for women. Contrary to the popular view that \u0026lsquo;blood is thicker than water\u0026rsquo;, especially during hard times (M. Boyd, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1989\u003c/span\u003e), with relatives being very helpful for migrants in the host country, this study established that waitrons tended to rely more on their friends than on relatives. In fact, over time they became closer to their friends than to relatives.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe above sections focused more on the positive aspects of social networks. However, the utility of connections through networks cannot be overly romanticised, and migrants highlight disappointments in some of their networks. Resources in social networks are not always readily available, and not everyone has access to the same resources (McCollum \u0026amp; Apsite-Berina, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e; Palloni et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e; Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Migrants may disconnect from these networks because they have faced disappointment, the fear and expense of reciprocity, or because they no longer find their social networks relevant. Disconnection occurs when members of a social network detach themselves from it (Worby, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Comola and Mendola:2015 and Mcollum and Apsite-Berina:2015). Worby (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) reveals that disconnection can be as useful as a connection when one finds oneself in a situation of extreme difficulty. Just because resources exist does not mean they are readily accessible to everyone within that network (Ryan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eNetworks can heighten real or perceived vulnerability and produce new risks (Worby \u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e, Kathiravelu \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). The cost of travel and hosting friends and family are some migrants' reasons for not engaging in social activities (Kathiravelu \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Being part of a network can at times be perceived as costly. Worby (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR36\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e) and Kathiravelu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) postulate that loss of social status also acts as a reason why migrants are reluctant to allow others to see the reduced circumstances in which they are living, and hence they disconnect from their networks. Kathiravelu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) posits that social solidarity is a double-edged sword. While networks can function as productive ways to achieve social mobility through migration, they may involve becoming implicated in exploitative relations. Many low-wage migrants are aware of this risk, yet agree to such arrangements, leaving them ambivalent about the position of exploiter (Ibid).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eConcerns about the reciprocity and generosity required in hosting at times lead migrants to disconnect from their networks. Landau \u0026amp; Freemantle (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) posit that reciprocal obligations and economic precarity may result in migrants disconnecting from their networks. Kathiravelu (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) points out that hosting relatives and friends can be costly. Undocumented migrants lead precarious lives; hence reciprocating and hosting other migrants can be a burden to them. In order to maintain social networks, migrants have to reciprocate and help each other. Resources within these networks are not readily available, and migrants have to invest in them. The cost of investing in these networks may prove too demanding, and some prefer to detach from them. Migrants might disconnect from their networks as a way of survival because networks require one to reciprocate. Migrants may disconnect from their initial networks to create new ones they see as appropriate at the time. Ryan (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) gives an example of how educated Polish migrants in London disconnected from their ethnic groups and formed networks with professionals. Some waiters highlighted that they now have stronger ties to co-waiters than to their relatives who brought them to South Africa.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eReligious teachings frequently emphasise principles such as charity, compassion, and social justice, which can significantly influence the behaviour and interactions of community members. For instance, the practice of tithing and other forms of religious giving can redistribute resources within the community, supporting those in need and reinforcing social bonds (Katsaura, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e; Polanyi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1957\u003c/span\u003e). For migrants, religious institutions often serve as crucial mediating structures that help them navigate the complexities of their new environments. By fostering trust and cooperation, religious networks enhance the collective resilience of migrant communities and contribute to their overall well-being (Ebaugh \u0026amp; Chafetz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e). Landau (2009) and Katsaura (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) argue that religion forms societies of believers and can create a network of believers. Religion acts as a coping mechanism, and at the same time, people make sense of the world around them through it. Individuals from the same church solicit jobs for one another and help one another. Furthermore, the social capital generated within religious networks enhances migrants' resilience. By participating in religious activities and building relationships within their religious communities, migrants gain access to a network of support that can help them cope with the challenges of their precarious lives (Cnaan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). Religious networks can also serve as a platform for advocacy, giving migrants a collective voice to address issues of injustice and seek better conditions (Hondagneu-Sotelo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Notably, religion also plays a significant role in how migrant workers cope with their precarious lives and in the process of disconnecting from their former social networks while forming new ones.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eLimitations and Strengths\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis investigation has several limitations. First, the small sample of ten participants, despite reaching data saturation, limits the generalisability of the findings. Additionally, reliance on data from 2016 may not accurately reflect the current socio-economic and policy contexts shaping migrant workers' experiences in South Africa. Nonetheless, the study offers a critical overview of waiters' precarity before the COVID-19 pandemic, establishing a valuable baseline for future post-pandemic research. Conversely, the study also has notable strengths. It contributes empirically by focusing on an under-researched occupational group: undocumented waitstaff in the hospitality sector in a Global South urban setting. By emphasising weak social ties, religious networks, and strategic disconnection, the research extends social network theory beyond its traditional focus on support and cohesion, providing a more nuanced and realistic depiction of networks under conditions of structural marginalisation. Furthermore, conducting interviews in participants\u0026rsquo; preferred languages enhanced rapport and bolstered the validity of the findings.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe findings from this study highlight the pivotal role that social networks play in the lives of undocumented Zimbabwean waitrons working in Johannesburg\u0026rsquo;s precarious hospitality sector. In the absence of formal citizenship and the associated legal and moral support from the state, these migrants rely heavily on various forms of social networks to navigate their challenging circumstances. The research demonstrates that social networks function as essential tools for recruitment and economic survival, particularly in industries like hospitality where work conditions are often unstable. Crucially, the study identifies a nuanced landscape of social interactions among these migrants, including not only strong social connections but also weak ties, religious networks, and significant patterns of disconnections. While strong social connections provide immediate support, weak ties and religious networks offer broader opportunities and emotional solace. These networks collectively enhance the resilience of migrant workers, helping them mitigate economic precarity and adapt to their new environment. However, the reliance on social networks is not without potential risks. The study underscores that these networks can sometimes expose migrants to exploitation and reinforce their marginalisation. Despite these challenges, the strategic use of social networks remains a crucial survival mechanism for undocumented migrants.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study contributes to the emerging field of social networks among marginalised groups. It adds to the growing literature on migrant integration within the social and economic landscapes of the global south. By systematically investigating the role of social networks, this research offers valuable insights into how migrants navigate economic precarity and highlights the complex interplay of social connections and disconnections in their daily lives. These findings underscore the need for policies that recognise and support the informal networks migrants rely on, ultimately promoting greater social and economic inclusion.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding statement:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe project was not funded.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eCompeting interests:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe authors have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eData availability:\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eData is available upon request\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical considerations: \u003c/strong\u003eInformed consent was obtained from participants. The study was approved by Wits Ethics committee: (H16/08/18) \u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eAll authors whose names appear on the submission made substantial contributions to the conception or design of the work; or the acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data; or the creation of new software used in the work;drafted the work or revised it critically for important intellectual content;approved the version to be published; and agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eNALEDI, N. L. a. E. D. I. (2001). Overview of South African Tourism and Hospitality Sector University of Natal.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003eAlberti, G. 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Guilford publications. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":false,"email":"","identity":"sn-social-sciences","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"SN Social Sciences","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":false,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"VoR Journals","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"undocumented migrants, social networks, precarious labour, hospitality sector, social capital, precarity, hospitality work","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8475756/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8475756/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eSocial networks are an integral part of migrant city life in the absence of the legal and moral obligation to care that formal citizenship provides, which is unavailable to labour migrants. Social networks serve as recruitment tools for employees and migrants, and their use is visible in the hospitality industry, where employees are exposed to precarious work. The study used narrative interviews to examine how undocumented Zimbabwean waiters in Johannesburg use social networks to mitigate economic precarity. The study found that Zimbabwean waiters working in Johannesburg\u0026rsquo;s precarious hospitality sector rely on social networks. I found evidence demonstrating the importance of social networks; however, these networks are not only strong social connections but also weak ties, religious networks, and \u0026ndash; perhaps most importantly \u0026ndash; overt patterns of disconnections. While social networks can play an important role in migrants\u0026rsquo; (and others\u0026rsquo;) success, they are not without potential risks. In light of this, this study sought to systematically investigate the role of social networks in mitigating precarity. This study adds to the emerging field of social networks among marginalised groups and to a growing literature on migrant integration in the social and economic environments of the global south.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"From Strong Ties to Weak Ties: Social Networks and Precarity among Undocumented Zimbabwean Waitrons","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-04-06 09:45:07","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8475756/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-03-23T00:41:52+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvited","content":"","date":"2026-01-26T07:19:59+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-01-07T08:30:27+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-01-07T08:28:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"SN Social Sciences","date":"2025-12-29T20:34:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":false,"email":"","identity":"sn-social-sciences","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"","title":"SN Social Sciences","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":false,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"VoR Journals","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"d380fb67-2527-4871-86d7-0e57f7de4b93","owner":[],"postedDate":"April 6th, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-06T09:45:07+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-04-06 09:45:07","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8475756","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8475756","identity":"rs-8475756","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}