Background
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious and prevalent public health concern. In the
U.S., 1 in 4 women (27.4%) and 1 in 9 men (11.0%) have experienced sexual violence, physical
violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner in their lifetime and reported an IPV-related
impact (e.g., injury, fear, concern for safety, needing services; Smith et al., 2017). These
experiences can have a number of adverse effects on victim’s physical and mental health, with
IPV sequelae including increased risks for functional disorders, drug abuse, sexual risk-taking
behaviors, sexually transmitted diseases, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and
self-harming behaviors (Chrisholm et al., 2017; Gómez, 2011). IPV can even result in death; data
from U.S. crime reports suggest that about 1 in 5 homicide victims are killed by an intimate
partner (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2014). Given these impacts, it is
critically important both to examine significant risk factors for victimization and to provide early
interventions to prevent IPV.
Alcohol-related problems, psychological distress, relationship satisfaction issues, and
challenges within the family environment are well-documented risk factors for IPV (Caetano et
al. 2001; Lipsky et al. 2005). Numerous studies have also reported that child abuse—defined as
any recent act or failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker which results in death, serious
physical or psychological harm, sexual abuse, or exploitation of a child (Federal Child Abuse
Prevention and Treatment Act, 2010) —is an important determinant of later IPV, both in
perpetration and victimization. It is hypothesized that these risks are due to child abuse victims’
co-occurrence of behavioral problems resulting from the abuse and their acceptance of
aggression as a normal part of life (Tara, Marie & Emily, 2017; Capaldi et al., 2012; Lina et al.,
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 4
2013; Gómez, 2011). Child abuse has generally contributed to problematic behaviors for youth
who have experienced it. These resulting behaviors—such as substance use, youth delinquency
and negative emotionality—have also been shown to significantly predict later IPV (Widom,
White, Czaja, & Marmorstein, 2007; Moffitt et al., 2000; Ehrensaft et al., 2003; Kim and
Capaldi, 2004).
However, compared to the study of behavioral and mental health problems linking child
abuse and adult IPV, only a few researchers have incorporated an exploration of parental factors
in examining this association. Rakovec-Felser (2014) noted that children more easily learn
aggressive behaviors through witnessing violence within nuclear families, exacerbated by
chronic exposure to an abusive environment. While there has been a dearth of empirical studies
in this area, several psychological and sociological theories have posited connections between
child abuse and IPV within families.
Theoretical and Empirical Explorations of Family Systems and the Child Abuse/IPV Link
Intergenerational violence transmission theory offers one explanation for the etiology of
IPV within family systems (Kalmuss, 1984; Ballif-Spanvill et al., 2008; Breslin, Riggs, O’Leary,
& Arias, 1990). Based on this theory, children who are exposed to family violence treat
aggression as a socially learned behavior to express oneself, feel powerful, and gain control
within intimate relationships in later life, thus transmitting a capacity for violence from one
generation to another (Hamberger, Lohr, Bonge, & Tolin, 1997; Harned, 2001). As such, abused
children may develop an expectation for violence as a normal part of romantic relationships
and/or necessary to maintain control and power in their lives (Wekerle et al. 2001), opening up a
pathway for IPV victimization, perpetration, or both.
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 5
Another theory that highlights the role of family as a main socializing institution and
source of childhood learning is social learning theory (Bandura, 1973). Per this theory,
aggression modeled between parents not only provides children with scripts for violent
behaviors, but also teaches them the appropriateness and consequences of such behavior in an
intimate relationship through direct and vicarious reinforcement of rewards and punishments
(Bandura, 1973).
To understand and help break the cycle of intergenerational violence as posited by the
aforementioned theories, family factors should be taken into consideration when studying the
link between child abuse and IPV. Parent-child relationship quality may be one such factor to
consider. Kaufman-Parks et al. (2018) found that positive parent-child relationships were
protective against future IPV perpetration by means of a regional sample (N=950 respondents)
from Ohio; individuals who reported higher parent-child relationship quality were significantly
less likely to report IPV perpetration at any given point in time.
Such a notion is consistent with attachment theory (Bowlby, 1982), which argued that
individuals start developing cognitive models of relationships with others based on adult
caregiver-child interactions. Higher-quality parent-child relationships contribute to a safer,
warmer environment for child development and may shape children’s personal cognitive models
(Bowlby, 1982; Bartholomew and Horowitz, 1991). Caregiver trustworthiness and warmth can
provide a foundation in infancy for youth to develop mental representations of themselves as
lovable and worthy of care (Keizer, Helmerhorst & van Rijin-van, 2019). Kaufman-Parks et al.
(2018) also found that the trust generated by a supportive parent–child attachment can provide
youth with the confidence to build loving and secure relationships, including those with romantic
partners.
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 6
Empirical evidence has additionally shown that adolescents who perceive their
attachment with their parents as secure are more likely to have high levels of self-esteem
(Arbona and Power, 2003; Gómez and McLaren, 2007; Wilkinson, 2004). According to
Rosenberg (1965) and social bonding theory, low self-esteem weakens ties to society, decreases
conformity to social norms, and may lead to delinquency, all of which are significantly
predictive of IPV (Papadakaki et al., 2009). Simons et al. (1995) additionally found that—rather
than the old adage that children who experience violence grow up to be violent parents—the link
between childhood experiences of “harsh” parenting and later use of violence was actually
mediated by parental personality (the extent to which parents displayed an antisocial orientation).
Following from this previous research exploring family factors as possible mediators, it is
important to continue the exploration of how one’s family system influences the association
between child abuse and adult IPV, which is imperative for uncovering intergenerational
transmission mechanisms. It may be of particular interest to explore mother-child relationship
quality as a potential influence on this association. Mothers are often viewed as “safe haven”
attachment figures, whereas fathers are more often considered as facilitators of children’s
exploration system (Dumont and Paquette 2013; Grossmann et al. 2002). As safe havens,
mothers have a particular capacity to embody the warm, positive qualities outlined by Bowlby—
and similar to those qualities discovered by Kaufman-Parks et al. (2018)—which may be
protective against later IPV perpetration. Empirical studies of this factor, however, are few and
far between.
Present Study
Previous research has testified as to how externalized and internalized problems have
mediated the link between child abuse and intimate partner violence in adulthood (Egeland,
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 7
Yates, Appleyard, & Dulmen, 2002; Fergusson, Boden, & Horwood, 2005; Hussey et al., 2006;
Widom, White, Czaja, & Marmorstein, 2007). Few researchers have specifically discussed the
effect of family systems more broadly, and mother-child relationship quality more specifically,
on IPV perpetration in adulthood. Since the literature has documented more about IPV risk
factors than protective factors, increased attention is warranted on the latter, as these may
provide important windows of opportunity for prevention (Capaldi et al., 2012). Such an
exploration may help practitioners to design more effective preventive and psychotherapeutic
interventions for the restoration of close family relationships to break the cycle of
intergenerational violence transmission.
Additionally, previous research has primarily discussed the direct link between physical
abuse in childhood and later IPV perpetration (Widom, Czaja & Dutton, 2014; Bevan & Higgins,
2002; Fang & Corso, 2008). Tara, Marie and Emily (2017) argued that emotional/psychological
abuse is often omitted from scholarly examinations of childhood and adolescent trauma, and that
this form of abuse is both highly prevalent and potentially damaging to later outcomes.
The present study specifically explored the association between mother-child
relationships, child abuse, and adult IPV perpetration—specifically, whether mother–child
relationship quality, as a protective factor, mediated the effects on the link between child abuse
and later IPV. The present study also captured child abuse and IPV multidimensionally,
correcting the omission of psychological abuse in past research. The study’s goal was to fill an
empirical gap on how one particular family relationship may impact intergenerational violence
transmission, both by using a nationally representative sample and robust quantitative methods.
The present study addressed following three research questions:
1. Did abused children report higher levels of IPV perpetration in adulthood?
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 8
2. Were higher quality mother-child relationships more protective against later IPV
perpetration?
3. Did mother-child relationship quality mediate the link between child abuse and IPV?
Methods
Data and Sample
Data for this study came from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health
(Add Health). Add Health is a nationally representative, school-based study of students in the
United States who were in grades 7 to 12 during the 1994-1995 school year (Wave I data). Each
subsequent wave combined longitudinal survey data on respondents’ social, economic,
psychological, and physical well-being with contextual data on the family, neighborhood,
community, school, friendships, peer groups, and romantic relationships (Harris et al., 2009).
Wave IV was collected in 2008, when Wave I respondents were between the ages of 24 and 34.
The current study merged publicly-available samples from Wave I and Wave IV. All interviews
in these waves were conducted by audio computer-assisted self-interview technology.
Respondents were included in this study sample if they: (a) completed Wave I and Wave
IV (n=5114), (b) had a sample weight (n=5114), (c) did not have missing data on covariates
(n=3940), (d) were under age 18 in Wave 1 (n=3718); because child abuse was measured in
Wave 1). Application of inclusion criteria resulted in a final study sample of 3718 participants.
Measures
Endogenous variable. The endogenous variable of the model—IPV—was captured as a
latent construct based on three observed indicator variables. The three indicators were
categorical variables measured by participants’ response to three survey questions from Wave
IV. Interview items were adapted from the original Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS; Straus, 1979).
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 9
Physical perpetration referred to how often respondents slapped, hit, or kicked their partner in
the past year. Threatened perpetration referred to how often respondents threatened partners
with violence, pushed, shoved, or threw something at their partner in the past year. Sexual
perpetration measured how often respondents insisted on unwilling sexual relations with partner
in the past year. For all items, responses ranged from 0 to 7 (with 0=never; 1=happened before
last year; 2=once; 3=twice; 4=3-5 times; 5=6-10 times; 6=11-20 times; 7=over 20 times).
Exogenous variable. The exogenous variable—child abuse— was also captured as a
latent construct based on three observed indicator variables: physical abuse, sexual abuse, and
psychological abuse. The measures of the three types of child abuse were developed for use in
Add Health and categorized on the basis of respondents’ retrospective answers to child
maltreatment before their 18th birthday. Physical abuse indicated how often respondents
experienced a parent or other adult caregiver hit them with a fist, kick them, or throw them on
the floor, into a wall, or downstairs. Sexual abuse indicated whether respondent experienced a
parent or other adult caregiver touching them in a sexual way, forcing them to touch the
parent/caregiver in a sexual way, or forcing them to have sexual relations. Psychological abuse
indicated whether respondent experienced a parent or other adult caregiver saying things that
really hurt the respondent’s feelings or made them feel unwanted or unloved. For all items,
responses ranged from 0 to 5 (with 0=never; 1=once; 2=twice; 3=3-5 times; 4=6-10 times;
5=over 10 times).
Mediating variable. Mother-child relationship was assessed by five items from Wave I.
These items were developed for use in Add Health specifically. Mother-child relationship score
was derived from the respondent’s reports of how close they felt to their mothers; if their
mothers were warm and loving toward them; if they had good communication with their
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 10
mothers; if they thought their mothers cared about them; and if they were satisfied with their
relationships with their mothers. Answers were recorded on a five-point Likert scale from 1 (“not
at all”) to 5 (“very much”). Data showing no resident mother was recorded as missing data.
Cronbach’s alpha reliability for items regarding mother-child relationship was high (α = .85).
Control variables. Several control variables were identified for use in this study, all of
which were selected due to their theoretical or empirical associations with child abuse and/or
IPV (Cunradi et al., 2002; Capaldi et al., 2012; Sorenson, Upchurch, & Shen, 1996):
• Age is consistently demonstrated the protective function against IPV in adulthood
(Capaldi et al., 2012). Age was defined as respondent’s age at the Wave IV interview.
• Education and income were also found to be relatively strong predictors of IPV in the
United States (Cunradi et al., 2002). Education was defined as respondent’s education
level at Wave IV, divided into four categories and coded 1 to 4 (1=“less than high
school”; 2=“high school graduate”; 3=“some college”; 4=“college graduate”).
• Parental income was defined as respondent’s parental income as reported in Wave I.
Parental income was included as categorical variable at the following levels: less than
$15,000; $15,000 to $29,999; $30,000 to $69,999; and more than $70,000. (In the
original dataset, 18% of observations had missing values on parental income, and these
observations were excluded from this sample.)
• Sex was defined as respondent’s sex as reported in Wave I. Previous studies provided
strong support for gender differences in the intergenerational transmission of violence
(Fang & Corso, 2008; Houry et al., 2008; Tara et al., 2017; Li, Zhao, & Yu, 2019).
Individuals of different genders may develop different problems when they faced with
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 11
child abuse and IPV, such as differing levels of externalizing problems, depression, and
substance use problems (White & Widom, 2003; Kratzer & Hodgins, 1997).
Data Management and Analysis
Data management and analysis were performed by StataSE and Mplus version 7 (Muthén
& Muthén, 1998–2012). To address clustering and unequal probability of selection (which could
create biased estimates and false-positive hypothesis test results; see Chantala, 2006), grand
sample and cluster weight variables were utilized, and these accounted for the variation in
selection probability to derive population estimates in the analysis. Descriptive statistics—
primarily weighted frequency, means, and standard deviations—were collected to demonstrate
sample characteristics (Table 1).
Analytical plan. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to investigate the
mediation dynamics between child abuse, mother-child relationship and IPV. SEM tests a
theoretical path model against the empirical data to determine how well the model fits the actual
data, as determined by model fit statistics (Schumacker & Lomax, 2010). The analysis was
conducted in two steps: (1) evaluate the measurement models of child abuse and IPV; (2)
analyze the direct and indirect effects of mother-child relationship on the association between
child abuse and IPV in adulthood.
The first measurement model consisted of three observed indicators for child abuse and
three observed variables for IPV. In order to improve model fit, we specified two pairs of
correlated measurement errors: (1) physical abuse in childhood and physical perpetration in
adulthood; (2) sexual abuse in childhood and sexual perpetration in childhood. In order to reduce
bias in the estimation, potential covariates served as controls for the exogenous variable (child
abuse) in the structural equation model. These included respondent’s education level, age in
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 12
Wave IV, sex, and parental income in Wave I. Sobel’s (1986) test was utilized to approximate
the standard error of an indirect effect. Good fit statistics aided in determining a final
measurement model for later second-order structural equation model. Model chi-square,
comparative fit index (CFI), and root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) with a 90%
confidence interval (CI) served as indicators of model fit. Good fit is typically indicated by a
nonsignificant chi-square, CFI > .95, and RMSEA < .05 (upper bound of the 90% CI < .08)
(Bowen & Guo, 2011).
Power analysis and handling of missing data. Before testing the structural equation
model, power analysis was conducted to determine the minimum sample size needed to detect
the effect if it exists in the full population (McHugh, 2008). The minimum sample size needed to
detect an effect was calculated to be 323 respondents; the study sample far exceeded this
requirement. Missing data (beyond the observations excluded due to not meeting inclusion
criteria) were handled by a listwise present approach before testing the structural equation model.
Data in the SEM were missing for 327 (8.7%) participants after using listwise deletion.
Conclusions
Summary and Interpretation of Findings
This study combined robust quantitative analysis and a nationally representative sample
to explore associations between child abuse and adult IPV while controlling for individual and
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 14
family factors. Study results indicated that child abuse was highly predictive of young adult IPV
perpetration in this sample. These findings are consistent with intergenerational violence
transmission theory, as well as with social learning theory’s explanation as to how exposure to
sexual abuse and psychological abuse is associated with later IPV perpetration—because of
socially learned aggression and expectations of violence in romantic relationships.
Moreover, findings indicate that the quality of the mother-child relationship is an
important protective factor for preventing adult IPV perpetration, through its role as a mediator
between child abuse and later IPV. While theories such as social learning theory and attachment
theory have long posited the role that families play in not only exposing individuals to the use of
violence, but also inculcating an acceptance and approval of the use of violence in relationships
(Gelles, 1972), these results ground these suppositions in data from a large sample.
When individuals feel that parents and other caregivers love them, accept them, and are
responsive to their needs, they are more likely to form secure attachments with others in later life
(Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991). Sroufe et al. (2005) characterized resilience as the
development of a securely attached relationship, in that children with secure attachment to their
caregiver are likely to “bounce back” from negative experiences—in the case of this study, child
abuse. Children with more secure and healthier relationships with their mothers, specifically,
were less likely to have engaged in IPV perpetration as adults, thus indicating a potential
buffering effect of this attachment. If utilized effectively in preventive interventions, this buffer
could assist in building these young people’s internal resilience in violent environments.
Strengths and Limitations
Our research is one of the first to examine whether mother-child relationship can mediate
the relationship between child abuse and IPV using national survey data. Add Health is a
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 15
longitudinal, nationally representative study, which presents greater generalizability to the results
and demonstrates the impact of these variables over time. It is also a very large sample, which
contributes to the findings’ usefulness, as well as appropriate powering of the study.
Additionally, SEM has not often been used to analyze this research area. This study has
pioneered the use of this method in this research context, in sync with long-regarded—but less
often empirically tested—theoretical constructs as well.
The present study was limited by data collection restraints and some missing data issues.
While the sample is large and nationally representative, any retrospective measurement may
contribute recall biases, and this may be the case with the study’s items around child abuse and
mother-child relationship quality. Tajima et al. (2004) found that respondents tend to
overestimate abuse in retrospective reports. Additionally, due to a large amount of missing data
on parental income (for 18% of respondents in the original dataset), these data were excluded
from the study. While information on the reasons for the data’s missingness is unknown, it is
worth noting that such a large amount of missing data can present generalizability challenges and
draws questions as to what important sample characteristics were not available for the complete
picture of these findings. Moreover, in the present study, only mother-child relationship was
measured, with no information on father-child relationship analyzed. This choice was due to the
fact that variables related to father-child relationship in Add Health had over 25% missing data;
the reason for this missingness is also unknown.
In order to uncover a more comprehensive picture of violence in family systems, future
research could explore how paternal roles and overall parental roles function in intergenerational
violence transmission. Future research could also explore how this mediation link may differ in
families with only one parent, with other kinds of caregivers, or in families where parents are the
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 16
same gender. Other family characteristics identified previously, such as parental marriage status
and mother socioeconomic status, could be explored in future mediation studies. For example,
Gelles (1976) found that poorly educated women were less likely to seek interventions after
spousal abuse than were employed women with more schooling, though this sample was small
(N=40). Considerations of the overall family system may be important for future research as
well. Meredith et al. (1986) found that not only are individuals adversely affected by violence,
but family relationships may be damaged as well, with overall family strength reduced.
Despite some limitations, this study provides important information about the complexity
of child abuse and the potential protective effects of the mother-child relationship on
intergenerational violence transmission. The study goes beyond long-established theories to test
hypotheses with the robust, data-driven approach employed by SEM.
Implications for Practice, Policy, and Research
In further understanding the relationship between child abuse, mother-child relationship,
and later IPV, researchers and practitioners may be able to design more effective preventive and
psychotherapeutic interventions to help break the cycle of intergenerational violence.
In the clinical realm, physical, sexual, and psychological abuse experienced in childhood
should be paid special attention when practitioners assess clients’ previous trauma histories. This
special attention paid may provide a window of opportunity to intervene on the social learning of
aggression and the development of youth expectations of violence in future relationships. If
children’s development of this expectation of violence in relationships can be interrupted, this
could prevent future violence. Future research could explore other factors that create this
expectation for violent relationships in youth as well.
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 17
At the policy level, public awareness campaigns and community, state, and system-wide
violence prevention programs would do well to provide equal focus to all types of violence—not
only physical and sexual, but also psychological forms of violence. These programs could also
emphasize the importance of recognizing and getting support for past trauma in order to heal and
prevent future trauma, both to oneself and others. Ensuring that proper resources and referrals are
available as a follow-up from such programming can create additional avenues for intervention.
Implications can also be drawn from this study’s findings that parental support and
involvement continue to be an important protector for abused children into adulthood. The
building and/or restoration of close family relationships should be highlighted in an effort to
prevent future violence. This could be done in a number of ways. Attachment-based family
therapy and parent-child interaction therapy, for example, could be further promoted for use with
youth and their families, and they could also modified to treat adults and their parents (Musliner
& Singer, 2014). Parent-child relationship building could be utilized even earlier, in prenatal and
parenting education, especially those aimed at child abuse prevention. Evidence-supported
programs where parent-child connections are already a focus could be further promoted and
implemented at the community, state, and federal levels.
Final Remarks
Through the use of SEM, this study adds important empirical backing to decades of
theory exploring child abuse as a significant risk factor for later IPV perpetration. While this
particular confluence of theory and data may seem bleak, a glimmer of hope remains—in the
form of a protective, secure mother-child relationship. When a child feels warmth, connection,
and security from a mother (or potentially other caregivers), the intergenerational violence
transmission cycle may in fact be stopped. If prevention programming centers this finding and
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 18
works to build close family relationships between children and their loving adults, perhaps the
strength of a mother’s love can stop the continuation of violence within the family system.
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 19
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 28
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Study Population
Note. N=3718.
Variable Percentage or Mean (SD)
Exogenous Variable
Child Abuse
Psychological 1.50 (1.99)
Physical 0.59 (1.53)
Sexual 0.21 (1.05)
Mediation Variable
Mother-Child Relationship 21.68 (4.00)
Demographic Characteristics
Age at Wave 4 28.69 (1.59)
Sex
Female 46%
Male 54%
Race
White 70%
Black 13%
Hispanic 11%
Other 6%
Education
Less than High School 7%
High School Graduate 22%
Some College 33%
College Graduate 35%
Parental Income
Less than $15,000 16%
$15,000 - $29,999 22%
$30,000 - $69,999 46%
More than 70,000 16%
Endogenous Variable
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)
Physical 0.48 (1.71)
Threatened 0.47 (1.71)
Sexual 0.35 (1.64)
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 29
Table 2. Maximum Likelihood Estimates of the Structural Equation Model Using Mother-child
Relationship as Mediator
Note. SE = standard error; CFI = comparative fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation; CI =
confidence interval. *p<.05; **p < .01; ***p < .001 (two-tailed test).
Parameter B SE
Measurement Model
Psychological Abuse → Child Abuse 1.000 0.000
Physical Abuse → Child Abuse 0.489*** 0.043
Sexual Abuse → Child Abuse 0.115*** 0.020
Physical Perpetration → Intimate Partner Violence 1.000 0.000
Threatened Perpetration → Intimate Partner Violence 1.498*** 0.159
Sexual Perpetration → Intimate Partner Violence 0.156*** 0.044
Structural Equation Model
Direct Effects
Child Abuse → Intimate Partner Violence 0.067*** 0.014
Child Abuse → Mother-child Relationship -0.561*** 0.058
Mother-Child Relationship → Intimate Partner Violence -0.009* 0.004
Indirect Effect
Child Abuse → Mother-Child Relationship→ Intimate Partner Violence 0.005*** 0.002
Model Fit Indices
χ2 (df ) 233.338(24)***
CFI 0.918
RMSEA [90% CI] 0.051[.045,.057]
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Child abuse, mother-child relationship, and adult IPV 30
Figure 1. Final Model: Mediating Role of Mother-Child Relationship in the Association
Between Child Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence
Note. N=3391; indirect effect of child abuse on intimate partner violence is .005; **p<.05; ***p<.001; all factor
loadings are p<.001.
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