Empowerment or oppression? The complex experiences of disabled female internet celebrities in China

Empowerment or oppression? 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The complex experiences of disabled female internet celebrities in China xinyi xie This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 9 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract This study explores the experiences of disabled female content creators on Chinese short video platforms. While these platforms provide new opportunities for visibility and income, they also expose creators to gender and disability-based narratives, algorithmic pressure, and sexual harassment. Using an intersectionality framework, this study focuses on how disabled women navigate empowerment and oppression in digital spaces. Disabled Female Influencers Visibility Intersectionality Sexual Harassment Algorithmic Pressure Introduction The rapid rise of short video platforms is reshaping the lifestyles and labor forms of global users. According to data from Statista (2022), the number of global short video users is expected to exceed 3 billion by 2023, with more than 1 billion users in China (China Netcasting Services Association, 2024 ). This vast digital ecosystem has provided unprecedented career opportunities for disabled groups. By the end of 2022, over 14.1 million videos were uploaded by disabled creators on the Douyin platform alone (Zhang, 2022 ). Through mobile phones and the internet, people with disabilities have the opportunity to engage in e-commerce, live streaming, and personal storytelling, becoming new subjects of video creation. This trend not only provides them with low-barrier ways to participate socially but also opens new spaces for identity reconstruction and self-expression. There is no consensus in academic circles on the impact of short video platforms on disabled groups. On one hand, digital media is viewed as an empowering channel, offering people with disabilities the opportunity to challenge mainstream narratives and reshape their discursive power (Södergren & Vallström, 2023 ). On the other hand, platform algorithms and business mechanisms may replicate or even deepen social inequalities, creating new forms of “digital exclusion” and “disability divides” (Goggin & Newell, 2003 ; Macdonald & Clayton, 2017 ). While existing studies have explored the digital practices of disabled groups, most treat them as a homogeneous entity, overlooking the intersectional dimensions of gender, class, and cultural background. This oversight is particularly pronounced among disabled women. For a long time, disabled women have been obscured in social and media discourses, facing dual marginalization based on gender and disability (Ferri & Connor, 2010 ). Even in online spaces, their voices are still structurally constrained—subject to the pressures of societal prejudice, gender stereotypes, and algorithmic rules. Compared to their male counterparts, female disabled creators on short video platforms are more likely to experience subtle sexual harassment and "gazing," yet this phenomenon has not been sufficiently addressed in existing research. Therefore, this study focuses on disabled female creators on short video platforms, aiming to fill the gap in intersectional research within the digital labor field. The paper introduces Crenshaw’s intersectionality framework to explore how gender, disability, and digital labor intersect in the context of platform capitalism. Through in-depth interviews and content analysis of female disabled influencers on Douyin, this study seeks to answer the following core questions: Does the creation practice on short video platforms genuinely empower disabled women? Or, under the dual influence of algorithms and social structures, does it form new digital oppression and emotional regulation? The purpose of this study is to reveal the dual reality of this digital practice: on the one hand, the low barriers of platforms have expanded the social participation and visibility of disabled women; on the other hand, algorithmic logic and gender norms have invisibly reproduced new inequalities. By analyzing the specific practices of female disabled creators, this study will expand the application of intersectionality theory in the context of digital media and reflect on how to create truly inclusive environments. Literature Review This study begins by reviewing the long-standing challenges faced by disabled women in their careers, emphasizing the profound impact of disability identity on their economic outcomes. It then analyzes the influence of short video platforms on disabled women, exploring whether this emerging medium truly serves as an empowering tool or, under the operational mechanisms of the platform, exacerbates inequality. Finally, this paper introduces intersectionality theory as an analytical framework, focusing on the intersection of gender, disability, and digital labor. It delves into how disabled women navigate the challenges of having both empowerment opportunities and experiencing discrimination and oppression within this complex context. Career Dilemmas Faced by Disabled Women For a long time, the economic exclusion caused by disability has obscured the significant gender disparities. In reality, the negative economic consequences of disability are more pronounced for women (European Disability Forum, 2022). Existing research shows that disabled women face unique challenges in accessing higher education and employment opportunities (Lindstrom & Benz, 2002 ; Wagner, Newman, Cameto, & Levine, 2005). Moreover, external barriers such as sexual harassment, socio-economic disadvantages, discrimination in education and the workplace, and the lack of female role models further weaken employment opportunities for disabled women (Ferri & Connor, 2010 ; Noonan et al., 2004). As a result, the employment rate of disabled women has historically been lower than that of disabled men. Even when disabled women overcome numerous obstacles to enter the workforce, they still face unsupportive work practices and management approaches (Hanlon & Taylor, 2022 ). For example, the absence of family-friendly work conditions and reasonable accommodations further limits their career development. Consequently, disabled women often have to reduce their working hours or even exit the labor market, leading to significant income disparities when compared to disabled men. In the Chinese context, the marginalization of disabled women is further exacerbated. The traditional patriarchal structure of Chinese society confines women to caregiving roles within both the family and society (Peng & Connelly, 2018 ). This is particularly true in rural areas, where women's social and economic roles are more restricted. The long-standing patriarchal mindset has intensified gender inequality, directly affecting women's access to education, employment, and social participation (Hannum, Kong, & Zhang, 2009). In this structural inequality, the situation of disabled women is even more unique. Kohrman ( 2005 ) points out that disabled women tend to marry at higher rates than disabled men, as marriage often becomes one of their few means of survival. However, the caregiving responsibilities associated with marriage prevent them from entering the workforce, thereby plunging them into economic dependence. This social structure deeply influences the intersection of gender and disability, further exacerbating the social and economic disadvantages faced by disabled women. With social progress, disabled women continue to fight for greater career opportunities. However, in China, there has been a long-standing structural issue of a limited range of employment opportunities for disabled groups. Government policies have predominantly encouraged disabled individuals to enter the massage industry, which has become their primary employment option. Existing research largely focuses on this career path (Xiong & Liu, 2023). However, the massage industry itself places physical demands that are not suitable for women, and it is deeply stigmatized by societal biases, especially against women with disabilities, including those with visual impairments (Lu et al., 2025). This situation severely limits their career choices, particularly in accessing other industries with greater growth potential. The resulting lack of career diversity further exacerbates structural inequality in the job market. In this context, digital transformation and the rise of the internet industry have provided new opportunities for disabled women. Through short video and live-streaming platforms, they can overcome physical space and bodily constraints, entering the content creation field with a lower barrier to entry. This has opened up entirely new avenues for employment and social participation. However, whether this emerging space truly provides substantial empowerment or, under the platform's mechanisms, reproduces or even exacerbates existing inequalities is a key issue that will be discussed further in this paper. New Career Choices: Short Video Creators Traditionally, academic research on media technology usage by disabled groups has primarily focused on issues such as the digital divide and digital exclusion (Goggin & Newell, 2003 ). However, with the widespread popularity of short video platforms, the role of disabled individuals in this media environment has undergone a significant transformation. Disabled individuals are no longer merely passive media consumers; they have gradually become an important force in content creation, marking a shift from being "users" of media technology to "creators." Taking Douyin (TikTok) as an example, by the end of 2022, the platform hosted over 14.1 million videos created by disabled creators (Zhang, 2022 ), while Kuaishou, another popular platform, has partnered with businesses to jointly train disabled groups to secure employment in the e-commerce sector. This shift has not only changed the function of media practices but has also expanded short video platforms into a multi-dimensional social space, encompassing economic opportunities, social visibility, and identity construction. As a result, disabled creators have drawn significant attention. Research on disabled creators is generally focused on two main dimensions. The first is the positive aspect, where existing studies show that short video creation enables disabled individuals to present their identities in self-defined ways, thus breaking away from the traditional media portrayal of disabled people as "inspirational" or "helpless" (Södergren & Vallström, 2023 ). Short video and live-streaming platforms provide disabled groups with relatively low-barrier sources of income, which are gradually evolving into new employment and entrepreneurial channels (Choi et al., 2022; Rong et al., 2022). At the same time, digital platforms have granted disabled groups unprecedented social visibility, allowing them to directly engage the public, gain attention, and claim a voice, further extending their rights to social participation and expression (Trottier, 2016 ). However, scholars also point out that disabled creators face multiple technical and institutional barriers in digital spaces. For example, Heung et al. ( 2024 ) found that, despite disabled creators often investing more labor, they still struggle to access the same opportunities as non-disabled creators (Heung et al., 2024 ). Rong et al. (2022) further revealed that visually impaired creators face severe compatibility issues with screen reader software, restricting the smoothness of their creative activities (Rong et al., 2022). Meanwhile, Lu and Guo ( 2025 ) demonstrated that the platform's labor mechanisms place deaf creators in a state of structural inequality, preventing them from gaining fair creative opportunities and compensation (Lu & Guo, 2025 ). Overall, these studies highlight that while digital technology offers opportunities for disabled groups, it may also solidify and exacerbate existing "digital inequalities" and the "disability divide" (Goggin & Newell, 2003 ). Although existing research has addressed the challenges faced by disabled creators, most studies still treat disabled groups as a homogeneous entity, failing to explore internal differences, particularly in the gender dimension. Numerous studies have revealed the gendered discrimination that women face in digital spaces (Gill, 2007; Jane, 2017; Uttarapong, Cai, & Wohn, 2021 ; Burke Winkelman et al., 2015), yet few scholars have examined the intersection of gender and disability identity in digital spaces. Therefore, analyzing the challenges faced by disabled female influencers in content creation using an intersectionality lens is particularly important. An intersectional perspective can uncover the simultaneous empowerment and oppression experienced by disabled female creators in digital labor, providing a more detailed and comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding the digital practices of this group. Theoretical Perspective of Intersectionality Intersectionality theory originated in the 1980s within the African American feminist movement in the United States and is considered one of the key theoretical contributions to Western feminism. Crenshaw (1997) formally introduced the concept of "intersectionality," emphasizing that discrimination and oppression are not one-dimensional but are the result of the intersection of multiple social identities such as gender, race, and class. This theory reveals the multi-layered sources of oppression: from the institutional level (e.g., social ideologies and structural arrangements), the group level (e.g., social norms and media representations), to the individual level (e.g., the intersection of multiple identities), all of which can create intersecting oppressions (McCall, 2005 ). Since then, intersectionality theory has been widely applied in global feminist studies, helping scholars understand how individuals experience various forms of discrimination and oppression within the intertwining of multiple social identities. In the 21st century, intersectionality theory gradually began to be introduced into disability studies. Whittle et al. ( 2017 ) pointed out that disability stigma is not the result of a single factor but is an outcome of the interaction between multiple structural elements such as class, gender, and institutional arrangements. Petersen (2006), through the analysis of an African American woman's educational experiences, revealed the interactive effects of gender, race, and disability identity. McCall ( 2005 ) used statistical methods to validate the intersectional structure of inequality, illustrating structural inequalities arising from the intertwining of multiple identities. However, despite the widespread application of intersectionality theory to traditional social issues, research on intersectionality in digital platforms and new media practices remains relatively scarce. This indicates that the impact of intersecting identities on disabled women in digital environments has not been fully explored. Disabled female creators, in digital spaces, not only have to deal with oppression arising from traditional gender and disability identities but also face the reproduction of their identities through platform algorithms in areas such as traffic distribution, visibility, and content preferences (Noble, 2018). For example, algorithms may limit creators' exposure by favoring certain types of content or inadvertently reinforce gender and disability stereotypes. This phenomenon highlights the importance of intersectionality theory in digital media, particularly in the context of how gender, disability, and platform algorithms intersect to further exacerbate social inequality. Overall, there are three main gaps in the integration of disability studies and intersectionality theory. First, past research has mostly focused on the Global North, neglecting the structural challenges faced by disabled women in the Global South, where welfare systems are relatively weak, and there is a lack of resources and social security. Second, existing disability research often overlooks the gender differences within disability, especially the unique experiences of disabled women. Third, existing intersectionality theory has primarily focused on intersecting oppressions within traditional social structures such as gender, race, and class, while intersectionality research in new media platforms is relatively underdeveloped. Specifically, how disabled women encounter multiple oppressions in digital spaces has not received sufficient attention. Therefore, although intersectionality theory provides an important tool for understanding the multiple oppressions faced by disabled women, systematic research on how disabled women practice between "empowerment" and "intersectional discrimination" in digital media contexts is still lacking. In particular, the algorithmic discrimination, role performance, and sexual harassment they face in short videos and live streaming have largely gone unnoticed in academic circles. This study addresses this gap by focusing on disabled female creators on Douyin, exploring how they navigate intersecting social pressures in digital spaces and revealing the complex tension between empowerment and oppression. Methodology Participant Recruitment This study focuses on the specific practices and experiences of disabled female influencers in short video creation and live streaming. To this end, from June 2025 to September 2025, the researchers conducted keyword searches on major platforms such as Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Kuaishou, Bilibili, and Weibo to identify active disabled female creators. After initially confirming their accounts as belonging to disabled female creators, the researchers further filtered these creators based on the activity level of their accounts. Subsequently, the researchers reached out to these creators via direct messages, explaining the purpose and process of the study and inviting them to participate. In total, 20 disabled female influencers participated in the study, spanning a range of disabilities, including visual impairments, physical disabilities, and hearing impairments. Participants were aged between 18 and 38 and were based in various cities across China. Data Collection Data collection was divided into two parts: First, the researchers conducted participant observation on major platforms such as Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Kuaishou, Bilibili, and Weibo, continuously monitoring the participants' content and fan comments, documenting their performance in short videos and live streaming, their interactions with fans, and public responses. Second, the researchers conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with the 20 qualified participants. The interviews, conducted online between August and September 2025, lasted between 45 minutes and 2 hours. The interview content covered the following areas: (1) motivations and experiences in short video creation; (2) daily practices of content creation and audience interaction; (3) challenges faced during live streaming/short video creation, such as sexual harassment, algorithmic restrictions, or emotional labor; (4) the impact of these experiences on their identity and daily lives. Data saturation was achieved after interviewing the 17th participant, as no new concepts or themes emerged, ensuring the adequacy of the sample and the depth of the analysis. Ethical Considerations This study has received approval from the Ethics Review Committee of the author's institution. Before the interviews, the research team provided participants with clear explanations regarding the study's purpose, methods, and their rights, including the right to withdraw at any time or refuse to answer questions. All participants provided informed consent and confirmed their permission for the interviews to be recorded. To protect privacy, all participants were assigned pseudonyms (e.g., P1, P2), and any personal information that could identify individuals was removed. Research data will be stored and managed in accordance with the institution's data protection protocols, ensuring data security and privacy. Data will be used exclusively by the research team. All data storage and processing procedures comply with ethical standards, ensuring that participants' personal information is not exposed. Research Findings The research findings show that disabled female influencers have indeed gained visibility in content creation, providing them with opportunities to voice and express themselves. However, at the same time, they have also faced the oppression of platform capitalism, such as algorithmic pressure and gendered narrative expectations. More importantly, they have also encountered sexual harassment and gendered gaze. Enhancing Visibility: A New Narrative of Disabled Female Influencers In traditional Chinese society, disability has often been interpreted as a punishment for past sins (Wu, 2020 ). This moral framework views the birth of a disabled child not only as an individual's misfortune but also potentially as a source of shame for the entire family. As a result, people with disabilities begin facing marginalization from an early age, leading to their “invisibility” in mainstream discourse. “I was born with a congenital physical disability. Not long after I was born, my parents had another daughter. People said they wanted a healthy baby because I was disabled. I hardly went out when I was little, and many people thought my parents only had one daughter” (P1). This prolonged lack of visibility also reflects a form of social exclusion—members of society are excluded from social, economic, political, and cultural integration systems (Ratcliffe, 1999). Marginalized groups must overcome significant social, economic, and political barriers in order to engage in meaningful social participation (Lin & Zhang, 2018). Although disability issues have gradually received more attention with social development, the portrayal of disabled groups in mainstream society and media still has significant limitations. In particular, the representation of disabled people tends to be dominated by male images (Garland-Thomson, 2002). This male-dominated image of disability often places disabled women in the "margins of the margins," with their voices and experiences rarely receiving adequate attention and space in mainstream media. “I am from a rural area in Sichuan, where we traditionally value sons over daughters. When a girl is born, the family is unhappy, and if she is disabled, it is considered like being useless, and the only thing left is to get married” (P6). Garland-Thomson (2002) pointed out that the knowledge framework in disability studies is generally based on male experiences. This masculinized framework leads to the exclusion of the lives and bodies of disabled women from discussions. Furthermore, Thomas (1999) suggested that the portrayal of disabled women in the media is often “dehumanizing” and “desexualized,” stripping them of their rightful social significance and gender characteristics. This results in disabled women not only being visually ignored but also experiencing "symbolic invisibility" within the social and cultural realm. However, with the rise of digital media, short video platforms have redefined the boundaries of visibility. Social media has lowered the barriers to content production, enabling disabled individuals to appear in the public eye through video creation. As P3 noted: “I became disabled later in life, losing my sight suddenly when I was in college. After becoming blind, I was really devastated and couldn’t adapt at all, even my phone was useless. But later, I slowly got used to it. Then I thought, actually, I can share how people with visual impairments live, so I started experimenting with shooting some short videos and posting them online” (P3). Through this approach, female disabled influencers not only break through their “invisibility” but also construct various media representations. In analyzing the representations of female disabled influencers, the study found that their images generally fall into three types: (1) the "ordinary person" image—documenting daily life and presenting real experiences from the perspective of disability; (2) the "victim/inspirational" image—using narratives of suffering to garner social sympathy, emphasizing “self-reliance”; (3) the "mainstream life" image—highlighting abilities to live "like non-disabled people," such as raising children or maintaining intimate relationships. The live-streaming styles also vary: from sympathy-seeking, beauty-focused, to creative sign language styles. This diversified media representation significantly enhances the visibility of disabled women, providing them with new channels for expression and economic opportunities. However, this visibility is not entirely unrestricted; it remains constrained by societal gender expectations and platform algorithmic logic. While the image of disabled women is being seen, it is also being disciplined within narrative frameworks such as "inspirational," "gentle," and "maternal," reflecting a "limited visibility." Platform Capitalism: Algorithmic Oppression and Gendered Narratives The rise of short video platforms has brought unprecedented visibility and economic opportunities to disabled women, but this "visibility" is not a neutral or liberating space. Content creation and live-streaming traffic rely heavily on platform algorithms, and the platform's long-standing emphasis on the dissemination of “positive energy” and “inspirational” content has made the narrative of “resilience despite disability” the primary channel for disabled creators to gain traffic. As participant P2 candidly stated: “I started posting videos but wasn’t getting any views, so I sought help from professionals. They told me to contact official customer support through the Douyin backend for verification and support, but they also reminded me that pity narratives wouldn’t gain traffic, only ‘resilience despite disability’ would. So the video must carry positive energy” (P2). This mechanism shows that algorithms not only determine content visibility but also, implicitly, regulate the "acceptable range" of disability narratives. Platforms clearly favor “inspirational” and “self-reliant” stories over more complex and diverse representations of disability. This algorithmic preference constructs a form of “permitted visibility,” in which only disability images that align with mainstream positive narratives are given the opportunity to spread. Simultaneously, for disabled women, this “inspirational” logic further layers societal gender expectations. They are expected not only to be “self-reliant” but also to emphasize traditional feminine traits like “motherhood” and “gentleness.” For example, the media's portrayal of “a mother with cerebral palsy delivering takeout, emphasizing motherhood as responsibility and not relying on her husband or pity” (News, 2025). Similarly, participant P7 shared: “At first, I filmed my daily life, but now many disabled people do that, and it’s no longer uncommon… Later, I found that sharing the story of having a third child as a disabled person got much more views” (P7). These interviews indicate that female disabled creators, in their pursuit of visibility, must constantly adjust their personal narratives to conform to both platform algorithms and societal gender expectations. Participant P11 said: “I initially shared sweet moments with my boyfriend, and then some people commented on how gentle I am, mostly men, probably because it aligns with their traditional expectations of women. So now my persona is that of a gentle woman” (P11). Overall, while short video platforms create new opportunities for disabled women, they also reshape their visibility boundaries through algorithmic regulation and commercial logic. “Resilience despite disability” has become a common narrative for all disabled creators, while “gentle mother” and “strong wife” are additional requirements imposed by both algorithms and society on female disabled creators. The repeated emphasis on “cerebral palsy mothers” and “strong mothers” in news reports further corroborates the institutionalized spread of this gendered narrative. The intersection of platform capitalism’s logic and the gender-disability identity creates a power dynamic in which disabled women, while “being seen,” are continuously disciplined, reshaped, and consumed. This “passive empowerment” reveals the paradox of empowerment and oppression coexisting in the digital age. More importantly, this phenomenon reflects the structural nature of intersectional oppression: the interplay between algorithmic logic, gender expectations, and disability identity within platform mechanisms creates a layered power network. In this network, disabled women, while gaining unprecedented opportunities for expression through digital platforms, are also shaped and constrained by platform logic, social culture, and gender norms. This “visible disciplining” reveals how platform capitalism, while seemingly empowering, simultaneously reinforces the dual inequalities of gender and disability. Double Violence: Sexual Harassment and Intersectional Gaze Harassment typically refers to a series of negative behaviors directed at others, ranging from minor offenses and verbal insults to violent threats (Citron, 2014). In digital spaces, numerous studies have revealed that women and LGBTQ + communities commonly face gendered harassment and violence, including workplace sexual harassment, cyberbullying, and online gender discrimination (Keyton & Menzie, 2007; Morahan-Martin, 2000; Pullen & Cooper, 2010). However, disabled women, as a doubly marginalized group, are often overlooked in existing research. In fact, the harassment risks they face are even more severe. According to a survey conducted by an NGO, approximately 40% of visually impaired women in mainland China reported experiencing sexual harassment. Yet, in a patriarchal system with institutional failure, reports of harassment often fail to receive fair responses, and the conviction rates for offenders are extremely low (NGO, 2020). With the advent of short video and live-streaming platforms, this issue has been further exacerbated in the new technological context. Due to the anonymity and real-time interactivity of these platforms, sexual harassment becomes more covert and instantaneous. At the same time, when disabled women enter the public eye, their “visibility” often means being “exposed.” They not only endure the “othering” gaze from a non-disabled society but also suffer from a gendered, objectifying gaze. Observations on platforms such as Douyin show that the comment sections of many young disabled female influencers are filled with sexual innuendos and offensive remarks. Compared to public comments, sexual solicitation in private messages is even more severe, and sometimes involves offering money or goods in exchange for sexual images or acts. A disabled fashion influencer (P16) shared: “My private messages are even worse. Some people directly message saying, ‘I want to marry you; how much for a night?’ At first, I felt insulted and would curse at them, but they would reply, ‘You disabled person, being able to look at you is good enough.’ After that, I didn’t dare post videos for a long time.” (P16) This verbal violence not only stems from a gendered desire-based perspective but also deeply roots in the "othering logic" of a non-disabled society. In the imagination of most viewers, disabled bodies are seen as "incomplete" or "abnormal," so when disabled women display confident daily lives, it triggers a contradictory gaze: one that combines curiosity and fetishism with pity and exclusion. Mulvey (1975) introduced the concept of the “male gaze,” which reveals the mechanism by which women are viewed as objects of desire. Garland-Thomson (2009), in disability studies, introduced the concept of the “normal gaze,” further explaining that disabled people are viewed as “others”—to be gazed at, interpreted, and pitied. On short video platforms, disabled women occupy the intersection of both types of gaze: they are both sexualized "women" and objectified "disabled people." This “double gaze” is particularly evident in live streaming contexts. As participant P10 mentioned: “When I live stream, there are often people on the public screen saying, ‘You’re quite pretty, I’d really like to marry you,’ or asking, ‘Can you have children?’ I usually block them directly, but I’m also afraid that blocking too many people will decrease my traffic.” (P10) This situation reveals the collusion between algorithmic logic and the gaze mechanism: platforms encourage creators to attract attention by showcasing themselves, but the essence of attention economy amplifies the risk of disabled women being gazed at and consumed. Their bodies become tools for generating traffic in the live streaming space, yet they cannot fully control their own narratives. In conclusion, the harassment disabled women face on short video platforms is not just an individual occurrence but rather systemic structural violence underpinned by the intersection of gender and disability identities. While they are “seen,” they are simultaneously subjected to constant gazing, disciplining, and consumption. This phenomenon reveals the deeper logic of intersectional oppression: the collusion of gendered violence, platform algorithms, and societal biases, which makes the digital labor of disabled women fraught with invisible risks and inequalities. Conclusion and Discussion This study, using intersectionality theory as an analytical framework, explored the media practices of disabled female creators on Chinese short video platforms. The findings reveal that short video platforms have indeed provided disabled women with unprecedented space for expression and participation, allowing them to challenge their traditional “invisible” status in mainstream media through self-narratives, creative expression, and emotional interaction. However, this freedom to be “seen” is limited and conditional. Firstly, from an institutional perspective, platform algorithms and commercial logic create a "hidden system" for the digital labor of disabled women. The platform’s preference for “positive energy” and “inspirational” narratives determines which disability images receive visibility and traffic, while those presenting complex, contradictory, or critical voices are marginalized by the algorithm. This institutional selection perpetuates traditional society’s “able-bodied centrism,” making narratives like “resilient despite disability” and “inspirational mothers” the rewarded templates on these platforms. Secondly, from a social norms perspective, gender and disability identities are re-woven within platform narratives. Disabled women are expected not only to demonstrate strength and optimism but also to embody traditional feminine traits such as gentleness, motherhood, and submissiveness. Their “inspirational” narratives are often gendered, becoming subjects of emotional consumption. Platforms, audiences, and commercial capital collectively shape a “permitted disabled female image,” which encourages self-expression while trapping disabled women in the double bind of visibility and gendered expectations. Lastly, on an individual level, disabled female creators face significant dual gazes and sexual harassment risks in live-streaming and short video practices. On one hand, they rely on continuously producing “platform-favored” content to gain algorithmic recommendations; on the other hand, they must contend with dual gazes from male and able-bodied viewers—being both sexualized and pitied. Overall, this study reveals the intersectional dilemmas faced by disabled women on short video platforms. While they are “seen” in digital spaces, this visibility is often constructed within algorithms, gender norms, and the double gaze. Digital platforms serve as both tools of empowerment and structures that reproduce inequality. In this sense, the empowerment of disabled women on short video platforms always coexists with structural limitations. Future short video creation should focus on deep institutional reforms for inclusivity and accessibility. Platforms should allow for more diverse female images and expressions in algorithm design, content moderation, and creator support systems. Society must also recognize the harm caused by ableist and gendered gazes. Additionally, academia should further explore intersectional discrimination in digital labor and examine how true social justice can be achieved within the digital economy. On a broader level, this study reminds us that digital visibility does not inherently equate to social inclusion. 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Soc Sci Med 190:181–189 Wu J (2020) Mothering special children: Negotiating gender, disability, and special education in contemporary China. Harv Educational Rev 90(1):26–48. https://doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-90.1.26 Xiong Y, Liu X (2021) Visually impaired women on the move: The intersection of gender and disability in China. Disabil Soc 38(8):1327–1346. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2021.1994369 Zhang Z (2022) https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1751630021449441761 Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-7913432","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":592767936,"identity":"a1ef31a4-066f-4578-bcba-8ae93415368c","order_by":0,"name":"xinyi xie","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABDElEQVRIiWNgGAWjYJCCwz9+SPDIs7cffPynwoaHn72BoA7Gw4w9FnKGPWeSDXjOpMlI9hwgqIX5MANbhTHDDQczAd62wzYGNxzwqze4kWNwuIBHIrFxBkMag2TbeR6GGwyMHz7m4NYi2XPG4PAMC4nEdunGYw8Mzt3mYZzdwCw5cxtuLfzsPQYHeEC2zDmQbpBQdpuHWeYAGzMvHi1szDxALWwSiQ03EswkDrCdA7IT8GsB2XIYqAzo/QQzyYY2kI0EtEj2HCs4OLNHAhzIxgxnknkkeA424/WLwY3kzR8+/KiDRCVDhZ29/fHmgx8+4tHCwMBhgC7C2IBPPRCwPyCgYBSMglEwCkY8AABt/FaLUYvL2wAAAABJRU5ErkJggg==","orcid":"","institution":"Southwest University of Political Science \u0026 Law","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"xinyi","middleName":"","lastName":"xie","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2025-10-21 10:23:20","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":103505674,"identity":"58d3c357-db46-4edf-aa55-605fc0a67bda","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-26 13:32:34","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":497927,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-7913432/v1/398687c3-8a7c-4492-8dff-4399ffc13085.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"Empowerment or oppression? The complex experiences of disabled female internet celebrities in China","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe rapid rise of short video platforms is reshaping the lifestyles and labor forms of global users. According to data from Statista (2022), the number of global short video users is expected to exceed 3\u0026nbsp;billion by 2023, with more than 1\u0026nbsp;billion users in China (China Netcasting Services Association, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). This vast digital ecosystem has provided unprecedented career opportunities for disabled groups. By the end of 2022, over 14.1\u0026nbsp;million videos were uploaded by disabled creators on the Douyin platform alone (Zhang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Through mobile phones and the internet, people with disabilities have the opportunity to engage in e-commerce, live streaming, and personal storytelling, becoming new subjects of video creation. This trend not only provides them with low-barrier ways to participate socially but also opens new spaces for identity reconstruction and self-expression.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThere is no consensus in academic circles on the impact of short video platforms on disabled groups. On one hand, digital media is viewed as an empowering channel, offering people with disabilities the opportunity to challenge mainstream narratives and reshape their discursive power (S\u0026ouml;dergren \u0026amp; Vallstr\u0026ouml;m, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). On the other hand, platform algorithms and business mechanisms may replicate or even deepen social inequalities, creating new forms of \u0026ldquo;digital exclusion\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;disability divides\u0026rdquo; (Goggin \u0026amp; Newell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e; Macdonald \u0026amp; Clayton, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). While existing studies have explored the digital practices of disabled groups, most treat them as a homogeneous entity, overlooking the intersectional dimensions of gender, class, and cultural background.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis oversight is particularly pronounced among disabled women. For a long time, disabled women have been obscured in social and media discourses, facing dual marginalization based on gender and disability (Ferri \u0026amp; Connor, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e). Even in online spaces, their voices are still structurally constrained\u0026mdash;subject to the pressures of societal prejudice, gender stereotypes, and algorithmic rules. Compared to their male counterparts, female disabled creators on short video platforms are more likely to experience subtle sexual harassment and \"gazing,\" yet this phenomenon has not been sufficiently addressed in existing research.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, this study focuses on disabled female creators on short video platforms, aiming to fill the gap in intersectional research within the digital labor field. The paper introduces Crenshaw\u0026rsquo;s intersectionality framework to explore how gender, disability, and digital labor intersect in the context of platform capitalism. Through in-depth interviews and content analysis of female disabled influencers on Douyin, this study seeks to answer the following core questions: Does the creation practice on short video platforms genuinely empower disabled women? Or, under the dual influence of algorithms and social structures, does it form new digital oppression and emotional regulation?\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e The purpose of this study is to reveal the dual reality of this digital practice: on the one hand, the low barriers of platforms have expanded the social participation and visibility of disabled women; on the other hand, algorithmic logic and gender norms have invisibly reproduced new inequalities. By analyzing the specific practices of female disabled creators, this study will expand the application of intersectionality theory in the context of digital media and reflect on how to create truly inclusive environments.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review","content":"\u003cp\u003e This study begins by reviewing the long-standing challenges faced by disabled women in their careers, emphasizing the profound impact of disability identity on their economic outcomes. It then analyzes the influence of short video platforms on disabled women, exploring whether this emerging medium truly serves as an empowering tool or, under the operational mechanisms of the platform, exacerbates inequality. Finally, this paper introduces intersectionality theory as an analytical framework, focusing on the intersection of gender, disability, and digital labor. It delves into how disabled women navigate the challenges of having both empowerment opportunities and experiencing discrimination and oppression within this complex context.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eCareer Dilemmas Faced by Disabled Women\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eFor a long time, the economic exclusion caused by disability has obscured the significant gender disparities. In reality, the negative economic consequences of disability are more pronounced for women (European Disability Forum, 2022). Existing research shows that disabled women face unique challenges in accessing higher education and employment opportunities (Lindstrom \u0026amp; Benz, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e; Wagner, Newman, Cameto, \u0026amp; Levine, 2005). Moreover, external barriers such as sexual harassment, socio-economic disadvantages, discrimination in education and the workplace, and the lack of female role models further weaken employment opportunities for disabled women (Ferri \u0026amp; Connor, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2010\u003c/span\u003e; Noonan et al., 2004). As a result, the employment rate of disabled women has historically been lower than that of disabled men.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eEven when disabled women overcome numerous obstacles to enter the workforce, they still face unsupportive work practices and management approaches (Hanlon \u0026amp; Taylor, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR5\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). For example, the absence of family-friendly work conditions and reasonable accommodations further limits their career development. Consequently, disabled women often have to reduce their working hours or even exit the labor market, leading to significant income disparities when compared to disabled men.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the Chinese context, the marginalization of disabled women is further exacerbated. The traditional patriarchal structure of Chinese society confines women to caregiving roles within both the family and society (Peng \u0026amp; Connelly, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR15\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). This is particularly true in rural areas, where women's social and economic roles are more restricted. The long-standing patriarchal mindset has intensified gender inequality, directly affecting women's access to education, employment, and social participation (Hannum, Kong, \u0026amp; Zhang, 2009). In this structural inequality, the situation of disabled women is even more unique. Kohrman (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) points out that disabled women tend to marry at higher rates than disabled men, as marriage often becomes one of their few means of survival. However, the caregiving responsibilities associated with marriage prevent them from entering the workforce, thereby plunging them into economic dependence. This social structure deeply influences the intersection of gender and disability, further exacerbating the social and economic disadvantages faced by disabled women.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWith social progress, disabled women continue to fight for greater career opportunities. However, in China, there has been a long-standing structural issue of a limited range of employment opportunities for disabled groups. Government policies have predominantly encouraged disabled individuals to enter the massage industry, which has become their primary employment option. Existing research largely focuses on this career path (Xiong \u0026amp; Liu, 2023). However, the massage industry itself places physical demands that are not suitable for women, and it is deeply stigmatized by societal biases, especially against women with disabilities, including those with visual impairments (Lu et al., 2025). This situation severely limits their career choices, particularly in accessing other industries with greater growth potential. The resulting lack of career diversity further exacerbates structural inequality in the job market.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this context, digital transformation and the rise of the internet industry have provided new opportunities for disabled women. Through short video and live-streaming platforms, they can overcome physical space and bodily constraints, entering the content creation field with a lower barrier to entry. This has opened up entirely new avenues for employment and social participation. However, whether this emerging space truly provides substantial empowerment or, under the platform's mechanisms, reproduces or even exacerbates existing inequalities is a key issue that will be discussed further in this paper.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eNew Career Choices: Short Video Creators\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eTraditionally, academic research on media technology usage by disabled groups has primarily focused on issues such as the digital divide and digital exclusion (Goggin \u0026amp; Newell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e). However, with the widespread popularity of short video platforms, the role of disabled individuals in this media environment has undergone a significant transformation. Disabled individuals are no longer merely passive media consumers; they have gradually become an important force in content creation, marking a shift from being \"users\" of media technology to \"creators.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTaking Douyin (TikTok) as an example, by the end of 2022, the platform hosted over 14.1\u0026nbsp;million videos created by disabled creators (Zhang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e), while Kuaishou, another popular platform, has partnered with businesses to jointly train disabled groups to secure employment in the e-commerce sector. This shift has not only changed the function of media practices but has also expanded short video platforms into a multi-dimensional social space, encompassing economic opportunities, social visibility, and identity construction. As a result, disabled creators have drawn significant attention.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eResearch on disabled creators is generally focused on two main dimensions. The first is the positive aspect, where existing studies show that short video creation enables disabled individuals to present their identities in self-defined ways, thus breaking away from the traditional media portrayal of disabled people as \"inspirational\" or \"helpless\" (S\u0026ouml;dergren \u0026amp; Vallstr\u0026ouml;m, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR16\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e). Short video and live-streaming platforms provide disabled groups with relatively low-barrier sources of income, which are gradually evolving into new employment and entrepreneurial channels (Choi et al., 2022; Rong et al., 2022). At the same time, digital platforms have granted disabled groups unprecedented social visibility, allowing them to directly engage the public, gain attention, and claim a voice, further extending their rights to social participation and expression (Trottier, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, scholars also point out that disabled creators face multiple technical and institutional barriers in digital spaces. For example, Heung et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e) found that, despite disabled creators often investing more labor, they still struggle to access the same opportunities as non-disabled creators (Heung et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Rong et al. (2022) further revealed that visually impaired creators face severe compatibility issues with screen reader software, restricting the smoothness of their creative activities (Rong et al., 2022). Meanwhile, Lu and Guo (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e) demonstrated that the platform's labor mechanisms place deaf creators in a state of structural inequality, preventing them from gaining fair creative opportunities and compensation (Lu \u0026amp; Guo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). Overall, these studies highlight that while digital technology offers opportunities for disabled groups, it may also solidify and exacerbate existing \"digital inequalities\" and the \"disability divide\" (Goggin \u0026amp; Newell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2003\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough existing research has addressed the challenges faced by disabled creators, most studies still treat disabled groups as a homogeneous entity, failing to explore internal differences, particularly in the gender dimension. Numerous studies have revealed the gendered discrimination that women face in digital spaces (Gill, 2007; Jane, 2017; Uttarapong, Cai, \u0026amp; Wohn, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e; Burke Winkelman et al., 2015), yet few scholars have examined the intersection of gender and disability identity in digital spaces. Therefore, analyzing the challenges faced by disabled female influencers in content creation using an intersectionality lens is particularly important. An intersectional perspective can uncover the simultaneous empowerment and oppression experienced by disabled female creators in digital labor, providing a more detailed and comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding the digital practices of this group.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eTheoretical Perspective of Intersectionality\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eIntersectionality theory originated in the 1980s within the African American feminist movement in the United States and is considered one of the key theoretical contributions to Western feminism. Crenshaw (1997) formally introduced the concept of \"intersectionality,\" emphasizing that discrimination and oppression are not one-dimensional but are the result of the intersection of multiple social identities such as gender, race, and class. This theory reveals the multi-layered sources of oppression: from the institutional level (e.g., social ideologies and structural arrangements), the group level (e.g., social norms and media representations), to the individual level (e.g., the intersection of multiple identities), all of which can create intersecting oppressions (McCall, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e). Since then, intersectionality theory has been widely applied in global feminist studies, helping scholars understand how individuals experience various forms of discrimination and oppression within the intertwining of multiple social identities.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the 21st century, intersectionality theory gradually began to be introduced into disability studies. Whittle et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR21\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e) pointed out that disability stigma is not the result of a single factor but is an outcome of the interaction between multiple structural elements such as class, gender, and institutional arrangements. Petersen (2006), through the analysis of an African American woman's educational experiences, revealed the interactive effects of gender, race, and disability identity. McCall (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2005\u003c/span\u003e) used statistical methods to validate the intersectional structure of inequality, illustrating structural inequalities arising from the intertwining of multiple identities. However, despite the widespread application of intersectionality theory to traditional social issues, research on intersectionality in digital platforms and new media practices remains relatively scarce. This indicates that the impact of intersecting identities on disabled women in digital environments has not been fully explored.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDisabled female creators, in digital spaces, not only have to deal with oppression arising from traditional gender and disability identities but also face the reproduction of their identities through platform algorithms in areas such as traffic distribution, visibility, and content preferences (Noble, 2018). For example, algorithms may limit creators' exposure by favoring certain types of content or inadvertently reinforce gender and disability stereotypes. This phenomenon highlights the importance of intersectionality theory in digital media, particularly in the context of how gender, disability, and platform algorithms intersect to further exacerbate social inequality.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, there are three main gaps in the integration of disability studies and intersectionality theory. First, past research has mostly focused on the Global North, neglecting the structural challenges faced by disabled women in the Global South, where welfare systems are relatively weak, and there is a lack of resources and social security. Second, existing disability research often overlooks the gender differences within disability, especially the unique experiences of disabled women. Third, existing intersectionality theory has primarily focused on intersecting oppressions within traditional social structures such as gender, race, and class, while intersectionality research in new media platforms is relatively underdeveloped. Specifically, how disabled women encounter multiple oppressions in digital spaces has not received sufficient attention.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eTherefore, although intersectionality theory provides an important tool for understanding the multiple oppressions faced by disabled women, systematic research on how disabled women practice between \"empowerment\" and \"intersectional discrimination\" in digital media contexts is still lacking. In particular, the algorithmic discrimination, role performance, and sexual harassment they face in short videos and live streaming have largely gone unnoticed in academic circles. This study addresses this gap by focusing on disabled female creators on Douyin, exploring how they navigate intersecting social pressures in digital spaces and revealing the complex tension between empowerment and oppression.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Methodology","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eParticipant Recruitment\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study focuses on the specific practices and experiences of disabled female influencers in short video creation and live streaming. To this end, from June 2025 to September 2025, the researchers conducted keyword searches on major platforms such as Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Kuaishou, Bilibili, and Weibo to identify active disabled female creators. After initially confirming their accounts as belonging to disabled female creators, the researchers further filtered these creators based on the activity level of their accounts. Subsequently, the researchers reached out to these creators via direct messages, explaining the purpose and process of the study and inviting them to participate. In total, 20 disabled female influencers participated in the study, spanning a range of disabilities, including visual impairments, physical disabilities, and hearing impairments. Participants were aged between 18 and 38 and were based in various cities across China.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eData Collection\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eData collection was divided into two parts: First, the researchers conducted participant observation on major platforms such as Douyin, Xiaohongshu, Kuaishou, Bilibili, and Weibo, continuously monitoring the participants' content and fan comments, documenting their performance in short videos and live streaming, their interactions with fans, and public responses. Second, the researchers conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with the 20 qualified participants. The interviews, conducted online between August and September 2025, lasted between 45 minutes and 2 hours. The interview content covered the following areas: (1) motivations and experiences in short video creation; (2) daily practices of content creation and audience interaction; (3) challenges faced during live streaming/short video creation, such as sexual harassment, algorithmic restrictions, or emotional labor; (4) the impact of these experiences on their identity and daily lives. Data saturation was achieved after interviewing the 17th participant, as no new concepts or themes emerged, ensuring the adequacy of the sample and the depth of the analysis.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eEthical Considerations\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e This study has received approval from the Ethics Review Committee of the author's institution. Before the interviews, the research team provided participants with clear explanations regarding the study's purpose, methods, and their rights, including the right to withdraw at any time or refuse to answer questions. All participants provided informed consent and confirmed their permission for the interviews to be recorded. To protect privacy, all participants were assigned pseudonyms (e.g., P1, P2), and any personal information that could identify individuals was removed. Research data will be stored and managed in accordance with the institution's data protection protocols, ensuring data security and privacy. Data will be used exclusively by the research team. All data storage and processing procedures comply with ethical standards, ensuring that participants' personal information is not exposed.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Research Findings","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe research findings show that disabled female influencers have indeed gained visibility in content creation, providing them with opportunities to voice and express themselves. However, at the same time, they have also faced the oppression of platform capitalism, such as algorithmic pressure and gendered narrative expectations. More importantly, they have also encountered sexual harassment and gendered gaze.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eEnhancing Visibility: A New Narrative of Disabled Female Influencers\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn traditional Chinese society, disability has often been interpreted as a punishment for past sins (Wu, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). This moral framework views the birth of a disabled child not only as an individual's misfortune but also potentially as a source of shame for the entire family. As a result, people with disabilities begin facing marginalization from an early age, leading to their \u0026ldquo;invisibility\u0026rdquo; in mainstream discourse.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I was born with a congenital physical disability. Not long after I was born, my parents had another daughter. People said they wanted a healthy baby because I was disabled. I hardly went out when I was little, and many people thought my parents only had one daughter\u0026rdquo; (P1).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis prolonged lack of visibility also reflects a form of social exclusion\u0026mdash;members of society are excluded from social, economic, political, and cultural integration systems (Ratcliffe, 1999). Marginalized groups must overcome significant social, economic, and political barriers in order to engage in meaningful social participation (Lin \u0026amp; Zhang, 2018).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eAlthough disability issues have gradually received more attention with social development, the portrayal of disabled groups in mainstream society and media still has significant limitations. In particular, the representation of disabled people tends to be dominated by male images (Garland-Thomson, 2002). This male-dominated image of disability often places disabled women in the \"margins of the margins,\" with their voices and experiences rarely receiving adequate attention and space in mainstream media.\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I am from a rural area in Sichuan, where we traditionally value sons over daughters. When a girl is born, the family is unhappy, and if she is disabled, it is considered like being useless, and the only thing left is to get married\u0026rdquo; (P6).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGarland-Thomson (2002) pointed out that the knowledge framework in disability studies is generally based on male experiences. This masculinized framework leads to the exclusion of the lives and bodies of disabled women from discussions. Furthermore, Thomas (1999) suggested that the portrayal of disabled women in the media is often \u0026ldquo;dehumanizing\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;desexualized,\u0026rdquo; stripping them of their rightful social significance and gender characteristics. This results in disabled women not only being visually ignored but also experiencing \"symbolic invisibility\" within the social and cultural realm.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHowever, with the rise of digital media, short video platforms have redefined the boundaries of visibility. Social media has lowered the barriers to content production, enabling disabled individuals to appear in the public eye through video creation. As P3 noted:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I became disabled later in life, losing my sight suddenly when I was in college. After becoming blind, I was really devastated and couldn\u0026rsquo;t adapt at all, even my phone was useless. But later, I slowly got used to it. Then I thought, actually, I can share how people with visual impairments live, so I started experimenting with shooting some short videos and posting them online\u0026rdquo; (P3).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThrough this approach, female disabled influencers not only break through their \u0026ldquo;invisibility\u0026rdquo; but also construct various media representations. In analyzing the representations of female disabled influencers, the study found that their images generally fall into three types: (1) the \"ordinary person\" image\u0026mdash;documenting daily life and presenting real experiences from the perspective of disability; (2) the \"victim/inspirational\" image\u0026mdash;using narratives of suffering to garner social sympathy, emphasizing \u0026ldquo;self-reliance\u0026rdquo;; (3) the \"mainstream life\" image\u0026mdash;highlighting abilities to live \"like non-disabled people,\" such as raising children or maintaining intimate relationships. The live-streaming styles also vary: from sympathy-seeking, beauty-focused, to creative sign language styles.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis diversified media representation significantly enhances the visibility of disabled women, providing them with new channels for expression and economic opportunities. However, this visibility is not entirely unrestricted; it remains constrained by societal gender expectations and platform algorithmic logic. While the image of disabled women is being seen, it is also being disciplined within narrative frameworks such as \"inspirational,\" \"gentle,\" and \"maternal,\" reflecting a \"limited visibility.\"\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003ePlatform Capitalism: Algorithmic Oppression and Gendered Narratives\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe rise of short video platforms has brought unprecedented visibility and economic opportunities to disabled women, but this \"visibility\" is not a neutral or liberating space. Content creation and live-streaming traffic rely heavily on platform algorithms, and the platform's long-standing emphasis on the dissemination of \u0026ldquo;positive energy\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;inspirational\u0026rdquo; content has made the narrative of \u0026ldquo;resilience despite disability\u0026rdquo; the primary channel for disabled creators to gain traffic. As participant P2 candidly stated:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I started posting videos but wasn\u0026rsquo;t getting any views, so I sought help from professionals. They told me to contact official customer support through the Douyin backend for verification and support, but they also reminded me that pity narratives wouldn\u0026rsquo;t gain traffic, only \u0026lsquo;resilience despite disability\u0026rsquo; would. So the video must carry positive energy\u0026rdquo; (P2).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis mechanism shows that algorithms not only determine content visibility but also, implicitly, regulate the \"acceptable range\" of disability narratives. Platforms clearly favor \u0026ldquo;inspirational\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;self-reliant\u0026rdquo; stories over more complex and diverse representations of disability. This algorithmic preference constructs a form of \u0026ldquo;permitted visibility,\u0026rdquo; in which only disability images that align with mainstream positive narratives are given the opportunity to spread.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimultaneously, for disabled women, this \u0026ldquo;inspirational\u0026rdquo; logic further layers societal gender expectations. They are expected not only to be \u0026ldquo;self-reliant\u0026rdquo; but also to emphasize traditional feminine traits like \u0026ldquo;motherhood\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;gentleness.\u0026rdquo; For example, the media's portrayal of \u0026ldquo;a mother with cerebral palsy delivering takeout, emphasizing motherhood as responsibility and not relying on her husband or pity\u0026rdquo; (News, 2025). Similarly, participant P7 shared:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;At first, I filmed my daily life, but now many disabled people do that, and it\u0026rsquo;s no longer uncommon\u0026hellip; Later, I found that sharing the story of having a third child as a disabled person got much more views\u0026rdquo; (P7).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThese interviews indicate that female disabled creators, in their pursuit of visibility, must constantly adjust their personal narratives to conform to both platform algorithms and societal gender expectations. Participant P11 said:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;I initially shared sweet moments with my boyfriend, and then some people commented on how gentle I am, mostly men, probably because it aligns with their traditional expectations of women. So now my persona is that of a gentle woman\u0026rdquo; (P11).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, while short video platforms create new opportunities for disabled women, they also reshape their visibility boundaries through algorithmic regulation and commercial logic. \u0026ldquo;Resilience despite disability\u0026rdquo; has become a common narrative for all disabled creators, while \u0026ldquo;gentle mother\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;strong wife\u0026rdquo; are additional requirements imposed by both algorithms and society on female disabled creators. The repeated emphasis on \u0026ldquo;cerebral palsy mothers\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;strong mothers\u0026rdquo; in news reports further corroborates the institutionalized spread of this gendered narrative. The intersection of platform capitalism\u0026rsquo;s logic and the gender-disability identity creates a power dynamic in which disabled women, while \u0026ldquo;being seen,\u0026rdquo; are continuously disciplined, reshaped, and consumed. This \u0026ldquo;passive empowerment\u0026rdquo; reveals the paradox of empowerment and oppression coexisting in the digital age.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMore importantly, this phenomenon reflects the structural nature of intersectional oppression: the interplay between algorithmic logic, gender expectations, and disability identity within platform mechanisms creates a layered power network. In this network, disabled women, while gaining unprecedented opportunities for expression through digital platforms, are also shaped and constrained by platform logic, social culture, and gender norms. This \u0026ldquo;visible disciplining\u0026rdquo; reveals how platform capitalism, while seemingly empowering, simultaneously reinforces the dual inequalities of gender and disability.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003eDouble Violence: Sexual Harassment and Intersectional Gaze\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Harassment typically refers to a series of negative behaviors directed at others, ranging from minor offenses and verbal insults to violent threats (Citron, 2014). In digital spaces, numerous studies have revealed that women and LGBTQ\u0026thinsp;+\u0026thinsp;communities commonly face gendered harassment and violence, including workplace sexual harassment, cyberbullying, and online gender discrimination (Keyton \u0026amp; Menzie, 2007; Morahan-Martin, 2000; Pullen \u0026amp; Cooper, 2010). However, disabled women, as a doubly marginalized group, are often overlooked in existing research. In fact, the harassment risks they face are even more severe. According to a survey conducted by an NGO, approximately 40% of visually impaired women in mainland China reported experiencing sexual harassment. Yet, in a patriarchal system with institutional failure, reports of harassment often fail to receive fair responses, and the conviction rates for offenders are extremely low (NGO, 2020).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWith the advent of short video and live-streaming platforms, this issue has been further exacerbated in the new technological context. Due to the anonymity and real-time interactivity of these platforms, sexual harassment becomes more covert and instantaneous. At the same time, when disabled women enter the public eye, their \u0026ldquo;visibility\u0026rdquo; often means being \u0026ldquo;exposed.\u0026rdquo; They not only endure the \u0026ldquo;othering\u0026rdquo; gaze from a non-disabled society but also suffer from a gendered, objectifying gaze. Observations on platforms such as Douyin show that the comment sections of many young disabled female influencers are filled with sexual innuendos and offensive remarks.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eCompared to public comments, sexual solicitation in private messages is even more severe, and sometimes involves offering money or goods in exchange for sexual images or acts. A disabled fashion influencer (P16) shared:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;My private messages are even worse. Some people directly message saying, \u0026lsquo;I want to marry you; how much for a night?\u0026rsquo; At first, I felt insulted and would curse at them, but they would reply, \u0026lsquo;You disabled person, being able to look at you is good enough.\u0026rsquo; After that, I didn\u0026rsquo;t dare post videos for a long time.\u0026rdquo; (P16)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis verbal violence not only stems from a gendered desire-based perspective but also deeply roots in the \"othering logic\" of a non-disabled society. In the imagination of most viewers, disabled bodies are seen as \"incomplete\" or \"abnormal,\" so when disabled women display confident daily lives, it triggers a contradictory gaze: one that combines curiosity and fetishism with pity and exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eMulvey (1975) introduced the concept of the \u0026ldquo;male gaze,\u0026rdquo; which reveals the mechanism by which women are viewed as objects of desire. Garland-Thomson (2009), in disability studies, introduced the concept of the \u0026ldquo;normal gaze,\u0026rdquo; further explaining that disabled people are viewed as \u0026ldquo;others\u0026rdquo;\u0026mdash;to be gazed at, interpreted, and pitied. On short video platforms, disabled women occupy the intersection of both types of gaze: they are both sexualized \"women\" and objectified \"disabled people.\" This \u0026ldquo;double gaze\u0026rdquo; is particularly evident in live streaming contexts. As participant P10 mentioned:\u003cdiv class=\"BlockQuote\"\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u0026ldquo;When I live stream, there are often people on the public screen saying, \u0026lsquo;You\u0026rsquo;re quite pretty, I\u0026rsquo;d really like to marry you,\u0026rsquo; or asking, \u0026lsquo;Can you have children?\u0026rsquo; I usually block them directly, but I\u0026rsquo;m also afraid that blocking too many people will decrease my traffic.\u0026rdquo; (P10)\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis situation reveals the collusion between algorithmic logic and the gaze mechanism: platforms encourage creators to attract attention by showcasing themselves, but the essence of attention economy amplifies the risk of disabled women being gazed at and consumed. Their bodies become tools for generating traffic in the live streaming space, yet they cannot fully control their own narratives.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn conclusion, the harassment disabled women face on short video platforms is not just an individual occurrence but rather systemic structural violence underpinned by the intersection of gender and disability identities. While they are \u0026ldquo;seen,\u0026rdquo; they are simultaneously subjected to constant gazing, disciplining, and consumption. This phenomenon reveals the deeper logic of intersectional oppression: the collusion of gendered violence, platform algorithms, and societal biases, which makes the digital labor of disabled women fraught with invisible risks and inequalities.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusion and Discussion","content":" \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study, using intersectionality theory as an analytical framework, explored the media practices of disabled female creators on Chinese short video platforms. The findings reveal that short video platforms have indeed provided disabled women with unprecedented space for expression and participation, allowing them to challenge their traditional \u0026ldquo;invisible\u0026rdquo; status in mainstream media through self-narratives, creative expression, and emotional interaction. However, this freedom to be \u0026ldquo;seen\u0026rdquo; is limited and conditional.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFirstly, from an institutional perspective, platform algorithms and commercial logic create a \"hidden system\" for the digital labor of disabled women. The platform\u0026rsquo;s preference for \u0026ldquo;positive energy\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;inspirational\u0026rdquo; narratives determines which disability images receive visibility and traffic, while those presenting complex, contradictory, or critical voices are marginalized by the algorithm. This institutional selection perpetuates traditional society\u0026rsquo;s \u0026ldquo;able-bodied centrism,\u0026rdquo; making narratives like \u0026ldquo;resilient despite disability\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;inspirational mothers\u0026rdquo; the rewarded templates on these platforms.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eSecondly, from a social norms perspective, gender and disability identities are re-woven within platform narratives. Disabled women are expected not only to demonstrate strength and optimism but also to embody traditional feminine traits such as gentleness, motherhood, and submissiveness. Their \u0026ldquo;inspirational\u0026rdquo; narratives are often gendered, becoming subjects of emotional consumption. Platforms, audiences, and commercial capital collectively shape a \u0026ldquo;permitted disabled female image,\u0026rdquo; which encourages self-expression while trapping disabled women in the double bind of visibility and gendered expectations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eLastly, on an individual level, disabled female creators face significant dual gazes and sexual harassment risks in live-streaming and short video practices. On one hand, they rely on continuously producing \u0026ldquo;platform-favored\u0026rdquo; content to gain algorithmic recommendations; on the other hand, they must contend with dual gazes from male and able-bodied viewers\u0026mdash;being both sexualized and pitied.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOverall, this study reveals the intersectional dilemmas faced by disabled women on short video platforms. While they are \u0026ldquo;seen\u0026rdquo; in digital spaces, this visibility is often constructed within algorithms, gender norms, and the double gaze. Digital platforms serve as both tools of empowerment and structures that reproduce inequality. In this sense, the empowerment of disabled women on short video platforms always coexists with structural limitations.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFuture short video creation should focus on deep institutional reforms for inclusivity and accessibility. Platforms should allow for more diverse female images and expressions in algorithm design, content moderation, and creator support systems. Society must also recognize the harm caused by ableist and gendered gazes. Additionally, academia should further explore intersectional discrimination in digital labor and examine how true social justice can be achieved within the digital economy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eOn a broader level, this study reminds us that digital visibility does not inherently equate to social inclusion. Only when platforms, policies, and cultural environments reflect on the power structures behind them can the \u0026ldquo;visibility\u0026rdquo; of disabled women transform into true \u0026ldquo;voice\u0026rdquo; and \u0026ldquo;respect.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis study has no conflicts of interest\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003exinyixie has completed everything\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eChina Netcasting Services Association (2024) China Internet audiovisual development research report 2024. China Radio and Television Publishing House\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eCrenshaw K (2013) Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and antiracist politics. Feminist legal theories. 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Disabil Soc 38(8):1327\u0026ndash;1346. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2021.1994369\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1080/09687599.2021.1994369\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eZhang Z (2022) \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1751630021449441761\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1751630021449441761\" targettype=\"URL\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"sexuality-and-disability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"sedi","sideBox":"Learn more about [Sexuality and Disability](http://link.springer.com/journal/11195)","snPcode":"11195","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/11195/3","title":"Sexuality and Disability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false},"keywords":"Disabled Female Influencers, Visibility, Intersectionality, Sexual Harassment, Algorithmic Pressure","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"This study explores the experiences of disabled female content creators on Chinese short video platforms. While these platforms provide new opportunities for visibility and income, they also expose creators to gender and disability-based narratives, algorithmic pressure, and sexual harassment. Using an intersectionality framework, this study focuses on how disabled women navigate empowerment and oppression in digital spaces.","manuscriptTitle":"Empowerment or oppression? The complex experiences of disabled female internet celebrities in China","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-02-23 18:24:38","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7913432/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-03-29T23:15:05+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-03-15T08:16:43+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-03-08T02:29:30+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"59151492454393754319492475143971784003","date":"2026-02-17T13:24:39+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"29789985294812560492620918080194369636","date":"2026-02-17T04:35:12+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-02-17T01:15:40+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2025-11-01T12:07:03+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2025-11-01T12:05:05+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Sexuality and Disability","date":"2025-10-21T10:13:35+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"sexuality-and-disability","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"sedi","sideBox":"Learn more about [Sexuality and Disability](http://link.springer.com/journal/11195)","snPcode":"11195","submissionUrl":"https://submission.springernature.com/new-submission/11195/3","title":"Sexuality and Disability","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Springer Hybrid","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":false}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"ba41aedd-9141-4daf-b5f1-3ac5331a6339","owner":[],"postedDate":"February 23rd, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-05-11T03:08:28+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-02-23 18:24:38","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7913432","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7913432","identity":"rs-7913432","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}