Keywords
Corpus Callosum, Bilingualism, Genetic risks, Dyslexia, Reading development,
Compensation.
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1. Introduction
Amongst the cognitive functions that a child must develop during their first years of
schooling, reading is by far one of the most complex. Because a child’s brain is highly plastic
and adaptable to environmental influences, childhood experiences have a profound impact
on shaping and optimising the properties and configurations of neural networks, including
those supporting reading development (Dehaene, 2011; Dehaene, Cohen, Morais, &
Kolinsky, 2015; Perry, 2002) . Reading strongly depends on the adequate development of
phonological abilities, which have been a cornerstone theoretical construct in the study of
dyslexia (Ramus & Szenkovits, 2008; Snowling M. , 1998) . Evidence shows that
phonological (dis)abilities mediate the link between the complex dyslexia phenotype and its
genetic bases (Moll, et al., 2014) , and for this reason, they are susceptible to be influenced
by linguistic environmental factors and modulate reading outcomes (Landerl, et al., 2013;
Snowling M. J., 2008) . Therefore, the early acquisition of two phonological systems in early
bilingualism might significantly imp act the organisation of the reading brain, changing the
trajectory of reading acquisition and determining the extent of its success.
Bilingual contexts make early language and phonological acquisition particularly complex,
as young learners have to adapt and develop optimal strategies to navigate linguistic
variability, uncertainty and conflict. Learning two or more linguistic systems is now widely
recognized to lead to neurocognitive adaptations affecting both brain function and structure
(Felton, et al., 2017; Pliatsikas, 2019; Pliatsikas, et al., 2020; Amoruso, et al., 2024) .
Amongst these effects, bilingualism has been associated with reduced classical phonological
and attentional control spatial asymmetries or dominance
(Hausmann, Durmusoglu, Yazgan, & Güntürkün, 2004; Hull & Vaid, 2006; Hull & Vaid,
2007; Marzecová, Asanowicz, Krivá, & Wodniecka, 2012) , indexed by reduced processing
advantages for stimuli presented to the contralateral side of the dominant hemisphere,
namely the left hemisphere (LH) for phonological operations, and the right hemisphere (RH)
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for attentional control processes. These neural adaptations might arise because of the need
to select and switch between languages, which create perceptual, attentional and cognitive
demands that are unique to bilingual language use (Blanco-Elorrieta & Pylkkänen, 2018;
Green & Abutalebi, 2013).
Notably, research has shown that tasks with high complexity and attentional demands
trigger the activity of LH frontal regions (Friederici, Fiebach, Schlesewsky, Bornkessel, &
Cramon, 2005; Roskies, Fiez, Balota, Raichle, & Petersen, 2001; Swick, Ashley, Turken, &
U, 2008) , involved in both phonological and attentional control networks (Diveica, et al.,
2023), and play a critical supporting role when the RH-dominant attentional network reaches
maximal engagement (Hirose, et al., 2012) . Interestingly, young bilinguals show a
hyperreactivity and sensitivity of LH frontal regions to increased attentional demands and
complexity (Arredondo, Hu, Satterfield, & Kovelman, 2016; Arredondo, Aslin, & Werker,
2021), which may contribute to shapin g a bilateral “phonological attentional control network”
ready to handle the complex demands of bilingual environments (Green & Abutalebi, 2013;
Kroll & Bialystok, 2013).
This aligns well with observations that, as task complexity increases, a gradual transition
is observed going from lateralised and segregated networks towards more integrated or
bilateral networks characterised by longer distance and stronger interhemispheric
connectivity (Kitzbichler, Henson, Smith, Nathan, & Bullmore, 2011) . This hemispheric
cooperative benefit is mostly observed in the genu (Davis, Kragel, Madden, & Cabeza, 2011;
Davis & Cabeza, 2015) , the a nterior section of the corpus callosum (CC), a major white
matter tract connecting the two hemispheres. These neural connectivity adaptations are
further supported by behavioural evidence showing that when a task is sufficiently
challenging, hemispheric cooperation is recruited to enhance performance (Belger & Banich,
1998; Hughes, Upshaw, Macaulay, & Rutherford, 2016; Weissman & Banich, 2000) ,
resulting in a “rebalancing” of normally dominant and lateralised networks.
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Recently, Klimovich-Gray et al. (2026) proposed a theoretical framework explaining how
such rebalancing and strengthening interhemispheric cooperation could underlie successful
and r esilient neural speech processing adaptations in dyslexia. They suggest that the
classically observed bilateral, less left -lateralised, phonological and speech networks in
dyslexia - reflecting RH overactivation (Hoeft, et al., 2007; Pugh, et al., 2000) - often viewed
as an impairment, may, in some cases, reflect successful compensatory strategies that help
manage the high demands imposed by a dysfunctional LH. The authors argue that these
successful cases of atyp ical bilateral neural organisation will partly depend on the active
engagement of the CC: an overactivated RH would only serve as a n optimal compensatory
strategy if its activity is transferred to the challenged LH for support (e.g., (Molinaro,
Lizarazu, Lallier, Bourguignon, & Carreiras, 2016; Yu, et al., 2020) ). This hypothesis implies
explaining why altered structural interhemispheric connectivity - mostly in the posterior
splenium CC section, but also the g enu - predicts low phonological and reading skills (e.g.,
(Dougherty, et al., 2007; Frye, et al., 2008; Rumsey, et al., 1996; Swanson, et al., 2015;
Robichon, Bouchard, Démonet, & Habib, 2000; Plessen, 2002)) and could be viewed as part
of causal accounts of reading deficits.
Here, we adopt an “adaptive” view of the CC where it may either passively suffer from
weakened signals sent from a dysfunctional hemisphere - the LH in the case of dyslexia - or
support dysfunction through the active (but also more costly) transfer from the preserved
hemisphere - the RH in dyslexia. The follow-up task for research is therefore to identify
which factor(s) may contribute to favouring the active use of interhemispheric connectivity as
an effective compensatory strategy that strengthens the reading networks.
In the present study, we examine early bilingualism as an environmental factor that may
ultimately alter interhemispheric connectivity to create a rebalanced and resilient reading
network. In line with this, plenty of evidence shows that experience with bilingual
environments alters functional and structural brain interhemispheric connectivity mainly in
anterior (Bice, Yamasaki, & Prat, 2020; Fedeli, Del Maschio, Sulpizio, Rothman, & Abutalebi,
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2021; Luk, Bialystok, Craik, & Grady, 2011; Mohades, et al., 2012; Pliatsikas,
Moschopoulou, & Saddy, 2015; Schlegel, Rudelson, & Tse, 2012) but also the posterior
(Bice, Yamasaki, & Prat, 2020; Pliatsikas, Moschopoulou, & Saddy, 2015; Pereira Soares,
Kubota, Rossi, & Rothman, 2021) CC regions. Moreover, bilinguals seem to exhibit a more
balanced and efficient allocation of attentional res ources (Bialystok & Craik, 2022; Phelps &
Bozic, 2024), which could also reflect the “greater openness” of young bilinguals when they
explore their environment (Singh, Kalashnikova, & Quinn, 2023) . The CC might have a role
to play in this bilingual attentional openness, since it contributes to the optimal attentional
orientation across hemifields, thus hemispheres (Chechlacz, Humphreys, Sotiropoulos,
Kennard, & Cazzoli, 2015; Pollmann, Maertens, Cramon, Lepsien, & Hugdahl, 2002;
Pollmann, 2010), and to reduced lateralisation (Andrulyte, et al., 2024).
This is particularly well illustrated by studies using the dichotic listening paradigm
(Kimura, 1961) , in which hemispheric dominance for phonological processing and the
efficiency of interhemispheric connectivity can be indirectly meas ured with behavioural
readouts. In this paradigm, participants hear different syllables presented simultaneously to
both ears and are either instructed to report either the one they heard best (measuring
bottom-up attentional orientation) or the one presented in a specific ear (top-down attentional
orientation). In this task, right -ear syllables are generally easier to report because they are
processed directly by the dominant LH. Left -ear syllables, however, are more complex to
report as they must cross th rough the CC (Pollmann, Maertens, Cramon, Lepsien, &
Hugdahl, 2002) from the non-dominant RH to the dominant LH to be processed linguistically
(Steinmann, et al., 2017; Steinmann, et al., 2018) . Individuals with high degree of bilingual
use and exposure have been shown to exhibit increased left -ear reports (Ershaid, 2026;
Lallier, Peréz -Navarro, & Ordin, 2024) interpreted as efficient interhemispheric RH -to-LH
connectivity. Most importantly this attentional rebalance was associated with better reading
and phonological skills in bilingual children and adults reports (Ershaid, 2026; Lallier, Peréz-
Navarro, & Ordin, 2024) and with protective effects against family risks of dyslexia in
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monolinguals (Hakvoort, et al., 2016) . This evidence also aligns with reports showing less
severe phonological deficits in bilingual individuals with dyslexia (Lallier, Thierry, Barr,
Carreiras, & Tainturier, 2018; Lallier, Peréz -Navarro, & Ordin, 2024; Balboni, Kepinska,
Berthele, & Golestani, 2025).
Importantly, reading ability is continuously distributed in the population, with dyslexia
representing the lower tail of this distribution rather than a categorically distinct condition
(Shaywitz, Escobar, Shaywitz, Fletcher, & Makuch, 1992; Pennington, 2006) . This
dimensional view implies that the neural mechanisms proposed to underlie reading
difficulties and associated compensatory strategies in clinically diagnosed individuals,
including structural interhemispheric pathways, may be detectable along the continuum of
genetic liability in the general population, thus, even below the clinical threshold
(Pennington, 2006).
Genetic studies also support a liability model: reading and spelling outcomes and
associated cognitive traits (e.g. phonological awareness) in the general population are
strongly genetically correlated with dyslexia (Doust, et al., 2022). Genome-Wide Association
Studies (GWAS) have begun to identify genetic loci associated with dyslexia (Doust, et al.,
2022; Gialluisi, et al., 2020) and reading abilities (Eising, et al., 2022; Price, et al., 2022) ,
enabling the derivation of individual -level polygenic scores (PGS) that aggregate genetic
effects into a single genetic predictor for a given trait (Belsky & Harden, 2019; Maier,
Visscher, Robinson, & Wray, 2017). PGSs based on the presence of a self-reported dyslexia
diagnosis have been shown to predict reading performance (Doust, et al., 2022; Bicona, et
al., 2025; Carrion-Castillo, Carreiras, & Lallier, 2025).
Interestingly, PGSs derived from broader and less reading-specific traits, such as
cognitive performance (i.e., intelligence) or educational attainment, have been shown to
explain a larger proportion of (i) variance in reading outcomes (Procopio, et al., 2024;
Carrion-Castillo, Carreiras, & Lallier, 2025) and (ii) associated neural structural organisat ion
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(Carrión-Castillo, Paz-Alonso, & Carreiras, 2023) , than dyslexia and reading -based PGSs.
Cognitive performance PGS effects on reading were found to be mainly mediated by the
global brain measure of to tal left cortical surface area (Carrión-Castillo, Paz -Alonso, &
Carreiras, 2023) . In addition, a meta -analysis of neuroimaging studies identified smaller
overall brain volume as the most robustly replicated structural fi nding in dyslexia (Ramus,
Altarelli, Jednoróg, Zhao, & Scotto di Covella, 2018), an effect that persisted after controlling
for IQ. Therefore, it is still unclear whether part of the genetic influence linked to general
cognitive performance on reading operates through global brain measures, reading -specific
circuitry, or both. Whether PGSs specific to dyslexia also modulate this global brain pathway
remains to be established.
Recently, both cognitive performance and dyslexia PGSs were used to investigate how
environmental experiences (bilingualism, socio-economic status, etc) modulate genetic
influences on reading outcomes. Carrión-Castillo et al. (2025) found a positive effect of
bilingualism for reading acquisition that seemed to operate across the genetic risk continuum
at the population level, benefiting individuals both at high and low genetic risks. Which brain
pathway(s) mediate this positive relat ionship is still unclear and is the focus of the present
study.
Here, we adopt a gene-environment perspective to investigate how genetic
predispositions for reading difficulties - linked to less efficiently connected neural systems
(Paulesu, et al., 1996; Turker, Kuhnke, Jiang, & Hartwigsen, 2023) possibly including
alterations of the splenium and the genu (e.g., (Dougherty, et al., 2007; Sun, et al., 2017) -
and bilingualism may both shape the structure of the CC to influence reading outcomes,
independently from global brain measures. To do so, we explored the Adolescent Brain
Cognitive Development (ABCD Ⓡ) database which provides genetic and environmental data
of thousands of children across the United States (Jernigan & Brown, 2018) . We
hypothesised that long -term recurrent exposure to complex dual -language environments
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would play a key role in molding structural interhemispheric architecture in the brain that is
beneficial for learning to read. We expected reading-related PGS and bilingualism to directly
influence reading performance, as shown previously, and these associations to be mediated
by CC structural variations, with positive (bilingualism) and detrimental (genetic risk, PGS)
consequences for reading skills. The structural properties of the genu were expected to be
more strongly modulated by bilingualism than reading-related PGS, whereas the splenium
was predicted to be more strongly influenced by PGS than bilingualism. Based on previous
research in this sample (Carrion-Castillo, Carreiras, & Lallier, 2025) , we did not expect the
direct effects of bilingualism on reading to s trongly interact with genetic risks, but we did not
have clear predictions regarding how or whether these two factors would interact to
modulate the putative mediating effect of the CC on reading skills (see Figure 1).
—---- insert Figure 1 here —----
2. Methods
2.1 Participants
The participants were part of the ABCD Ⓡ study ( https://abcdstudy.org/) (Jernigan &
Brown, 2018). At baseline (i.e., first timepoint) they included 11,886 children ages 9 to 10
from the United States recruited and tested between September 2016 and August 2018
(Garavan, et al., 2018) . The data was acquired in 21 research centres with the consent of
the participant’s parents and following the guidelines of the Declar ation of Helsinki.
Participants included in the database had data acquired for all the independent variables
defined in the experimental design section. Exclusion criteria, including lack of English
proficiency, intellectual, medical, neurological or senso ry impairments, and absence of first
MRI scanning session (Acosta-Rodriguez, et al., 2024).
The current study analysed separately the full baseline sample (N ∼ 11,878) and the 2 -
year follow-up timepoint from the ABCD Curated Annual Release 4.0. (DOI:
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10.15154/1523041) and the Genotyping Data from the ABCD Curated Annual Release 3.0
(NDA Study 901; DOI: 10.15154/1519007).
2.1.1 Analysis subsets
The full sample included all participants (baseline: N = 11,007, mean age=9.9 years,
range=8.9-11; 2-year follow-up: N = 9,693, mean age=12, range=10.6-13.8). Three
additional partially overlapping subsets were defined for sensitivity analyses (Table S1): the
full unrelated sample was derived by retaining one child per family unit (based on
rel_family_id), to avoid non-independence due to related individuals (baseline: N = 9,036; 2-
year follow-up: N = 7,924). The European ancestry sample was defined by restricting to
participants within 6 SDs of the European ancestry centroid on the first two genetic principal
components (PCs), to minimise population stratification in PGS analyses (baseline: N =
5,740; 2-year follow-up: N = 5,235) (as in (Carrion-Castillo, Carreiras, & Lallier, 2025) ). The
European ancestry unrelated sample combined both filters, retaining unrelated individuals of
European ancestry (baseline: N = 4,716; 2-year follow-up: N = 4,286).
Primary mediation analyses for bilingualism predictors were conducted in the full
sample to maximise statistical power and generalisability. Primary mediation analyses for
PGS were conducted in the European ancestry unrelated sample to minimise population
stratification and family-level non-independence.
2.2 Variables
All variables included in the current study are listed and described in Table S2, with
derived variables defined in Table S3. Extreme outliers were removed for all continuous
variables (±7 SD from the mean). Table S4 provides their descriptive statistics per timepoint
and subset.
2.2.1 Reading outcome measure
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We used the uncorrected reading variable from the NIH Toolbox Oral Reading
Recognition Test®, an adaptive test that assesses reading aloud (Gershon, et al., 2014;
Luciana, et al., 2018).
2.2.2 Bilingual indexes predictors
Participant bilingualism was quantified using questionnaires completed by both parents and
children, covering demographic, acculturation, school, and home environmental factors.
While English proficiency was a prerequisite for study participation, questionnaires were
administered in both English and Spanish. We operationalized bilingualism through two
metrics: a continuous "bilingualism continuum" index and a "bilingual degree" variable for the
bilingual subset.
Bilingualism Continuum Index
This metric reflects the spectrum of linguistic exposure and serves as our main operational
definition of bilingualism. We first computed specific sub-scores for proficiency balance,
language preference, and environmental exposure from selected questionnaire items
(Tables S2, S3). The items incorporated the following dimensions: language proficiency,
language usage, linguistic exposure (home and school), parental experience. Then, the
score was computed as an absolute weighted average of responses to selected
questionnaire items, ranging from 0 (completely monolingual environment) to 4 (maximally
bilingual environment). See Table S3 for the specific weighting and scoring for each variable.
Bilingual Degree Index
This index was derived by recalculating the aforementioned scores exclusively in
participants who said they were able to understand or speak a language other than English,
thereby excluding monolingual participants.
2.2.3 PGS predictors
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The PGS is an individual-level variable, computed from a GWAS study, that represents
the weighted summation of variants or single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) associated
with the trait multiplied by their regression coefficient as a measure of effect of the SNP
within a specific trait (Maier et al. 2018). We used the dyslexia (Doust, et al., 2022) and
cognitive performance (Lee, et al., 2018) GWAS summary statistics to compute ind ividual
PGS for the target ABCD Ⓡ dataset using PRS -CS (Ge, Chen, Ni, Feng, & Smoller, 2019)
(see (Carrion-Castillo, Carreiras, & Lallier, 2025) for details on the procedure).
2.2.4 Brain mediator measures
We used both macrostructural (e.g., volumes) and microstructural (e.g., diffusion tensor
imaging) data derived from the ABCDⓇ database’s tabulated data, extracted from a T1 -
weighted sequence (1 mm isotropic voxels), and a diffusion-weighted MRI sequence,
obtained from the scanning sessions in a 3T MRI scanner (General Electric 750, Philips,
Siemens) (Casey, et al., 2018).
Macrostructural MRI data were extracted using the standard morphometric pipeline in
FreeSurfer 5.3.0, which includes quality control. CC volumes were obtained from the “aseg”
segmentation atlas, including anterior, mid-anterior, central, mid-posterior, and posterior
segments. Intracranial volume (ICV) was also extracted as part of the “aseg” subcortical
atlas to obtain a proxy for overall brain size (Hyatt, et al., 2020).
Diffusion tensor imaging microstructural values were calculated from the CC ROI
defined with AtlasTrack (Hagler, et al., 2008) using linear estimation on log -transformed
diffusion-weighted signals (Hagler, et al., 2019) . Averaged weighted measures included
fractional anisotropy (FA), longitudinal diffusivity (LD), transvers e diffusivity (TD), and mean
diffusivity (MD). Additionally, we included a tractography-derived macrostructural measure of
the total CC, namely total fiber bundle volume computed from diffusion-weighted MRI.
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2.3 Data Analysis
We considered the baseline data for our primary analyses; 2-year follow-up analyses were
performed to assess longitudinal consistency and sensitivity of findings. Only participants
with complete data on all variables of interest were included in each analysis; no imputation
was performed.
2.3.1 Correlation matrices
An exploratory correlation analysis was conducted to inform mediator selection, using
Bonferroni correction for multiple comparisons. The selection criteria were: (i) significant
correlations with reading outcomes, and (ii) for variables meeting this criterion, theoretical
relevance to prioritise among candidates from the same structure (i.e. CC subregions).
2.3.2 Mediation analyses
We first performed mixed effects models using the lme4 package (Bates, Mächler, Bolker, &
Walker, 2015) to define direct effects between each predictor and outcomes.
Then, we conducted simple mediation analyses using the mediation package
(version v4.5.0) (Tingley, Yamamoto, Hirose, Keele, & Imai, 2014), with 10,000 quasi -
Bayesian simulations. In all models, age and sex were included as fixed -effect covariates
and site as a random effect to account for the nested data structure. To control for global
brain size, ICV was included as a covariate in both the mediator and outcome models. For
the PGS analyses, genetic ancestry PCs were included as additional covariates to account
for population stratification (Patterson, Price, & Reich, 2006) . These PCs were deriv ed
based on genotype data within each full and European ancestry subsets separately (see
(Carrión-Castillo, Paz -Alonso, & Carreiras, 2023) ). To control for family -wise error rate
across the 48 mediation tests (4 predictors × 4 mediators × 3 outcomes), Bonferroni
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correction was applied. The threshold for statistical significance was adjusted to α = 0.05/48
= 0.001. Results are presented with both raw and corrected p-values in Tables S5-S8.
All sensitivity analyses are specified in section 2.3.4 and Table S1. In short, to
assess robustness to global brain size adjustment, secondary mediation analyses were
repeated with CC mediator measures normalised by ICV, and without ICV adjustment (Dick,
et al., 2021). Family-level relatedness could not be modelled as an additional random effect
in the mediation; to address this, analyses were repeated in “ unrelated” subsets, and a
sensitivity analysis incorporating family as a random effect (instea d of site) was conducted
for the primary finding using lme4 directly. Sensitivity analyses were not corrected for
multiple comparisons given their exploratory nature, but are reported for transparency.
Analyses were replicated with lavaan (v0.6- 15) (Rosseel, 2012) with the MLR
estimator with cluster-robust standard errors, and study site as a cluster variable, to provide
a bridge to the structural equation modelling framework described below. The mediation
package results are reported as primary given its more complete handling of the nested data
structure through mixed-effects models than the lavaan models.
2.3.3 Structural equation modelling (SEM)
To extend the simple mediation analyses and examine all predictors and mediators
simultaneously, we fitted a near-saturated SEM in lavaan (Rosseel, 2012). This model was
fit for the baseline timepoint and included all predictor and mediator variables (except the
“bilingual degree” variable, which was not significant in any of the mediation models) and
reading as outcome. ICV was modelled as an endogenous variable predicted by all three
predictors, and was additionally included as a covariate in the anterior CC and posterior CC
equations. Residual covariance between anterior CC and posterior CC was freely estimated
to account for shared variance between adjacent subregion measures.
The model was estimated using the MLR estimator with standard errors robust to
non-normality. Indirect effects were tested using the delta method approximation, as
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bootstrap confidence intervals cannot be combined with cluster-robust standard errors in
lavaan. Age and sex were included as covariates in all equations, and study site was
specified as a clustering variable to obtain cluster-robust standard errors. No additional
correction for multiple comparisons was applied to SEM path coefficients, as the model was
estimated simultaneously and serves to confirm patterns observed in the primary mediation
analyses rather than test independent hypotheses. Robustness checks were run with
additional covariates (Table S1, Figure S1, section 2.3.4 Sensitivity analyses).
Model fit was evaluated using SRMR, which remains interpretable in near-saturated
models (df=2). CFI, RMSEA, and TLI are not reported as they are known to perform poorly
with very low degrees of freedom (df = 2) (Kenny, Kaniskan, & McCoach, 2014) and produce
uninterpretable values in the current model. Model adequacy and robustness of fin dings
were therefore primarily evaluated based on SRMR and the consistency of parameter
estimates across model specifications.
2.3.4 Sensitivity analyses (Table S1)
Sensitivity analyses examined robustness across the following dimensions:
1. Sample composition: all analyses were repeated in four subsets differing in ancestry
stratification and relatedness filtering (Tables S1, S4). Primary results on bilingualism
effects on reading are reported for the full sample, and for PGS effects for the
European unrelated sample. The SEM was conducted in the full sample to retain
sufficient power when modelling bilingualism and PGS effects simultaneously.
2. Given evidence that covariate selection can substantially alter structural-behavioral
associations (Hyatt, et al., 2020), we examined the robustness of our findings across
three analytical approaches: unadjusted models (NOadj), models with ICV as a
covariate (ICVcov), and models using brain volume normalized by ICV (ICVnorm).
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3. Analytic approach: mediation analyses were replicated using lavaan to confirm
robustness to estimation framework (see Section 2.3.2).
4. Ancestry PCs and SES: SEM models were re-run adding ancestry principal
components (PC1 –PC10) and socioeconomic covariates (household income,
parental education).
5. To assess specificity of findings to reading, analyses were repeated with control
cognitive outcomes vocabulary (NIH Toolbox Picture Vocabulary Test ) (Gershon, et
al., 2014) and non-verbal reasoning (WISC-V Matrix Reasoning) (Wechsler, 2014) as
outcomes (Luciana, et al., 2018).
A full overview of all analysis specifications is provided in Table S1.
The main hypotheses of this study were preregistered in OSF: https://osf.io/hcf53 (Rius-
Manau, Lallier, & Carrion -Castillo, 2026). Deviations from the pre -registered analyses are
detailed in the Supplementary materials (Supplementary annex A).
3. Results
Descriptive statistics for all variables and subsets are presented in Table S4. The results of
the correlation analyses (Figures S2 and S3) led to the selection of anterior and posterior CC
volumes and ICV, and the total CC fiber bundle volume (diffusion-weighted MRI).
3.1 Direct effects of the predictors on reading (ADE paths in Tables S5-S8)
Bilingualism → Reading: Bilingualism continuum scores were positively and robustly
associated with reading across all timepoints ( baseline std. β ≈ 0.033-0.037, unadjusted p <
.0001; year 2 follow up: std. β ≈ 0.0548–0.0575, unadjusted p < .0001; Table S5) and
subsets (Tables S6-S8). The bilingualism degree score computed within the bilingual
subsample only (N = 3,767 at baseline and year 2 follow up: N=2,654) showed nominal
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associations with reading in some subsets and timepoints that did not survive correction for
multiple comparisons (Table S5-S8).
Regarding the control outcomes (vocabulary and non-verbal reasoning), bilingualism
continuum showed no significant effect on non-verbal reasoning in any subset, and only a
nominally significant effect on vocabulary in the full European ancestry subset at baseline
that did not replicate in the unrelated subset. A negative association between bilingualism
degree and non-verbal reasoning was nominally significant in the full samples with
bilingualism degree scores (std. β = −0.035 to −0.045, p = .009–.032, N=3,735 to 3,133), but
was absent in European ancestry subsets.
PGSs → Reading: Both PGSs showed strong and consistent effects in all subsets (Tables
S5-S8): CP PGS was positively (std. β ≈ 0.203 -0.263, all unadjusted p < .0001), and
Dyslexia PGS was negatively (std. β ≈ −0.145 to −0.195, all unadjusted p < .0001)
associated with reading.
Regarding the control outcomes, CP PGS also showed strong and consistent positive effects
on both vocabulary (std. β = 0.15-0.223, p < .0001) and non-verbal reasoning (std. β = 0.12-
0.148, p < .0001) across subsets and timepoints. Dyslexia PGS effects showed mostly
nominally significant negative effects on vocabulary in the European ancestry subsets at
baseline and follow- up (std. β = -0.058 - -0.011, p < .0001 –0.2548) but weaker effects for
non-verbal reasoning which did not survive in the European unrelated subset (Table S8).
3.2 Mediation analyses
Full results are presented in Supplementary Tables S6 –S8 and in Figure 2. Point estimates
showed near-perfect agreement across methods (92.5% agreement on statistical
significance of indirect effects; Supplementary Annex B), supporting the robustness of
findings across estimation frameworks (Table S9).
—---- insert Figure 2 here —----
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3.2.1 Mediation analyses for the prediction of bilingualism to reading
There was no significant mediation for bilingualism degree (only bilingual participants) (Table
S5, Figures S4, S5), which showed high kurtosis across subsets (Table S4). For bilingualism
continuum (including both monolinguals and bilinguals), analyses revealed a significant
indirect effect on reading via the anterior CC volume at baseline, before and after ICV
adjustment (Figure 2A, Table S5). Specifically, after including ICV as a covariate,
bilingualism continuum was negatively associated with anterior CC volume (std. A-path = -
0.0319, p = 0.007), and anterior CC volume was negatively associated with reading (std. B-
path = - 0.0354, p<0.0001), yielding a significant positive indirect effect (std. indirect β =
0.0013, 95% CI [0.0004, 0.0024], p = 6x10-4) (Table S5). Strikingly, this indirect effect was
negative and significant without ICV control (std. indirect β = -0.0018, 95% CI [-0.0031, -
0.0007], p<0.0001; std B-path = 0.0511, p<0.0001), reflecting the zero-order negative
correlation between bilingualism and anterior CC volume (r = -0.04, p=3x10-5, Figure S2)
and leading to a reversed effect after ICV was partialled out. This indirect effect remained
significant across ICV handling specifications, and when family ID was modelled as a
random effect instead of study site (p = 0.048 to <0.0001, Table S10).
Robustness analyses in other subsets across the two timepoints showed that this indirect
effect was not significant at the 2-year follow-up (mean age 12, Table S4) in neither subset
(Tables S5-S8; with ICV adjustment: full sample std. indirect β =0.0004 , p =0.176,
N=6,796). However, it was maintained in the unrelated full sample at baseline (N = 8,840,
Table S6), with both ICV-covariate and ICV-normalised specifications, but not after adjusting
for ancestry PCs (Table S9, Figures S5-S6). In the full European ancestry subset at baseline
(N = 5,389, Table S7), this indirect effect was nominally significant with ICV as a covariate
(std. indirect β = 0.0011, p = .034) and with ICV normalisation (std. indirect β = 0.00117, p =
.014). In the unrelated European subset (N = 4,635, Table S8), no significant indirect effect
was observed (all p > .10). The full robustness analysis of the indirect effect of bilingualism
on reading through the anterior CC across 36 model specifications is presented in Figure S6.
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Control outcomes (vocabulary and non-verbal reasoning): There were no significant
mediations for bilingualism degree. Anterior CC (unadjusted for ICV or ICV-normalised)
significantly mediated the effect of bilingualism on non-verbal reasoning and vocabulary
(Table S5), but not when including ICV as a covariate (Figures S7A, S8A). These effects
were not present in the European ancestry subsets (Tables S7,S8).
3.2.2 Mediation analyses for the prediction of PGS to reading
PGS→CC →Reading: The total CC fiber bundle volume showed significant indirect effects for
both PGS ( CP PGS: std. indirect β = 0.0068 , p <0.0001; Dyslexi a PGS: std. indirect β = -
0.005, p .05). This pattern
was consistent across subsets (Tables S5-S8, S9). There was a nominally significant
indirect effect of the PGS on reading through the anterior CC (baseline ICV-normalised:
p=0.026) that was affected by ICV handling and subset specifications (Tables S5-S9).
PGS→ICV→Reading: Both CP PGS and Dyslexia PGS showed significant indirect effects on
reading via ICV. Specifically, higher CP PGS was associated with larger ICV (std. A-path at
baseline= 0.0868, p = 4.1x10-13; year 2=0.0809, p=5.1x10- 08), which in turn was positively
associated with reading (std. B-path at baseline= 0.1516, p = 1.4x10-19; year 2= 0.1646,
p=2.8x10-16), yielding a significant positive indirect effect (std . indirect β at baseline=
0.0131, 95% CI [0.0089, 0.0179], p<0.0001; year 2=0.0133, 95% CI [0.0079, 0.0194] ,
p<0.0001). Conversely, higher Dyslexia PGS was associated with smaller ICV (std. A-path
at baseline = -0.0435, p = 0.0003; year 2=-0.0355 , p=0.0165), yielding a significant negative
indirect effect on reading via ICV (std. indirect β at baselin e=-0.0074, 95% CI [-0.0117, -
0.0033], p = 0.0004; year2=-0.0069, 95% CI [-0.0124, -0.0012], p=0.0148). These patterns
were consistent across all subsets (Tables S5-S9) and timepoints (Figure S4).
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Control outcomes (vocabulary and non-verbal reasoning): CP PGS showed significant total
effects and ICV-mediated indirect effects for vocabulary (Figure S7C, Table S8) and non-
verbal intelligence (Figure S8C, Table S8). Dyslexia PGS total effects were nominally
significant, though marginal ICV-mediated indirect effects were observed for both
(vocabulary: std. indirect β at baseline =-0.007, p =0.0004, year 2=-0.0062, p<0.0194 ; non-
verbal reasoning: std. indirect β =-0.0048 , p=0.0002) (Table S8, Figures S7C, S8C).
3.3 Structural equation modelling (SEM)
The model is presented in Figure 3 including all predictors and mediators tested in the
previous analyses, except for bilingual degree that was not significant in any of the models.
Overall, the model fit for the primary SEM was acceptable: SRMR = 0.059. CFI and RMSEA
are not interpreted given the near-saturated model structure (df = 2, see Methods). R² values
for the endogenous variables were: ICV = 0.24 (variance explained by PGS and bilingualism
predictors), CC anterior = 0.03 and CC posterior = 0.03 (variance explained by predictors
and ICV), and reading = 0.16 (variance explained by all predictors and mediators).
—---- insert Figure 3 here —----
Direct effects
The direct effects of the bilingualism and PGS predictors on reading were stable across SEM
model specifications with and without ICV, and additional covariate adjustment (e.g. CP PGS
std. β=0.16-0.26, Dyslexia PGS std. β= -0.10 - -0.116; bilingualism continuum std. β =0.040-
0.064; full results in Table S11).
Indirect effects
Bilingualism→CC→Reading: The indirect effect of bilingualism via anterior CC reported in the
simple mediation analyses was nominally significant in the full sample (std. indirect β (SE) =
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0.002 (0.001), p = .0346), also after adjusting for SES covariates (Table S11). However, it
disappeared with ancestry PC inclusion (p = .26).
PGSs→CC→Reading: The CP PGS showed a nominally significant indirect effect via anterior
CC in the model without ancestry PCs (std. β = −0.002, SE = 0.001, p = .017), but this effect
did not survive PC adjustment. No significant indirect effect via posterior CC was observed.
PGSs→ICV→Reading: In the primary model (with ICV and no ancestry PCs), the CP PGS
showed a robust indirect effect on reading via ICV (std. β = 0.026, SE = 0.004, p = <0.001).
This effect was stable across all model specifications. The Dyslexia PGS indirect effect via
ICV was not significant in the primary model ( std. β = −0.003, SE = 0.001, p = .072) but was
nominally significant on all other specifications (Table S11).
Control outcomes (vocabulary and non-verbal reasoning) (Tables S12 - S13).
Analyses confirmed robust direct effects of CP PGS and significant indirect effects via ICV
(vocabulary: std. β = 0.026, SE=0.005, p <0.001; WISC -V: std. β = 0.018, SE=0.0028, p
<0.001). The direct effect of Dyslexia PGS, and indirect effect through ICV were nominally
significant for some model specification only (Tables S12, S13). Additionally, indirect effects
of both PGS via posterior CC emerged in these models, strongest for vocabulary, but also
present for non-verbal reasoning (vocabulary: std. β = 0.003, SE=0.0009, p <0.001; WISC-V:
std. β = 0.003, SE=0.001, p = 0.012). This indirect ef fect was attenuated but present after
adjusting for ancestry PCs, ICV and SES (Tables S12, S13).
Results
suggest that both reading-related PGS have an influence on ICV (positive for CP,
negative for Dyslexia) which in turn robustly modulates reading-specific and non-reading-
specific cognitive outcomes (with some variation between SEM and mediation analyses for
control outcomes). Notably, an indirect pathway from Dyslexia PGS through ICV more
specific to reading might capture variance in core processes underlying dyslexia, such as
grapheme-to-phoneme mappings, independent of oral vocabulary and nonverbal IQ.
Contrary to our predictions, there was no robust indirect effect of PGS on reading
through the CC, as effects disappeared when controlling for ICV. This suggests that, rather
than deficit-based neurogenetic mechanisms, the previously reported links between CC and
dyslexia (e.g. (Vandermosten, Poelmans, Sunaert, Ghesquière, & Wouters, 2013) ) may
reflect compensatory strategies that we hypoth esise are promoted by complex experiences,
such as exposure to bilingual environments.
2. The positive effects of bilingualism on reading are partly mediated through the
anterior CC, independently of global brain size and genetic predispositions to
reading difficulties.
We found a highly robust direct positive effect of our bilingualism-continuum index on
reading - including both monolingual and bilingual children (note that this effect was absent
in smaller samples composed solely of bilingual participants) - across both time points, in
both mediation and SEM analyses, replicating the findings of Carrión-Castillo et al. (2025)
while using a continuous rather than dichotomous operationalisation of bilingualism : the
greatest reading benefits were seen in children exposed to the most bilingual environments.
This replicates previous behavioral findings in Basque –Spanish Grade 1 bilinguals (Lallier,
Peréz-Navarro, & Ordin, 2024) , showing that bilinguals predominantly exposed to dual -
language contexts demonstrated more advanced (lexical) reading skills than bilinguals
mainly exposed to single -language environments. This highlights the importance of taking
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into account the heterogeneity of bilingual experiences to characterise their effects on
neurocognitive outcomes (see (Blanco-Elorrieta & Pylkkänen, 2018; DeLuca, Rothman,
Bialystok, & Pliatsikas, 2020).
Although a priori planned, we chose not to directly test the interaction between PGS
and bilingualism since they predicted reading through independent neural paths (ICV for
PGS, CC for bilingualism). Of note, Carrión-Castillo et al., (2025) found a weak nominal
genes x environment interaction in this ABCD sample which tended to show stronger
protective effects for bilinguals with the highest risks of developing reading difficulties. In any
case, these findings suggest that learning multiple languages boosts reading development
across the whole risk continuum.
Critically and as predicted, the direct effect of bilingualism on reading was mediated
by the CC, its anterior region specifically, in the main analysis using the full sample. This
finding supports our hypothesis that early exposure to complex bilingual environments
promotes the active engagement of frontal interhemispheric connectivity to create a
rebalanced attentional control network. Importantly, this effect was robust despite controlling
for global brain size (also in both European samples), and was relatively specific to reading,
especially in the mediation analyses. This indirect effect was attenuated with ancestry
adjustment, smaller sample sizes, and more conservative estimation approaches (e.g., only
nominally significant and less specific to reading in the SEM analyses), calling for replication
in other bilingual populations in which linguistic diversity and genetic ancestry are less
confounded (see (Ershaid, 2026; Lallier, Thierry, Barr, Carreiras, & Tainturier, 2018; Lallier,
Peréz-Navarro, & Ordin, 2024)).
The selective mediation of the anterior (not posterior) CC independently of ICV rules out a
general whole-brain structural origin. This specific mediation aligns with frontal regions
modulations reported across bilingual infants, children, and adults (Arredondo, Hu,
Satterfield, & Kovelman, 2016; Arredondo, Aslin, & Werker, 2021; D’Souza & D’Souza,
2016), that also depend on task complexity (Davis, Kragel, Madden, & Cabeza, 2011; Davis
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& Cabeza, 2015) . Surprisingly, bilingualism was associated with reduced anterior CC,
despite positive effects on reading, consistent with previous work in this ABCD sample
showing that favorable perinatal condi tions were linked to prolonged CC development in
presence of better cognitive outcomes (Wu, et al., 2025) . This potentially protracted CC
development may stem from an increased need to rely simultaneously on opposing inhibitory
and excitatory callosal forces (see (Bloom & Hynd, 2005; Knaap & Ham, 2011) ) imposed by
complex bilingual environments. Indeed, recurrent reliance on effortful, top-down cooperative
strategies between left an d right frontal regions in bilinguals could effectively go “against”
functional lateralisation principles that rely on interhemispheric inhibition, and may slightly
protract anterior CC development. However, over time, these strategies may become more
automated and more readily deployed at a lower cost, enhancing processing efficiency and
supporting the resolution of difficulties, thereby manifesting as a benefit rather than a
detriment. This could explain why a positive mediation path from bilingualism to reading was
observed, despite appearing negative before controlling for brain size.
Functionally, these adaptive frontal strategies might reflect the reliance on high-order
oral language skills (such as morphosyntactic predictions, see Klimovich-Gray et al., 2026)
which may protect against family risks of dyslexia and their associated phonological
difficulties (Snowling M. J., 2008) . It remains unclear whether and how bilingualism -induced
anterior CC effects could also i nfluence posterior callosal connections (see (Ronderos, Zuk,
Hernandez, & Vaughn, 2024) ), directly linked to phonological and reading development
(Dougherty, et al., 2007; Swanson, et al., 2015) and protective factors in dyslexia (Yu, et al.,
2020).
An important remaining question is when hemispheric rebalance becomes beneficial
for reading development and whether positive effects emerge differently for bilinguals with
language pairs varying on phonological distance. Here, we showed that bilingual
hemispheric rebalancing supports reading in a sample mainly composed of languages with
highly distinct phonemic repertoires (inferred Spanish-English bilingualism: over 80% for
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children and over 73% for parents), but similar effects were observed several times using a
behavioral index of hemispheric rebalance (dichotic listening) in Basque-Spanish bilinguals
with highly similar phonological repertoires (Ershaid, 2026; Lallier, Peréz -Navarro, & Ordin,
2024). This suggests benefits across language pairs and cultural contexts, although future
research should examine these differences more directly.
3. Beyond the CC as the only mediator of the link between bilingualism and
reading
It is important to stress that anterior CC volume is unlikely to be the primary pathway through
which bilingualism influences reading. Indeed, the direct effect of bilingualism on reading
was robust across all specifications and substantially larger than the indirect pathway
through the anterior CC. Accordingly, in the SEM, there was a limited variance in CC volume
explained by the predictors and covariates, consistent with the implication of other
structures.
Intrahemispheric connectivity might play a particularly important role in this respect,
as bilingual experience has been repeatedly linked to changes in intrinsic functional and
structural intrahemispheric connectivity (Fedeli, Del Maschio, Sulpizio, Rothman, &
Abutalebi, 2021; Sulpizio, Del Maschio, Del Mauro, Fedeli, & Abutalebi, 2020; Luk, Bialystok,
Craik, & Grady, 2011; Pliatsikas, Moschopoulou, & Saddy, 2015; Schlegel, Rudelson, & Tse,
2012; Mohades, et al., 2012; Hämäläinen, Sairanen, Leminen, & Lehtonen, 2017; Singh, et
al., 2017). Lower reading skills have also been associated with reduced LH asymmetry of
the FA of the arcuate fascicus (AF) - a white matter tract part of the superior longitudinal
fasciculus (SLF) linking temporo -parietal to frontal regions of the reading and attentional
control networks (Meisler & Gabrieli, 2022; Thiebaut de Schotten, et al., 2011;
Vandermosten, Poelmans, Sunaert, Ghesquière, & Wouters, 2013; Zhao, Thiebaut de
Schotten, Altarelli, Dubois, & Ramus, 2016) - asymmetry that might be influenced by the CC
itself (Andrulyte, Demirkan, Branzi, Bonnett, & Keller, 2026) . We initially explored the
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correlation between the FA asymmetry index of the whole SLF, as provided by the ABCD
database (including SLF I, II, III, and AF) (Janelle, Iorio-Morin, D’amour, & Fortin, 2022), and
reading skills, but found no significant relationship (see Figures S2,S3) . As this lack of
correlation could not be attributed to the asymmetry of specific subsegments, we did not
pursue further analyses. Future research should further explore the role of the AF/SLF, but
also investigate how subcortical and cortical grey matter structures implicated in dyslexia
(e.g., IFG, cerebellum) may be modulated by bilingualism (Marin-Marin, Costumero, Ávila, &
Pliatsikas, 2022; Pliatsikas, et al., 2020) to influence reading trajectories.
3.4 Conclusion
This study offers a nuanced mechanistic understanding of how early bilingual exposure
interacts with genetic predispositions to shape the brain’s resilience to reading difficulties.
Contrary to the persistent myth that multilingualism exacerbates reading difficulties, our
findings demonstrate that bilingual environments may provide a protective, independent
buffer against genetic risks for dyslexia through altering interhemispheric connectivity. While
genetic predispositions primarily influence reading outcomes through global brain size,
bilingualism seems to operate through a distinct neuroanatomical pathway: the anterior CC.
Ultimately, these results validate bilingualism as a powerful environmental factor that can
foster neurocognitive resilience. We speculate that these frontal structural effects contribute
to a more efficient allocation of normally effortful attentional resources across hemispheres,
thereby supporting phonological processing and mitigating reading difficulties. These
findings open potential avenues for research to test whether leveraging this environmental
linguistic factor through educational policies could promote resilience to reading difficulties
across the entire ability spectrum.
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4. Author contributions: CRediT
Conceptualization: M.L., A.C.-C., Data curation: C.R., 23andMe, A.C.-C, Methodology:
M.L., A.C.-C, Formal analysis: C.R., A.C.-C. Funding acquisition: A.C.-C., M.L. Supervision:
M.L., A.C.-C. Visualization: C.R., A.C.C. Writing – original draft: M.L., C.R., A.C.C. Writing –
review & editing: M.L., C.R., A.C.C.
5. Author information
23andMe research team
Adam Auton, Alan Kwong, Anjali J. Shastri, Barry Hicks, Catherine H. Weldon, David A.
Hinds, Emily DelloRusso, Emily M. Rios, Joyce Y. Tung, Kahsaia de Brito, Katelyn Kukar
Bond, Keng-Han Lin, Matthew H. McIntyre, Matthew J. Kmiecik, Qiaojuan Jane Su, Robert
K. Bell, Sayantan Das, Shubham Saini, Stella Aslibekyan, Vinh Tran, Wanwan Xu, Alisa P.
Lehman, Noura S. Abul-Husn, R. Ryanne Wu, Rebecca M. K. Berns, Ruth I. Tennen, Stacey
B. Detweiler, Aditya Ambati, Anna Guan, Bertram L. Koelsch, Chris German, Éadaoin
Harney, Ethan M. Jewett, G. David Poznik, James R. Ashenhurst, Jingran Wen, Peter R.
Wilton, Steven J. Micheletti, and William A. Freyman.
6. Declaration of competing interest
The 23andMe Research Team is currently employed by the 23andMe Research Institute,
a California non-profit public benefit corporation. Some research was initiated/conducted
while 23andMe, Inc. operated as a for-profit entity; The 23andMe Research Team may have
held stock or stock options in 23andMe, Inc. during that period.
7. Acknowledgments
A. C-C. received funding from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation and the
Agencia Estatal de Investigación through Ayudas Ramón y Cajal (RYC2022- 035511-I). M.L.
is supported by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (grant no. PID2022-
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29
136989OB-I00 and ERC- 2024-COG 101170337 BIBALANCE). The BCBL acknowledges
funding from the Basque Government through the BERC 2022-2025 program, and by the
Spanish State Research Agency through The BCBL Severo Ochoa excellence accreditation,
CEX2020-001010-S. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis,
decision to publish or preparation of the manuscript. We thank the research participants and
employees of 23andMe Research Institute. for making this work possible.
Data used in the preparation of this article were obtained from the ABCD Ⓡ Study
(https://abcdstudy.org/) and are held in the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Data
Archive. This is a multisite, longitudinal study designed to recruit more than 10,000 children
aged 9– 10 and follow them over 10 years into early adulthood. The ABCD Ⓡ Study is
supported by the NIH and additional federal partners under award numbers U01DA041022,
U01DA041028, U01DA041048, U01DA041089, U01DA041106, U01DA041117,
U01DA041120, U01DA041134, U01DA041148, U01DA041156, U01D A041174,
U24DA041123 and U24DA041147. A full list of supporters is available at
https://abcdstudy.org/federal-partners/
. A listing of participating sites and a complete listing
of the study investigators can be found at https://abcdstudy.org/principal-investigators/.
8. Code availability
The custom code associated with this study is publicly available at
https://git.bcbl.eu/ENDD/MS-reading-IHC-ABCD/.
9. Data availability
ABCDⓇ data are publicly available through the National Institute of Mental Health (NIHM)
Data Archive (https://data-archive.nimh.nih.gov/abcd). GWAS summary statistics used in this
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(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is
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30
study are available from the NHGRI-EBI GWAS Catalog
https://www.ebi.ac.uk/gwas/downloads/summary-statistics). Dyslexia GWAS summary
statistics can be requested from 23andMe Research Institute.
(https://research.23andme.com/collaborate/#dataset-access) and are available in
accordance with the scientific review and data transfer agreement.
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11. Figure legends
Figure 1. (A) Conceptual model: illustrating the hypothesised relationships between
bilingualism, polygenic scores (PGS), corpus callosum (CC) structure, and reading
outcomes. ( B) Study design workflow. Summary of the analytical steps and statistical
approaches used; see Figure S1 and Table S1 for detailed specifications.
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Figure 2. Forest plots showing direct and indirect effects of bilingualism and
polygenic score on reading. Mediations are shown for (A) anterior corpus callosum (CC)
and (B) intracranial volume (ICV). Results are shown for the full sample at baseline
(maximum N =10,708, varying by analysis due to missing data) , using the mediation
package. Note that primary PGS analyses were conducted in the European ancestry
unrelated subset (maximum N = 4,636); results for this subset are reported in
Supplementary Figure S5, Table S8. Effect sizes are standardised (outcome and mediator z-
scored prior to model fitting). Faded points indicate non-si gnificant effects (p ≥ .05,
unadjusted); error bars represent 95% bootstrap confidence intervals (10,000 simulations,
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not necessarily symmetric around the point estimate). Sensitivity analyses across ICV
specifications and sample subsets are reported in Supplementary Figure S5.
Figure 3. Structural equation model path diagram, full sample. Results shown for the full
sample at baseline (N = 9,634); full results in Table S11. Nodes represent observed
variables; paths show standardised coefficients (standard error). Solid lines indicate
significant paths (p < .05); dashed lines indicate non-significant paths. Line width is
proportional to effect size. Model estimated using MLR with cluster-robust standard errors
(site as clustering variable). ICV was modelled as an endogenous mediator for polygenic
score effects and as a covariate in CC subregion equations (ICV → CC paths not shown for
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clarity); CC anterior and CC posterior residual covariance was freely estimated (~~). All
equations included age and sex as covariates.
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