PhD Scholars' Perspectives on One Nation One Election with Social Work Implications for Democratic Governance

PhD Scholars' Perspectives on One Nation One Election with Social Work Implications for Democratic Governance | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article PhD Scholars' Perspectives on One Nation One Election with Social Work Implications for Democratic Governance Thiruvengatam M, Nengpichong Ashenath, P B Shankar Narayan This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Under Review Version 1 posted 11 You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The One Nation, One Election (ONOE) is an electoral reform policy proposal that seeks to synchronise national and state elections, replacing the current fragmented electoral model. The policy outlines various benefits related to political, economic, and administrative advances. However, this policy attracts both criticisms and merits from various stakeholders in the country. This study aimed to explore scholars' perceptions of the critical debate surrounding the ONOE policy, with an emphasis on its claims of benefits and criticisms by PhD scholars from Indian universities. Using a qualitative research design, in-depth interviews were conducted with PhD scholars from Pondicherry University. Thematic analysis was then utilised as the data analysis method to extract themes from the respondents' data. The study resulted in the weakening of the democratic process, the marginalisation of vulnerable groups, the exacerbation of political polarisation, and the questioning of the feasibility of conducting the ONOE. It also underscores the need for an inclusive political system that respects the diverse culture of the Indian nation and prioritises local needs over political consolidation. The results call for an inclusive approach that protects the diversity of the nation, federal values, and local needs while informing actionable social work interventions Indian Polity Political Socialwork ONOE(One Nation One Election) Scholars' view 1. INTRODUCTION The simultaneous election, also known as the concept of holding both parliamentary and state legislative elections at the same time, is also known as One Nation One Election (PIB, 2024). This model of election allows people to vote for their representatives at both the state and union levels on the same day. And this simultaneous election is not a new concept in India, as the country held simultaneous elections at both the national and state levels from 25 October 1951 to 21 February 1952 during its first general election, and continued to do so till 1977. Due to the premature disclosure of the state assembly, the prevailing political turmoil at the state and national levels, contributed to by internal and external aggression, disrupted the simultaneous form of election, leading to a fragmented election. This fragmented election model has a significant impact and benefits both the country's economy and democracy (Kumar, 2022 ). In India, the major electoral reform post-independence was the establishment of the Election Commission under Article 324 of the constitution to oversee the election process from the beginning to the end to ensure free and fair elections to address the challenges such as criminalisation of politics, non-transparent financing in campaign and unsound regulatory framework in the election process (ECI, 1984). After that, various committees and commissions have examined the challenges in the electoral process and identified issues such as a lack of transparency in election funding and corruption. In 2015, the 79th Parliamentary Standing Committee proposed simultaneous elections as an alternative to fragmented elections to enhance administrative efficiency while safeguarding the democratic process. Furthermore, the Law Commission report also overlooked the reform's legal implications, constitutional amendments, and implementation hurdles, while focusing on stakeholder consultation (Law Commission of India, 2015, 2018 ). The debate regained importance when the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, stressed that the Law Commission should prepare a working model to implement the simultaneous model of elections without undermining the federal structure of the government (Law Commission, 2018). However, the high-level commission headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind, which examined the feasibility of conducting simultaneous elections, has submitted a report recommending the phased implementation of simultaneous elections(Srivastava, 2020 ). The following year, the Government of India introduced two bills in Parliament: the Constitutional Amendment (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024, and the Union Territories Law (Amendment) Bill, 2024, to implement simultaneous elections at the state and national levels. These bills are still under review by the joint parliamentary committees, which are seeking consultations with legal experts and former officials. The government also set a target to implement and conduct the first nationwide simultaneous election by 2034. To achieve the target, it is also recommended that the state assemblies elected after 2029 should be restricted to their terms to align with the Lok Sabha elections(PRS, 2024). This recommendation again reignited debate among various stakeholders, with strong arguments on both sides. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW The article examines the electoral process from a historical context (1952–1967) to the recent proposal of simultaneous elections, highlighting its potential benefits, including economic advancement, cost savings, and increased voter turnout, along with criticisms of logistical hurdles and threats to federalism. The constitutional and governance perspective provided a critical analysis of constitutional provisions affected by simultaneous elections, their impacts on existing constitutional provisions, and their feasibility (Ranjithkumar, 2024 ). Furthermore, the research provides a roadmap for implementing simultaneous elections by analysing aspects of the nation's social, political, and constitutional landscape, emphasising electoral management, and outlining policy-level implications and implementation steps (Nihal, 2025). The research on the historical background of the ONOE and its rationale for proposing this policy analyses the constitutional provisions related to elections and their detailed need for amendments in the constitutions(Jamtani, 2024 ), such as Articles 83, 85, and 173, which deal with the duration of parliament, state assemblies, and the president's power over parliamentary houses(Singh & Bisht, 2025 ). These potential hurdles to ONOE over Indian democracy, and its concerns about legal and constitutional provisions, sparked heated debates among political and intellectual elites, suggesting that the NDA government's concerns about its nation's democratic principles were outweighed by the economic and governance benefits (Kumar, 2024 ). The research also highlights the importance of accountability mechanisms, including vertical (electoral), horizontal (State institutions), and diagonal (media, academia, civil society, etc.). Simultaneous elections tend to be skewed in favour of the ruling party, violating the constitution (O'Donnell, 1998 ). This article also highlighted the undermining of electoral rules, weakening of the political opposition, and interference with judicial independence by the current BJP government, raising suspicions that the push for simultaneous elections by the current office bearers may be a move towards executive aggrandisement and party-state fusion through simultaneous elections(Khaitan et al., 2019 ). Given the various issues identified in the literature, most studies are conducted through conceptual understanding, utilising secondary data sources. This over-reliance on secondary data limits the earlier finding to just theoretical arguments and speculative impacts, rather than providing novel, empirical evidence on the topic of study. This over-reliance on secondary data often leads to bias in findings, including inherent and unverifiable biases. To gather more authentic, empirical, and valuable views on the policy, a study has been formulated to collect information on their perspectives on simultaneous elections from PhD scholars across various departments, who have been purposefully selected based on their political activity on campus. 3. AIM The primary aim is to explore and critically analyse the doctoral scholars' perception of the ONOE policy and its implications in India. 3.1 Objectives To explore the views on the proposed benefits and drawbacks by Indian politically active scholars about the ONOE proposal To investigate the perceived consequences of the proposed ONOE proposal To explore its feasibility and challenges in the implementation of the ONOE proposal To investigate the critical view of the rationale by the government in the implementation of the ONOE proposal To propose social work interventions for the issues identified through the study. 4. METHODOLOGY The study employs a qualitative research methodology, underpinned by interpretivism as the research philosophy, which posits that social realities are subjective entities with multiple realities, as revealed through the meanings and interpretations derived from individual experiences (Creswell, 2018 ). An exploratory research design, combined with a semi-structured interview guide, is employed to gather information related to the complex social and political phenomena of ONOE, which the existing literature lacks. Sampling is purposive, in which the researcher directly approaches the study population (PhD scholars) currently pursuing their PhD at Pondicherry University, based on their active participation in campus politics and their specific knowledge of the subject under study. The PhD scholars who consented to participate in the study despite the researcher's approach were selected as study participants. Data collection is conducted using a semi-structured interview guide and in-depth interviews to gather information on the study's objective. All interviews are audio-recorded, and informed consent has been taken with a physical consent form. Braun and Clarke's method of data analysis has been employed to identify themes and patterns from the collected information (Braun & Clarke, 2006 ). The researcher approached various political parties at the university, and only 11 participants agreed to participate and responded to the researcher. A semi-structured interview guide is made to gather information from the Participants. The interview guide undergoes revisions, including the addition, exclusion, and inclusion of questions, and the final interview schedule is validated through a pilot study. The pilot study from 2 participants demonstrated the guide's capacity to gather information, aligning with the research objectives. The data saturation was achieved at the 5th participant. To confirm data saturation, two additional interviews were conducted, and data saturation was confirmed when no new substantive insights emerged from the 6th and 7th participants. All participants were male, and the average interview lasted 40–50 minutes. Table 1 Participants' Profile Participants Discipline Engagement Ideology P1(M) Mass Communication High Left 2(M) Mass Communication High Left P3(M) Anthropology High Left P4(M), Political Science High Right P5(M) Political Science High Left P6(M), Library Science High Right P7(M) Library Science High Left 5. RESULT 5.1 The centralisation of power and the systematic erosion of Indian federalism This theme encapsulates the core concern expressed throughout the document: that the One Nation One Election (ONOE) policy is shifting power from the states to the central government, thereby undermining the federal structure, state autonomy, and the diverse, decentralised vision of the Indian constitution. "We wanted to decentralise. Decentralise the power. But what does one Nation one election do? It's centralising the power, obviously." (P4) On the threat to state autonomy: "One Nation One Election ' suggests moving towards one that is central, which reduces the need of the state and questions the autonomy, Justice, and Liberty of the State (P3) "they use it in a very authoritarian way to execute these changes in the constitutional legal structure... They change the laws and also execute authoritarian, oppressive force to enforce those laws they changed." (P6) 5.2 Cultural diversity is a barrier against homogenising policies. India's immense inherent richness and diversity of culture and language are themselves the primary argument against any homogenising national policy. The existing cultural pluralism renders the top-down initiatives like "one nation, one election" fundamentally contradictory to the country's multifaceted character. "India is a cultural heritage. So, it is culturally rich. So, every part of our nation has a different culture and different, different opinion about it." (P8) "Our country is a diverse country in terms of everything. For every 500 kilometres, you have one language. For every 50 kilometres, you have one culture. Or even in the same town, you have different different culture. We are so diverse in the country." (P7) On the core argument that diversity negates the need for such a policy: "And there is no concept, there is no need for such concept called one one one one one. So in that case, we don't need to have this one nation, one election." (P7) 5.3 Democracy and accountability over economic efficiency. This perspective prioritises democracy over economic gains, demonstrating that fundamental rights take precedence above all else. It argues that electoral spending is significant and that the need for transparency and accountability takes precedence over cost-saving. The core belief is that achieving a genuine political democracy, with accountable representation, is an absolute prerequisite for any meaningful claims of economic or social democracy. "I prefer democracy over economy... I have never been a person choosing economic over Democracy… Democracy as basic fundamental rights" (P2) "The money which is spent on elections is, is more transparent than what other funds are used... every voter is accountable, and every money spent on these polls should be accountable" (P8) "Only when you really achieve democracy in terms of all these things, in terms of politics, then only you can think about economic democracy or social democracy and the whole thing" (P7) 5.4 Systemic exclusion of marginalised groups through centralised political processes. The narrative promotes national dominance and privilege over the other sections of society. Minorities at all levels are affected, as this ONOE policy is expected to reduce the number of political players and diversity in the democratic process nationwide. "The nationwide narrative is always based on religion, not on the issues... it will give more opportunity to the new leaders from the higher section of the society... higher caste, higher economic level.. Who are the leaders of these national parties? Most of them are this, I mean, the so-called landlord, so-called higher caste people, so-called Brahmins, and this, whoever, like, privileged for their generations… the ruling party doesn't have even one Muslim candidate as an MP. How can it be that almost 17% of our population doesn't have even one single seat in our parliament? After this, with one India and this centralised election process, there will be fewer players... it's going to be a bilateral system" (P4) 5.5 The implementation of a hegemonic project to consolidate power The objective of policies like "one nation, one election" is perceived to be a power consolidation project rather than a project for country prosperity. This "grand project" aims to create a unified national identity at the expense of India's diversity, systematically weakening and eliminating regional opposition to ensure single-party dominance, single ideology, and formalise exclusion. "It is not the objective to plan for the prosperity of the country. It is just a vested interest for the political regime to get hold of the system." (P2) "It's kind of a grand project... which is only benefiting the national politics or national political parties... It's a grand project for being, like, creating a one India from a diverse perspective... every political party or an ideology that wants to come to power, they wanted a unified nation." (P4) "The small players, like regional parties, are going to vanish... south is actually a resistance to centralisation... this delimitation, everything actually has a pattern." (P4, P6) "They executed an EWS. It excludes particular communities from the representation... it limits the possibility to participate and it... can also produce exclusionary laws like CAA... this one nation, one vote can also increase the dominant community representatives, single party representatives... their ideology can crystallise into the policies." (P6) "This is a union government attempt to flex or to forget the elections based according to their advantage... they are just trying to flex all the government machinery in their favour." (P7) 5.6 Practical infeasibility and systemic inadequacy of resources to implement a nationwide simultaneous election. The implementation of ONOE is deemed practically impossible due to a critical lack of infrastructure, insufficient voting machines, inadequate government facilities, and personnel to serve in polling stations. Ultimately, the policy's promised cost-saving claim is presented as a contradiction, as the immense, simultaneous mobilisation of resources would be seen as expensive and unachievable "We lack Human resources as this election overburdens the staff... It is time to think about the capabilities and capacities we have to conduct this simultaneous election" (P3) "In Bihar and all, where the Naxalite-affected areas, these conflict areas, they can mobilise the security forces…. So, what if a simultaneous election is happening? How will they mobilise? I don't think we have these resources to conduct this." (P4) "Technically, it is impossible to conduct this election" (P7) 5.7 Intensification and consolidation of religious, regional, and political polarisation. The policy is seen as a framework that intensifies polarisation, providing a single, efficient nationwide platform to execute polarising electoral tactics in one go. This would elevate a majoritarian religious narrative above regional issues, where large-scale violence could be strategically exploited to mobilise sentiment, framing polarisation as a deliberate and calculated strategy used by political parties to secure power. "ONOE polarises people at the same time... ONOE intensifies the polarisation" (P1) "They do all polarisation tactics in one go and then are done with it... they have to do it at once and do electoral tactics that is polarisation to be frank" (P2) "The nationwide narrative is always based on religion, not on the issues." (P4) "Only these other parts of India, mostly the northern parts of India's issues will be heard... this will make more regional polarisation also" (P5) "Most of this political party uses the strategy to polarise the population." (P7) 5.8 The false narrative of policy instability. It rejects the claim that frequent elections cause policy stagnation, arguing that the real impediments are deep-seated corruption within the bureaucracy and political leadership, as well as the central government's partiality in allocating funds to states. "I don’t think that due to the election, we are lagging behind. It's due to a rotten, corrupted system, bureaucracy, starting from the bureaucracy to the political leaders; we have corruption running very deeply in the country." (P2) "They wanted to put some neutral narrative, which can influence this urban middle-class opinion leaders... They wanted to convince them. That's why they are giving these neutral narratives to convince… if there is policy instability in Kerala from 1956, how can it be the number one state in literacy and human development index?... their narrative is completely contradictory to the actual facts." (P4) "You want the policy to be implemented successfully, but the central government or the union government is showing partiality in allocating the funds, based on the states." (P7) 5.9 Regional parties and local issue marginalisation under a centralised national electoral narrative. ONOE would create a system in which national agendas, majoritarian and religious narratives, dominate critical local and regional issues. This poses an existential threat to regional parties. Its consequences lie in the dilution of voter choice and in the reduced effectiveness in addressing local problems, which the current electoral system addresses more efficiently. Ultimately, ONOE is seen as a mechanism that structurally disadvantages local representation, leading to a homogenised political discourse that ignores India's diverse needs. "National Mania dominates the local issues in ONOE. As the National agenda... may take the main part in the election agenda, these local issues." (P1) "The small players, like regional parties, are going to vanish... it's only a playing ground for national parties, not for regional parties." (P4) "The local issues or state-wise or regional issues will be unheard... issues will get diluted... I am not given adequate chances to think about which problem I should focus on first of all." (P5, P7) "The local parties will actually struggle. They have to find candidates... Who will have this many candidates?... for a local party to campaign across India requires a lot of things... their funds are there, their logistics are there... definitely the regional party will get a negative impact" (P6, P8) "How it's a level playing ground. There won't be a level playing ground... it simultaneously reduces the option. As it gives enormous options, it is a principle of democracy." (P4, P3) "People's problems are getting addressed efficiently, you can say... in the present form of elections, it is addressed well. If One Nation One Election is going to come, it is impossible to address the problems." (P7) 5.10 Confused voters and reduced choices Simultaneous elections would create significant voter confusion by forcing citizens to vote on different levels of government with distinct issues at the same time, thereby suppressing their ability to voice dissatisfaction and reducing the multi-party political landscape to a two-party system. This would disproportionately burden common and marginalised voters, who rely more on frequent participation in elections and have their specific problems or concerns addressed. This ultimately leads to further disenfranchisement and alienation from the democratic process. "Voting for both MLA and MP at the same time, along with the CM, PM, will confuse people" (P1); "Simultaneous elections are going to confuse the people as they are having different levels of legislation elections together" (P2); "Literally confusing for people, and who they will vote for" (P7) On the reduction of options and the emergence of a two-party system: "there will be less players... it's going to be a bilateral system" (P4); "only two or three party leaders, they will be on the top. All other party, local issues, who is handling these local issues and all, these people won't be there" (P5) "There is no way to show their dissatisfaction... ONOE -- No dissatisfaction" (P2); "if the politicians or the system is not hearing my voice, then why should I be a part of the system?" (P5) "My mindset or my preference will be different while voting for a union government, and my preference will be different while voting for a state government. When you conduct the elections as a whole... then I will be in a dilemma to choose to whom to vote for" (P7) "The common people are going to suffer, of course... We are running for our daily breads, and we don't have any such time... to think about what is happening around you" (P7); "the slums and all, they don't have any participation in the election. So the only way to participate... is through the local elections. So if you are not giving that opportunity also, then how will they express their opinion?" (P5) 5.11 Technology to spread misinformation and manipulate public opinion during elections. Argues that ONOE is a power consolidation project aimed at systematically weakening regional parties and imposing a homogenised national identity on India's diverse fabric. This is facilitated by exploiting state machinery to formalise exclusion and could be amplified by weaponising AI to spread disinformation and polarise the electorate, ultimately undermining democracy itself. On the exploitation of technological advances like AI for political disinformation: "BJP being very much tried and tested formula of using misformation to discord and discredit the opponents and to polarize the general public at time when we are seeing the AI revolution also happening which can generate misinformation, disinformation and information, this sort of information disorder are going to affect us in a very negatively impact way" (P2). 6. DISCUSSION The results provide empirical evidence and validate the research gap of the study that aligns with the theoretical findings, as such findings, such as the “threat to federalism”, are perceived to be the theoretical risks; these findings provide the empirical evidence for the earlier literature, along with unique findings—the policy aimed to transition the federal structure to a unified one. Over time, centralisation has intensified across political, legal, and policy levels (Singh & Srivastava, 2024 ). This is reflected in P4, which states that ONOE supports the shift of power from the state to the central government, albeit slowly and steadily, at the expense of state autonomy and decentralisation. The morality of the indian constitution “ decentralisation of power , the whole power goes to the centre(P4) , which is against the nature of the indian constitution, that is, diversity, Pluralism and autonomy for the states(Bajpai, 2022 ). The vision of the Indian Constitution regarding decentralisation and the cooperative federalism structure serves as a resistance mechanism that prevents power accumulation against the centre, whereas the study's findings clearly suggest the expected power accumulation under the ONOE policy. This ONOE is also seen to as a one among the other Top-Down implementations of centralised reform aligns with other legal and constitutional amendments(Vaishnav et al., 2025 ), the centralising drift through the emergency provisions and central government move to control various key institutions in the past clearly shows that the ONOE is such policy that designed to control the electoral framework of the country by weakening the states interest over time. The theme “ centralisation of power and the systematic erosion of Indian federalism” clearly demonstrates that the scholars' view on ONOE is that it is against the basic structure of the Constitution and could also challenge the morality and legitimacy of the Indian Constitution (Kharb & Devi, 2025). The earlier theme describes the unification and homogenisation of political entities in India. India is a federal state deeply shaped by its linguistic, religious, and regional pluralism, which affirms India's cultural pluralism (Bhattacharyya & Harihar, 2005). Various studies suggest that diversity is essential for federal equilibrium and effective representation (Nesiah, 2010). The homogenisation through simultaneous elections is criticised for disregarding the structural reality, i.e., the heterogeneous nature of Indian society, as reflected in (P8) “every part of our nation has a different culture and different, different opinion about it” . The attempt to homogenise and promote a single national culture further exacerbates social tensions among the land's cultures, as is already evident in various states, such as Tamil Nadu, against the imposition of Hindi (Ranjan & Amit, 2021), i.e., the unification of India through a single language. However, the theme “Cultural diversity is a barrier against homogenising policies” fundamentally challenges the implementation and rationale of homogenising national policies, such as ONOE, as India's democracy relies on the respect for the cultural diversity of various states (Mallick, 2013 ). The theme of Democracy and accountability over economic efficiency asserts that democracy is not merely an institutional arrangement; it is a value system. Many such studies align with the theme that Indian democracy is all about safeguarding participation, representation, and rights, and it cannot be compromised for economic convenience (Mohan, 2007; Bajpai, 2011 ; Mehta, 2017 ), as clearly stated by P2. I prefer democracy over economy...Democracy, as a fundamental right, directly reflects these priorities. Various existing studies point out that the achievement of political democracy is first and foremost than economic and social democracy. This is reflected in democratic theory, which holds that economic equity or social justice lacks legitimacy and sustainability if there is no genuine representation and accountability(Warren, 2009 ). As pointed out by Amartya Sen, reforms that undercut political participation in the name of efficiency or technocracy pose risks in governance and development progress(Meshelski, 2019 ), which is reflected by ‘P6, which limits the possibility to participate limits’ In the case is Minorities, such as religious and caste based minorities, there space for political participation such as small players of the political system are not able to compete with the resource-rich parties, where the political scenario under the ONOE is towards the national, larger issue(Pandit, 2023 ), which overshadows the local and area-based issues. The research indicates a shift from pluralistic representation and legislative coalitions to electoral presidentialization and political patronage, leading to a focus on national leaders and national issues (Kolloju et al., 2025 ). These claims by the existing literature go along with the themes of Marginalisation, and overshadow the local, regional politics and issues “It is just a vested interest for the political regime to get hold of the system” (P2). There is robust support for the theme “ The implementation of a hegemonic project to consolidate power” . The local oppositions are the counterweight for the central dominance historically(Ziegfeld, 2021 ), as witnessed in most of the southern states of India(Chowdhury, 2024), where the results suggest the potential loss for the regional parties and are clearly documented in the earlier studies that there is a considerable decline in regional parties where the electoral process is nationalised and centralised(Schakel,2013: Schakel,2015). This institutional marginalisation further undermines the pluralistic representation of regional players at the central level, often reflected in policies that prioritise the interests of the dominant community. “They are just trying to flex all the government machinery in their favour” (P7) indicates not only the ruling parties' influence on results, but also the rules of the election, the recent initiatives on delimitation, election schedule and electoral reforms are some of the advantages that the ruling parties(Aditi, 2015 ) intend to create a favourable election process. The available infrastructure, ranging from a sufficient number of EVM(Electronic voting machines), VVPATs(Voter verifiable paper audit trails), logistics and secure polling stations to carry out the simultaneous election, is scarce(George, 2023) and is reflected in the study results theme “Practical infeasibility and systemic inadequacy of resources to implement a nationwide simultaneous election.” . The earlier fragmented and Phased election itself witnessed a wide range of election malpractice and the incidence of conflict and violence, particularly in regions with unique challenges, such as extremist-affected areas and remote and conflict zones of the country(Chebrolu et al., 2025), as underlined by “P3 and P4’s statements on staff and security inadequacies” . The resources needed to conduct the simultaneous election, which are outweighed by the capital investment required to upgrade and upscale the infrastructure, along with logistics and technology for the simultaneous election, necessitate a substantial investment that contradicts the large-scale cost savings benefits claimed by the ONOE policy document (George, 2023). This paradox was captured in the results “If we lack resources to conduct the election simultaneously, then... where we can save money/resources?” (P3) The benefit claimed by the policy document regarding policy stability(Kumar & Arun, 2024) is contradictory to the research findings and is dealt with under the theme “ The false narrative of policy instability”. The disruption in policy timelines due to the election Model Code of Conduct (Singh, 2012 ) during frequent elections is not the primary culprit; either corruption or a flawed system is(Sukhtankar et al., 2015 ). The claim over the policy stability on simultaneous election allows sustained policy stability and uninterrupted governance, and it hinders the state's developments were put into criticism by the participants, stating “if there is policy instability in Kerala from 1956, how can it be the number one state in literacy and human development index?” (P4). that the kerala is one among the state which perferms wel in literacy and human development(Mathews, 2016 ) with frequent experience on elections, coalition shifts(Mohan & Komath, 2025 ) clearly undermining the ONOE policys rationale that frequent election impedes the long term policy outcomes. India, with a literacy rate of 74.4% (Swargiary, 2024), requires its population to vote simultaneously at both state and national levels, often with competing or even contradictory issue sets. The disadvantaged, less politically aware citizens, and those who are not well educated often find it complex and struggle to decide whom to vote for (Hosen et al., 2020 ). The electoral behaviour of India also affirms the voters' use of distinct criteria while voting for national as well as for state-level elections, and simultaneous elections may blur this distinction(Chatterjee & Dutta, 2024 ), as expressed by “Voting for both MLA and MP at the same time... will confuse people(P1, P2, P7). the simultaneous election often limites the voters dissatisfaction over the states by using parlimentary elections (or vice versa)(Farrell & Mcallister, 2006 ), thereby keeping the governance accountable. This way of showing dissatisfaction would be severely curtailed in a simultaneous election “There is no way to show their dissatisfaction... ONOE — No dissatisfaction” (P2) The majority of research themes found that the implementation led to more disadvantages than the merits asserted in the policy document, and such simultaneous elections were held in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, and Odisha in 2024(CHRI, 2025). In these three states, there was no evidence that the problems identified by PhD scholars had yet been documented in academia. This discontent over the Indian Administration on policy implementations is often regarded as a reflection of India's declining position in academic freedom and political intervention in the Academic sphere in recent years(Altbach, 2024 ) 7. SOCIALWORK INTERVENTION The need for social work intervention to address the drawbacks of the ONOE policy focuses on promoting inclusion and education, empowering disadvantaged communities to encourage democratic participation, and advocating for transparent, accountable, and upright governance. (Conley et al., 2025 : NASW, 2025: Netting et al., 2017 : Lane et al., 2018) Table 2 Political Social Work Interventions Intervention Type Focus Area Implications for Social Work Electoral Interventions Candidate support, running for office Training and supporting social workers and community leaders to run for office and influence policy Civic Education Voter confusion; disenfranchisement Mobilisation and multilingual voter education about elections Voter Engagement Registration, education, mobilisation Massive outreach, campaigns for marginalised groups, and combating voter confusion through electoral education Advocacy Interventions Policy change, agenda influence, watchdog action Regular participation in policy committees, lobbying for federal safeguards, and conducting social audits Accountablity Centralisation and Conducting regular social audit and participatory evaluation Polarisation Communal and regional divide Communal literacy, anti-polarisation dialogue and awareness. Community Empowerment rights-based mobilisation Long-term community organising and coalition-building to ensure diverse voices in democracy Disinformation Response Media literacy, counter-polarisation efforts Programs that foster critical awareness and resilience against manipulation through forged information By implementing political social work interventions, social workers can fulfil their ethical obligations by promoting social justice and democratic empowerment, and by advocating for the rights of vulnerable individuals. Upon implementation, a regular social audit is required to track stakeholders' participation, representation, and satisfaction regarding this ONOE policy, in collaboration with academic institutions. 8. LIMITATIONS The findings are deeply rooted in the indian context only. It limits its generalisability of its findings to other nations' electoral systems. As the study employed a qualitative method, it may not accurately reflect the full spectrum of public opinion; rather, it captures participants' views rather than universal trends. The sample rationale is based solely on their political involvement in campus politics and may not represent the full spectrum of political opinions. This confines the results to respondents' views rather than broader, universally applicable ones. The political landscape is highly fluid; these results may become insignificant if the system undergoes new changes. 9. CONCLUSION Based on the research, it is concluded that ONOE poses significant risks to India's future democratic process by curtailing state autonomy, weakening federalism, and marginalising vulnerable groups in the political arena. The study also emphasises the need for an inclusive political system that caters to diverse sections of society and empowers them to achieve holistic growth. The result also calls for actionable social work interventions and continuous evaluation through social audits to make the democratic future of the nation inclusive and equitable. Declarations Funding No funding from any agency has been obtained for this study. Ethical Consideration This study strictly adheres to the ethical guidelines for social science research by ensuring autonomy, beneficence, justice, and non-maleficence. Informed consent is obtained through a physical informed consent & information form in English, explaining the study aims, the nature of participation, the right to withdraw at any time without penalty, data storage, and anonymity. Pseudonyms were assigned for participants to ensure their anonymity upon publication. 12.1 Ethical statement This study did not receive formal Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) approval as it qualifies for a waiver under Pondicherry University IEC policies and ICMR National Ethical Guidelines (2017). Specifically, it involved minimal-risk qualitative interviews with politically active PhD scholars across campus departments. 12.2 Consent to Participate Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection. Participants, all adult PhD scholars, received a clear verbal and written explanation of the study's purpose, procedures, voluntary nature, confidentiality measures, and the right to withdraw at any time without consequences. Consent was documented via signed forms, with full autonomy ensured throughout the study. 12.3 Consent to Publish Informed consent for participation and publication was obtained from all participants. All provided explicit permission for anonymised data and direct quotes to be used in publications, confirming awareness of potential dissemination while maintaining privacy through de-identification 12.4 Data Availability Statement The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to the politically sensitive nature of the topic and requirements for participant confidentiality. They are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. 12.5 AI Declaration No generative AI has been used to write the article, whereas the researcher relied on Grammarly for fluency and grammar Correction. Author Contribution Thiruvengatam M- prepared the entire article, from concept generation to completing the articleAshenath and PB Shankar Narayan – assisting, giving inputs and directing the corresponding author in every stage of manuscript preparation. References Aditi. Politics of Electoral Reform: Delimitation Deadlock in India. SOAS LJ. 2015;2:46. Altbach PG. 2024. ‘The hyperpoliticisation of Indian higher education’, The Hindu , May 18. [ https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-hyperpoliticisation-of-indian-higher-education/article68187710.ece] Bajpai R. Debating difference: Group rights and liberal democracy in India. Oxford University Press; 2011. Bajpai R. Pluralizing Pluralism: Lessons from, and for, India. Rev Faith Int Affairs. 2022;20(1):27–42. https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2022.2031046 . Bhattacharyya H. (2005). Federalism and regionalism in India: Institutional strategies and political accommodation of identity. https://doi.org/10.11588/heidok.00005500 Braun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Res Psychol. 2006;3(2):77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa . Raja Mohan C. Balancing Interests and Values: India's Struggle with Democracy Promotion. Wash Q. 2007;30:3:99–115. 10.1162/wash.2007.30.3.99 . Chatterjee J, Dutta G. A systematic literature review to understand the difference between critical factors affecting the national election and state elections in India. Front Political Sci. 2024;6:1323186. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1323186 . Chowdhury S, REGIONALISM AND COALITIONS: A NEW READING, OF INDIA’S FOURTH PARTY SYSTEM. Asian Affairs, 55(2), 165–201. https://doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2024.2380296 . CHRI(2025). Simultaneous Elections to the 18th Lok Sabha & Four Vidhan Sabhas Held in 2024: Campaign Expenditure Analysis, Accessed on 19/01/2025, Url- https://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publication/simultaneous-elections-to-the-18th-lok-sabha-four-vidhan-sabhas-held-in-2024-campaign-expenditure-analysis Conley DL, Lane SR, Smith R, T., Bryant A. Political Social Work’s Role in Competency-Based Social Work Education. J Social Work Educ. 2025;1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2025.2560824 . Creswell JW. Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches. 4th ed. 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Handbook of Politicization and Political Patronage. Edward Elgar Publishing; 2025. pp. 457–71. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781035326242.00037 . Kumar A. Electoral Reforms in India: Evaluating the Potential of One Nation. One Election. 2024;15(1):22–8. https://doi.org/10.48165/tjmitm.2024.15.04 . Kumar A. Electoral Reforms in India: Evaluating the Potential of One Nation, One Election. Trinity J Manage IT Media. 2024;15(1). 10.48165/tjmitm.2024.15.04 . Kumar S. One Nation, One Election: Reforms and Challenges. Indian J Public Adm. 2022;68(2):245–56. Lane SR, Pritzker S. Political social work: Using power to create social change. New York, NY: Springer International; 2018. Law Commission of India. (2018). Report on simultaneous elections: Legal implications and consultations. Government of India. https://legalaffairs.gov.in/one-nation-one-election accessed on 11/10/2025. Mallick A. Multiculturalism, minority rights and democracy in India. IOSR J Humanit Social Sci. 2013;16:72–82. Mathews MA. Comparative Study of Development in Kerala: A District Level Analysis. Tata Institute of Social Sciences; 2016. Mehta PB. The burden of democracy. Penguin Random House India Private Limited; 2017. Meshelski K. Amartya Sen’s nonideal theory. Ethics Global Politics. 2019;12(2):31–45. https://doi.org/10.1080/16544951.2019.1622398 . Mohan AS, Komath R. Left in Sabarimala: A time-marker in the political history of Kerala. Humanit Social Sci Commun. 2025;12(1):247. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-025-04574-9 . National Association of Social Workers (NASW). (2021). NASW code of ethics . https://www.socialworkers.org/About/Ethics/Code-of-Ethics/Code-of-Ethics-English Nesiah V. Federalism and Diversity in India. In: Ghai Y, editor. Autonomy and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-Ethnic States . Cambridge Studies in Law and Society. Cambridge University Press; 2000. pp. 53–76. Netting FE, Kettner PM, McMurty SL, Thomas ML. (2017). Social work macro practice (6th ed.). Pearson. Nihal. Learning from Global Models: A Roadmap for Implementing ’One Nation, One Election’in India . https://rjwave.org/jaafr/papers/JAAFR2510073.pdf O'Donnell GA. Horizontal accountability in new democracies. J democracy. 1998;9(3):112–26. Pandit S. One nation one election: Challenges in the Indian government system. INT J POLITICAL SCI Gov. 2023;5:206–9. https://doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2023.v5.i2d.281 . Press Information Bureau. (2024, March 13). The High-Level Committee on Simultaneous Elections submits its report. Government of India. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetailm.aspx?PRID=2085082®=3⟨=1 accessed on 10/10/2025. PRS Legislative Research. (2024, December 16). Bill Summary: The Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Ninth Amendment) Bill, 2024. https://prsindia.org/billtrack/prs-products/prs-bill-summary-1734544548 accessed on 15/10/2025. Ranjan A. Language as an Identity: Hindi–Non-Hindi Debates in India. Soc Cult South Asia. 2021;7(2):314–37. https://doi.org/10.1177/23938617211014660 . (Original work published 2021). Ranjithkumar A. (n.d.). ONE NATION, ONE ELECTION: A Constitutional and Governance Perspective on Simultaneous Elections in India. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=00220043&AN=188663759&h=QL4voogHZ4iU8iZRivFPc0u0e%2FKzIW%2FgVd44UpIk%2F3Twa0Bxdab4dpDBlHnA1bSBXmQ2kpMcWr6CoSJRdVFghw%3D%3D&crl=c Schakel AH. Nationalisation of multilevel party systems: A conceptual and empirical analysis. Eur J Polit Res. 2013;52(2):212–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2012.02067.x . Schakel AH. Nationalisation of regional elections in Central and Eastern Europe. East Eur Politics. 2015;31(2):229–47. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2015.1036034 . Singh AP, Srivastava A. Legal Perspectives on the Feasibility of'One Nation, One Election'. Issue 2 Int'l JL Mgmt Hum. 2024;7:3427. Singh AR, Bisht JS. Reimagining electoral synchronization in india: a constitutional and legal analysis of one nation, one election amidst federalism, representation, and institutional viability. Int J Multidisciplinary Res. 2025;7(2). https://doi.org/10.36948/ijfmr.2025.v07i02.42443 . Singh UK. Between moral force and supplementary legality: A Model Code of Conduct and the Election Commission of India. Election Law J. 2012;11(2):149–69. https://doi.org/10.1089/elj.2011.0127 . Srivastava S. Simultaneous Elections in India: Democratic Reforms and Federal Concerns. J South Asian Stud. 2020;38(4):394–408. Sukhtankar S, Vaishnav, Milan. Corruption in India: Bridging Research Evidence and Policy Options (April 27, 2015). India Policy Forum 11July (2015): 193–261, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2685819 Swargiary K. Trends, Determinants, and Socioeconomic Impacts of Adult Literacy in India (June 30, 2024). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4906251 Tejasvi Chebrolu R, Modepalle NH, Vardhan P, Kumaraguru, Rajadesingan A. 2025. Framing the Fray: Conflict Framing in Indian Election News Coverage. In Proceedings of the 17th ACM Web Science Conference 2025 (Websci '25). Association for Computing Machinery, New York, NY, USA, 294–305. https://doi.org/10.1145/3717867.3717900 Vaishnav M, Mallory C, Richter A. Does One Nation. One Election Make Sense for India?; 2025. Warren ME. Citizen Participation and Democratic Deficits: Considerations from the Perspective of Democratic Theory. In: DeBardeleben J, Pammett JH, editors. Activating the Citizen. London: Palgrave Macmillan; 2009. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230240902_2 . Ziegfeld A. The Authoritarian Origins of Dominant Parties in Democracies: Opposition Fragmentation and Asymmetric Competition in India. St Comp Int Dev. 2021;56:435–62. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-021-09328-7 . Additional Declarations No competing interests reported. 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Also discoverable on Platform About Our Team In Review Editorial Policies Advisory Board Help Center Resources Author Services Accessibility API Access RSS feed Manage Cookie Preferences © Research Square 2026 | ISSN 2693-5015 (online) Privacy Policy Terms of Service Do Not Sell My Personal Information {"props":{"pageProps":{"initialData":{"identity":"rs-8642716","acceptedTermsAndConditions":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"archivedVersions":[],"articleType":"Research Article","associatedPublications":[],"authors":[{"id":582383358,"identity":"6f9377d2-84a3-43d6-bdea-a45779cf6260","order_by":0,"name":"Thiruvengatam M","email":"data:image/png;base64,iVBORw0KGgoAAAANSUhEUgAAAZAAAAAyAQMAAABI0h/eAAAABlBMVEX///8AAABVwtN+AAAACXBIWXMAAA7EAAAOxAGVKw4bAAABBUlEQVRIiWNgGAWjYDACCcYGVAF+EJFQgFsHD0ILM4SSBPETDPBpgTOhWgwOgEncWuylm9s+87bZ5Mm7nz/46QbDtmjj86sTPzwwYJDnFzuA3RaZg82zedvSig3PJDNL5zDczt124+1mCaDDDGfOTsDhsMRmZp4zhxM3NiQzQLWc3QDSkmBwG6+W/4kb+x8z/wZp2Tzj7OYfhLVUHEicL5HMBrZlA3/vNvy23EhsZpxTkZy4QeKxmXWOwe3cGTd4t1kkGEjg9Av7jPTHDG8M7BLn9yc+vp1TcTu3v//s5ps/Kmzk+aWxa4EDRHRIgFVK4FELBfINMBb/AcKqR8EoGAWjYEQBANyQYPmTec7cAAAAAElFTkSuQmCC","orcid":"","institution":"Pondicherry University","correspondingAuthor":true,"prefix":"","firstName":"Thiruvengatam","middleName":"","lastName":"M","suffix":""},{"id":582383359,"identity":"c7f25f41-a67e-44e0-ab09-52d71799bb2e","order_by":1,"name":"Nengpichong Ashenath","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Pondicherry University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"Nengpichong","middleName":"","lastName":"Ashenath","suffix":""},{"id":582383360,"identity":"ef3b0dc2-e5a2-4819-b1b4-7d017c3bd5bb","order_by":2,"name":"P B Shankar Narayan","email":"","orcid":"","institution":"Pondicherry University","correspondingAuthor":false,"prefix":"","firstName":"P","middleName":"B Shankar","lastName":"Narayan","suffix":""}],"badges":[],"createdAt":"2026-01-19 19:54:53","currentVersionCode":1,"declarations":"","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1","doiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1","draftVersion":[],"editorialEvents":[],"editorialNote":"","failedWorkflow":false,"files":[{"id":101753738,"identity":"22739873-ce7a-44a7-9218-fef401190c27","added_by":"auto","created_at":"2026-02-03 10:40:39","extension":"pdf","order_by":0,"title":"","display":"","copyAsset":false,"role":"manuscript-pdf","size":897962,"visible":true,"origin":"","legend":"","description":"","filename":"manuscript.pdf","url":"https://assets-eu.researchsquare.com/files/rs-8642716/v1/19f86683-7962-49d8-8c73-80cb507b4b97.pdf"}],"financialInterests":"No competing interests reported.","formattedTitle":"PhD Scholars' Perspectives on One Nation One Election with Social Work Implications for Democratic Governance","fulltext":[{"header":"1. INTRODUCTION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe simultaneous election, also known as the concept of holding both parliamentary and state legislative elections at the same time, is also known as One Nation One Election (PIB, 2024). This model of election allows people to vote for their representatives at both the state and union levels on the same day. And this simultaneous election is not a new concept in India, as the country held simultaneous elections at both the national and state levels from 25 October 1951 to 21 February 1952 during its first general election, and continued to do so till 1977. Due to the premature disclosure of the state assembly, the prevailing political turmoil at the state and national levels, contributed to by internal and external aggression, disrupted the simultaneous form of election, leading to a fragmented election. This fragmented election model has a significant impact and benefits both the country's economy and democracy (Kumar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn India, the major electoral reform post-independence was the establishment of the Election Commission under Article 324 of the constitution to oversee the election process from the beginning to the end to ensure free and fair elections to address the challenges such as criminalisation of politics, non-transparent financing in campaign and unsound regulatory framework in the election process (ECI, 1984). After that, various committees and commissions have examined the challenges in the electoral process and identified issues such as a lack of transparency in election funding and corruption. In 2015, the 79th Parliamentary Standing Committee proposed simultaneous elections as an alternative to fragmented elections to enhance administrative efficiency while safeguarding the democratic process. Furthermore, the Law Commission report also overlooked the reform's legal implications, constitutional amendments, and implementation hurdles, while focusing on stakeholder consultation (Law Commission of India, 2015, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). The debate regained importance when the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, stressed that the Law Commission should prepare a working model to implement the simultaneous model of elections without undermining the federal structure of the government (Law Commission, 2018). However, the high-level commission headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind, which examined the feasibility of conducting simultaneous elections, has submitted a report recommending the phased implementation of simultaneous elections(Srivastava, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR48\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe following year, the Government of India introduced two bills in Parliament: the Constitutional Amendment (129th Amendment) Bill, 2024, and the Union Territories Law (Amendment) Bill, 2024, to implement simultaneous elections at the state and national levels. These bills are still under review by the joint parliamentary committees, which are seeking consultations with legal experts and former officials. The government also set a target to implement and conduct the first nationwide simultaneous election by 2034. To achieve the target, it is also recommended that the state assemblies elected after 2029 should be restricted to their terms to align with the Lok Sabha elections(PRS, 2024). This recommendation again reignited debate among various stakeholders, with strong arguments on both sides.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"2. LITERATURE REVIEW","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe article examines the electoral process from a historical context (1952\u0026ndash;1967) to the recent proposal of simultaneous elections, highlighting its potential benefits, including economic advancement, cost savings, and increased voter turnout, along with criticisms of logistical hurdles and threats to federalism. The constitutional and governance perspective provided a critical analysis of constitutional provisions affected by simultaneous elections, their impacts on existing constitutional provisions, and their feasibility (Ranjithkumar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). Furthermore, the research provides a roadmap for implementing simultaneous elections by analysing aspects of the nation's social, political, and constitutional landscape, emphasising electoral management, and outlining policy-level implications and implementation steps (Nihal, 2025). The research on the historical background of the ONOE and its rationale for proposing this policy analyses the constitutional provisions related to elections and their detailed need for amendments in the constitutions(Jamtani, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), such as Articles 83, 85, and 173, which deal with the duration of parliament, state assemblies, and the president's power over parliamentary houses(Singh \u0026amp; Bisht, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). These potential hurdles to ONOE over Indian democracy, and its concerns about legal and constitutional provisions, sparked heated debates among political and intellectual elites, suggesting that the NDA government's concerns about its nation's democratic principles were outweighed by the economic and governance benefits (Kumar, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR23\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). The research also highlights the importance of accountability mechanisms, including vertical (electoral), horizontal (State institutions), and diagonal (media, academia, civil society, etc.). Simultaneous elections tend to be skewed in favour of the ruling party, violating the constitution (O'Donnell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). This article also highlighted the undermining of electoral rules, weakening of the political opposition, and interference with judicial independence by the current BJP government, raising suspicions that the push for simultaneous elections by the current office bearers may be a move towards executive aggrandisement and party-state fusion through simultaneous elections(Khaitan et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eGiven the various issues identified in the literature, most studies are conducted through conceptual understanding, utilising secondary data sources. This over-reliance on secondary data limits the earlier finding to just theoretical arguments and speculative impacts, rather than providing novel, empirical evidence on the topic of study. This over-reliance on secondary data often leads to bias in findings, including inherent and unverifiable biases. To gather more authentic, empirical, and valuable views on the policy, a study has been formulated to collect information on their perspectives on simultaneous elections from PhD scholars across various departments, who have been purposefully selected based on their political activity on campus.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"3. AIM","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe primary aim is to explore and critically analyse the doctoral scholars' perception of the ONOE policy and its implications in India.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec4\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e3.1 Objectives\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo explore the views on the proposed benefits and drawbacks by Indian politically active scholars about the ONOE proposal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo investigate the perceived consequences of the proposed ONOE proposal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo explore its feasibility and challenges in the implementation of the ONOE proposal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo investigate the critical view of the rationale by the government in the implementation of the ONOE proposal\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eTo propose social work interventions for the issues identified through the study.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"4. METHODOLOGY","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe study employs a qualitative research methodology, underpinned by interpretivism as the research philosophy, which posits that social realities are subjective entities with multiple realities, as revealed through the meanings and interpretations derived from individual experiences (Creswell, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2018\u003c/span\u003e). An exploratory research design, combined with a semi-structured interview guide, is employed to gather information related to the complex social and political phenomena of ONOE, which the existing literature lacks. Sampling is purposive, in which the researcher directly approaches the study population (PhD scholars) currently pursuing their PhD at Pondicherry University, based on their active participation in campus politics and their specific knowledge of the subject under study. The PhD scholars who consented to participate in the study despite the researcher's approach were selected as study participants. Data collection is conducted using a semi-structured interview guide and in-depth interviews to gather information on the study's objective. All interviews are audio-recorded, and informed consent has been taken with a physical consent form. Braun and Clarke's method of data analysis has been employed to identify themes and patterns from the collected information (Braun \u0026amp; Clarke, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe researcher approached various political parties at the university, and only 11 participants agreed to participate and responded to the researcher. A semi-structured interview guide is made to gather information from the Participants. The interview guide undergoes revisions, including the addition, exclusion, and inclusion of questions, and the final interview schedule is validated through a pilot study. The pilot study from 2 participants demonstrated the guide's capacity to gather information, aligning with the research objectives. The data saturation was achieved at the 5th participant. To confirm data saturation, two additional interviews were conducted, and data saturation was confirmed when no new substantive insights emerged from the 6th and 7th participants. All participants were male, and the average interview lasted 40\u0026ndash;50 minutes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab1\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 1\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticipants' Profile\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"4\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c4\" colnum=\"4\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eParticipants\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDiscipline\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eEngagement\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIdeology\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP1(M)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMass Communication\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLeft\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003e2(M)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMass Communication\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLeft\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP3(M)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAnthropology\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLeft\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP4(M),\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolitical Science\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRight\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP5(M)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolitical Science\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLeft\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP6(M),\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLibrary Science\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRight\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eP7(M)\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLibrary Science\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eHigh\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c4\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLeft\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"5. RESULT","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec7\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.1 The centralisation of power and the systematic erosion of Indian federalism\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis theme encapsulates the core concern expressed throughout the document: that the One Nation One Election (ONOE) policy is shifting power from the states to the central government, thereby undermining the federal structure, state autonomy, and the diverse, decentralised vision of the Indian constitution.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"We wanted to decentralise. Decentralise the power. But what does one Nation one election do? It's centralising the power, obviously.\"\u003c/em\u003e (P4)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOn the threat to state autonomy: \"One Nation One Election ' suggests moving towards one that is central, which reduces the need of the state and questions the autonomy, Justice, and Liberty of the State (P3)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"they use it in a very authoritarian way to execute these changes in the constitutional legal structure... They change the laws and also execute authoritarian, oppressive force to enforce those laws they changed.\" (P6)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.2 Cultural diversity is a barrier against homogenising policies.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndia's immense inherent richness and diversity of culture and language are themselves the primary argument against any homogenising national policy. The existing cultural pluralism renders the top-down initiatives like \"one nation, one election\" fundamentally contradictory to the country's multifaceted character.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"India is a cultural heritage. So, it is culturally rich. So, every part of our nation has a different culture and different, different opinion about it.\" (P8)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Our country is a diverse country in terms of everything. For every 500 kilometres, you have one language. For every 50 kilometres, you have one culture. Or even in the same town, you have different different culture. We are so diverse in the country.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOn the core argument that diversity negates the need for such a policy: \"And there is no concept, there is no need for such concept called one one one one one. So in that case, we don't need to have this one nation, one election.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec9\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.3 Democracy and accountability over economic efficiency.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis perspective prioritises democracy over economic gains, demonstrating that fundamental rights take precedence above all else. It argues that electoral spending is significant and that the need for transparency and accountability takes precedence over cost-saving. The core belief is that achieving a genuine political democracy, with accountable representation, is an absolute prerequisite for any meaningful claims of economic or social democracy.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I prefer democracy over economy... I have never been a person choosing economic over Democracy\u0026hellip; Democracy as basic fundamental rights\" (P2)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The money which is spent on elections is, is more transparent than what other funds are used... every voter is accountable, and every money spent on these polls should be accountable\" (P8)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Only when you really achieve democracy in terms of all these things, in terms of politics, then only you can think about economic democracy or social democracy and the whole thing\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.4 Systemic exclusion of marginalised groups through centralised political processes.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe narrative promotes national dominance and privilege over the other sections of society. Minorities at all levels are affected, as this ONOE policy is expected to reduce the number of political players and diversity in the democratic process nationwide.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The nationwide narrative is always based on religion, not on the issues... it will give more opportunity to the new leaders from the higher section of the society... higher caste, higher economic level.. Who are the leaders of these national parties? Most of them are this, I mean, the so-called landlord, so-called higher caste people, so-called Brahmins, and this, whoever, like, privileged for their generations\u0026hellip; the ruling party doesn't have even one Muslim candidate as an MP. How can it be that almost 17% of our population doesn't have even one single seat in our parliament? After this, with one India and this centralised election process, there will be fewer players... it's going to be a bilateral system\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.5 The implementation of a hegemonic project to consolidate power\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe objective of policies like \"one nation, one election\" is perceived to be a power consolidation project rather than a project for country prosperity. This \"grand project\" aims to create a unified national identity at the expense of India's diversity, systematically weakening and eliminating regional opposition to ensure single-party dominance, single ideology, and formalise exclusion.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"It is not the objective to plan for the prosperity of the country. It is just a vested interest for the political regime to get hold of the system.\" (P2)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"It's kind of a grand project... which is only benefiting the national politics or national political parties... It's a grand project for being, like, creating a one India from a diverse perspective... every political party or an ideology that wants to come to power, they wanted a unified nation.\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The small players, like regional parties, are going to vanish... south is actually a resistance to centralisation... this delimitation, everything actually has a pattern.\" (P4, P6)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"They executed an EWS. It excludes particular communities from the representation... it limits the possibility to participate and it... can also produce exclusionary laws like CAA... this one nation, one vote can also increase the dominant community representatives, single party representatives... their ideology can crystallise into the policies.\" (P6)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"This is a union government attempt to flex or to forget the elections based according to their advantage... they are just trying to flex all the government machinery in their favour.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.6 Practical infeasibility and systemic inadequacy of resources to implement a nationwide simultaneous election.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe implementation of ONOE is deemed practically impossible due to a critical lack of infrastructure, insufficient voting machines, inadequate government facilities, and personnel to serve in polling stations. Ultimately, the policy's promised cost-saving claim is presented as a contradiction, as the immense, simultaneous mobilisation of resources would be seen as expensive and unachievable\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"We lack Human resources as this election overburdens the staff... It is time to think about the capabilities and capacities we have to conduct this simultaneous election\" (P3)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"In Bihar and all, where the Naxalite-affected areas, these conflict areas, they can mobilise the security forces\u0026hellip;. So, what if a simultaneous election is happening? How will they mobilise? I don't think we have these resources to conduct this.\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Technically, it is impossible to conduct this election\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec13\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.7 Intensification and consolidation of religious, regional, and political polarisation.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe policy is seen as a framework that intensifies polarisation, providing a single, efficient nationwide platform to execute polarising electoral tactics in one go. This would elevate a majoritarian religious narrative above regional issues, where large-scale violence could be strategically exploited to mobilise sentiment, framing polarisation as a deliberate and calculated strategy used by political parties to secure power.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"ONOE polarises people at the same time... ONOE intensifies the polarisation\" (P1)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"They do all polarisation tactics in one go and then are done with it... they have to do it at once and do electoral tactics that is polarisation to be frank\" (P2)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The nationwide narrative is always based on religion, not on the issues.\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Only these other parts of India, mostly the northern parts of India's issues will be heard... this will make more regional polarisation also\" (P5)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Most of this political party uses the strategy to polarise the population.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec14\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.8 The false narrative of policy instability.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eIt rejects the claim that frequent elections cause policy stagnation, arguing that the real impediments are deep-seated corruption within the bureaucracy and political leadership, as well as the central government's partiality in allocating funds to states.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"I don\u0026rsquo;t think that due to the election, we are lagging behind. It's due to a rotten, corrupted system, bureaucracy, starting from the bureaucracy to the political leaders; we have corruption running very deeply in the country.\" (P2)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"They wanted to put some neutral narrative, which can influence this urban middle-class opinion leaders... They wanted to convince them. That's why they are giving these neutral narratives to convince\u0026hellip; if there is policy instability in Kerala from 1956, how can it be the number one state in literacy and human development index?... their narrative is completely contradictory to the actual facts.\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"You want the policy to be implemented successfully, but the central government or the union government is showing partiality in allocating the funds, based on the states.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.9 Regional parties and local issue marginalisation under a centralised national electoral narrative.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eONOE would create a system in which national agendas, majoritarian and religious narratives, dominate critical local and regional issues. This poses an existential threat to regional parties. Its consequences lie in the dilution of voter choice and in the reduced effectiveness in addressing local problems, which the current electoral system addresses more efficiently. Ultimately, ONOE is seen as a mechanism that structurally disadvantages local representation, leading to a homogenised political discourse that ignores India's diverse needs.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"National Mania dominates the local issues in ONOE. As the National agenda... may take the main part in the election agenda, these local issues.\" (P1)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The small players, like regional parties, are going to vanish... it's only a playing ground for national parties, not for regional parties.\" (P4)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The local issues or state-wise or regional issues will be unheard... issues will get diluted... I am not given adequate chances to think about which problem I should focus on first of all.\" (P5, P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The local parties will actually struggle. They have to find candidates... Who will have this many candidates?... for a local party to campaign across India requires a lot of things... their funds are there, their logistics are there... definitely the regional party will get a negative impact\" (P6, P8)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"How it's a level playing ground. There won't be a level playing ground... it simultaneously reduces the option. As it gives enormous options, it is a principle of democracy.\" (P4, P3)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"People's problems are getting addressed efficiently, you can say... in the present form of elections, it is addressed well. If One Nation One Election is going to come, it is impossible to address the problems.\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.10 Confused voters and reduced choices\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003eSimultaneous elections would create significant voter confusion by forcing citizens to vote on different levels of government with distinct issues at the same time, thereby suppressing their ability to voice dissatisfaction and reducing the multi-party political landscape to a two-party system. This would disproportionately burden common and marginalised voters, who rely more on frequent participation in elections and have their specific problems or concerns addressed. This ultimately leads to further disenfranchisement and alienation from the democratic process.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"Voting for both MLA and MP at the same time, along with the CM, PM, will confuse people\" (P1); \"Simultaneous elections are going to confuse the people as they are having different levels of legislation elections together\" (P2); \"Literally confusing for people, and who they will vote for\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOn the reduction of options and the emergence of a two-party system: \"there will be less players... it's going to be a bilateral system\" (P4); \"only two or three party leaders, they will be on the top. All other party, local issues, who is handling these local issues and all, these people won't be there\" (P5)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"There is no way to show their dissatisfaction... ONOE -- No dissatisfaction\" (P2); \"if the politicians or the system is not hearing my voice, then why should I be a part of the system?\" (P5)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"My mindset or my preference will be different while voting for a union government, and my preference will be different while voting for a state government. When you conduct the elections as a whole... then I will be in a dilemma to choose to whom to vote for\" (P7)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\"The common people are going to suffer, of course... We are running for our daily breads, and we don't have any such time... to think about what is happening around you\" (P7); \"the slums and all, they don't have any participation in the election. So the only way to participate... is through the local elections. So if you are not giving that opportunity also, then how will they express their opinion?\" (P5)\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e \u003ch2\u003e5.11 Technology to spread misinformation and manipulate public opinion during elections.\u003c/h2\u003e \u003cp\u003e Argues that ONOE is a power consolidation project aimed at systematically weakening regional parties and imposing a homogenised national identity on India's diverse fabric. This is facilitated by exploiting state machinery to formalise exclusion and could be amplified by weaponising AI to spread disinformation and polarise the electorate, ultimately undermining democracy itself.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003eOn the exploitation of technological advances like AI for political disinformation: \"BJP being very much tried and tested formula of using misformation to discord and discredit the opponents and to polarize the general public at time when we are seeing the AI revolution also happening which can generate misinformation, disinformation and information, this sort of information disorder are going to affect us in a very negatively impact way\" (P2).\u003c/em\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"6. DISCUSSION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe results provide empirical evidence and validate the research gap of the study that aligns with the theoretical findings, as such findings, such as the \u0026ldquo;threat to federalism\u0026rdquo;, are perceived to be the theoretical risks; these findings provide the empirical evidence for the earlier literature, along with unique findings\u0026mdash;the policy aimed to transition the federal structure to a unified one. Over time, centralisation has intensified across political, legal, and policy levels (Singh \u0026amp; Srivastava, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR45\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e). This is reflected in P4, which states that ONOE supports the shift of power from the state to the central government, albeit slowly and steadily, at the expense of state autonomy and decentralisation.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe morality of the indian constitution \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003edecentralisation of power\u003c/em\u003e, the \u003cem\u003ewhole power goes to the centre(P4)\u003c/em\u003e, which is against the nature of the indian constitution, that is, diversity, Pluralism and autonomy for the states(Bajpai, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). The vision of the Indian Constitution regarding decentralisation and the cooperative federalism structure serves as a resistance mechanism that prevents power accumulation against the centre, whereas the study's findings clearly suggest the expected power accumulation under the ONOE policy. This ONOE is also seen to as a one among the other Top-Down implementations of centralised reform aligns with other legal and constitutional amendments(Vaishnav et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e), the centralising drift through the emergency provisions and central government move to control various key institutions in the past clearly shows that the ONOE is such policy that designed to control the electoral framework of the country by weakening the states interest over time. The theme \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003ecentralisation of power and the systematic erosion of Indian federalism\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e clearly demonstrates that the scholars' view on ONOE is that it is against the basic structure of the Constitution and could also challenge the morality and legitimacy of the Indian Constitution (Kharb \u0026amp; Devi, 2025).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe earlier theme describes the unification and homogenisation of political entities in India. India is a federal state deeply shaped by its linguistic, religious, and regional pluralism, which affirms India's cultural pluralism (Bhattacharyya \u0026amp; Harihar, 2005). Various studies suggest that diversity is essential for federal equilibrium and effective representation (Nesiah, 2010). The homogenisation through simultaneous elections is criticised for disregarding the structural reality, i.e., the heterogeneous nature of Indian society, as reflected in (P8)\u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;every part of our nation has a different culture and different, different opinion about it\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e. The attempt to homogenise and promote a single national culture further exacerbates social tensions among the land's cultures, as is already evident in various states, such as Tamil Nadu, against the imposition of Hindi (Ranjan \u0026amp; Amit, 2021), i.e., the unification of India through a single language. However, the theme \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Cultural diversity is a barrier against homogenising policies\u0026rdquo; fundamentally challenges the implementation and rationale of homogenising national policies, such as ONOE, as India's democracy relies\u003c/em\u003e on the respect for the cultural diversity of various states (Mallick, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe theme \u003cem\u003eof Democracy and accountability over economic efficiency asserts that\u003c/em\u003e democracy is not merely an institutional arrangement; it is a value system. Many such studies align with the theme that Indian democracy is all about safeguarding participation, representation, and rights, and it cannot be compromised for economic convenience (Mohan, 2007; Bajpai, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e; Mehta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e), as clearly stated by \u003cem\u003eP2. I prefer democracy over economy...Democracy, as a fundamental right, directly reflects\u003c/em\u003e these priorities. Various existing studies point out that the achievement of political democracy is first and foremost than economic and social democracy. This is reflected in democratic theory, which holds that economic equity or social justice lacks legitimacy and sustainability if there is no genuine representation and accountability(Warren, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e). As pointed out by Amartya Sen, reforms that undercut political participation in the name of efficiency or technocracy pose risks in governance and development progress(Meshelski, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e), which is reflected by \u003cem\u003e\u0026lsquo;P6, which limits the possibility to participate limits\u0026rsquo;\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn the case is Minorities, such as religious and caste based minorities, there space for political participation such as small players of the political system are not able to compete with the resource-rich parties, where the political scenario under the ONOE is towards the national, larger issue(Pandit, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), which overshadows the local and area-based issues. The research indicates a shift from pluralistic representation and legislative coalitions to electoral presidentialization and political patronage, leading to a focus on national leaders and national issues (Kolloju et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e). These claims by the existing literature go along with the themes of \u003cem\u003eMarginalisation, and overshadow the local, regional politics and issues\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;It is just a vested interest for the political regime to get hold of the system\u0026rdquo; (P2). There\u003c/em\u003e is robust support for the theme \u0026ldquo;\u003cem\u003eThe implementation of a hegemonic project to consolidate power\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e. The local oppositions are the counterweight for the central dominance historically(Ziegfeld, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e), as witnessed in most of the southern states of India(Chowdhury, 2024), where the results suggest the potential loss for the regional parties and are clearly documented in the earlier studies that there is a considerable decline in regional parties where the electoral process is nationalised and centralised(Schakel,2013: Schakel,2015). This institutional marginalisation further undermines the pluralistic representation of regional players at the central level, often reflected in policies that prioritise the interests of the dominant community. \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;They are just trying to flex all the government machinery in their favour\u0026rdquo; (P7)\u003c/em\u003e indicates not only the ruling parties' influence on results, but also the rules of the election, the recent initiatives on delimitation, election schedule and electoral reforms are some of the advantages that the ruling parties(Aditi, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR1\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) intend to create a favourable election process.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe available infrastructure, ranging from a sufficient number of EVM(Electronic voting machines), VVPATs(Voter verifiable paper audit trails), logistics and secure polling stations to carry out the simultaneous election, is scarce(George, 2023) and is reflected in the study results theme \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Practical infeasibility and systemic inadequacy of resources to implement a nationwide simultaneous election.\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e. The earlier fragmented and Phased election itself witnessed a wide range of election malpractice and the incidence of conflict and violence, particularly in regions with unique challenges, such as extremist-affected areas and remote and conflict zones of the country(Chebrolu et al., 2025), as underlined by \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;P3 and P4\u0026rsquo;s statements on staff and security inadequacies\u0026rdquo;\u003c/em\u003e. The resources needed to conduct the simultaneous election, which are outweighed by the capital investment required to upgrade and upscale the infrastructure, along with logistics and technology for the simultaneous election, necessitate a substantial investment that contradicts the large-scale cost savings benefits claimed by the ONOE policy document (George, 2023). This paradox was captured in the results \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;If we lack resources to conduct the election simultaneously, then... where we can save money/resources?\u0026rdquo; (P3)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe benefit claimed by the policy document regarding policy stability(Kumar \u0026amp; Arun, 2024) is contradictory to the research findings and is dealt with under the theme \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo; The false narrative of policy instability\u0026rdquo;.\u003c/em\u003e The disruption in policy timelines due to the election Model Code of Conduct (Singh, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) during frequent elections is not the primary culprit; either corruption or a flawed system is(Sukhtankar et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR49\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). The claim over the policy stability on simultaneous election allows sustained policy stability and uninterrupted governance, and it hinders the state's developments were put into criticism by the participants, stating \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;if there is policy instability in Kerala from 1956, how can it be the number one state in literacy and human development index?\u0026rdquo; (P4).\u003c/em\u003e that the kerala is one among the state which perferms wel in literacy and human development(Mathews, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e) with frequent experience on elections, coalition shifts(Mohan \u0026amp; Komath, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e) clearly undermining the ONOE policys rationale that frequent election impedes the long term policy outcomes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIndia, with a literacy rate of 74.4% (Swargiary, 2024), requires its population to vote simultaneously at both state and national levels, often with competing or even contradictory issue sets. The disadvantaged, less politically aware citizens, and those who are not well educated often find it complex and struggle to decide whom to vote for (Hosen et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR18\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2020\u003c/span\u003e). The electoral behaviour of India also affirms the voters' use of distinct criteria while voting for national as well as for state-level elections, and simultaneous elections may blur this distinction(Chatterjee \u0026amp; Dutta, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), as expressed by \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;Voting for both MLA and MP at the same time... will confuse people(P1, P2, P7).\u003c/em\u003e the simultaneous election often limites the voters dissatisfaction over the states by using parlimentary elections (or vice versa)(Farrell \u0026amp; Mcallister, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR17\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e), thereby keeping the governance accountable. This way of showing dissatisfaction would be severely curtailed in a simultaneous election \u003cem\u003e\u0026ldquo;There is no way to show their dissatisfaction... ONOE \u0026mdash; No dissatisfaction\u0026rdquo; (P2)\u003c/em\u003e\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe majority of research themes found that the implementation led to more disadvantages than the merits asserted in the policy document, and such simultaneous elections were held in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, and Odisha in 2024(CHRI, 2025). In these three states, there was no evidence that the problems identified by PhD scholars had yet been documented in academia. This discontent over the Indian Administration on policy implementations is often regarded as a reflection of India's declining position in academic freedom and political intervention in the Academic sphere in recent years(Altbach, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR2\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e)\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"7. SOCIALWORK INTERVENTION","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe need for social work intervention to address the drawbacks of the ONOE policy focuses on promoting inclusion and education, empowering disadvantaged communities to encourage democratic participation, and advocating for transparent, accountable, and upright governance. (Conley et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR11\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e: NASW, 2025: Netting et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e: Lane et al., 2018)\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"gridtable\"\u003e\u003ctable float=\"Yes\" id=\"Tab2\" border=\"1\"\u003e \u003ccaption language=\"En\"\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionNumber\"\u003eTable 2\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv class=\"CaptionContent\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolitical Social Work Interventions\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/div\u003e \u003c/caption\u003e \u003ccolgroup cols=\"3\"\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c1\" colnum=\"1\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c2\" colnum=\"2\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cdiv align=\"left\" class=\"colspec\" colname=\"c3\" colnum=\"3\"\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003cthead\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eIntervention Type\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eFocus Area\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003cth align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eImplications for Social Work\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/th\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/thead\u003e \u003ctbody\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eElectoral Interventions\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCandidate support, running for office\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eTraining and supporting social workers and community leaders to run for office and influence policy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCivic Education\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVoter confusion; disenfranchisement\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMobilisation and multilingual voter education about elections\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eVoter Engagement\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegistration, education, mobilisation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMassive outreach, campaigns for marginalised groups, and combating voter confusion through electoral education\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAdvocacy Interventions\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolicy change, agenda influence, watchdog action\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eRegular participation in policy committees, lobbying for federal safeguards, and conducting social audits\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eAccountablity\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCentralisation and\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eConducting regular social audit and participatory evaluation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePolarisation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCommunal and regional divide\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCommunal literacy, anti-polarisation dialogue and awareness.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eCommunity Empowerment\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003erights-based mobilisation\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eLong-term community organising and coalition-building to ensure diverse voices in democracy\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003ctr\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c1\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eDisinformation Response\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c2\"\u003e \u003cp\u003eMedia literacy, counter-polarisation efforts\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003ctd align=\"left\" colname=\"c3\"\u003e \u003cp\u003ePrograms that foster critical awareness and resilience against manipulation through forged information\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/td\u003e \u003c/tr\u003e \u003c/tbody\u003e \u003c/colgroup\u003e \u003c/table\u003e\u003c/div\u003e \u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eBy implementing political social work interventions, social workers can fulfil their ethical obligations by promoting social justice and democratic empowerment, and by advocating for the rights of vulnerable individuals. Upon implementation, a regular social audit is required to track stakeholders' participation, representation, and satisfaction regarding this ONOE policy, in collaboration with academic institutions.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"8. LIMITATIONS","content":"\u003cp\u003e \u003cul\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe findings are deeply rooted in the indian context only. It limits its generalisability of its findings to other nations' electoral systems.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eAs the study employed a qualitative method, it may not accurately reflect the full spectrum of public opinion; rather, it captures participants' views rather than universal trends.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe sample rationale is based solely on their political involvement in campus politics and may not represent the full spectrum of political opinions. This confines the results to respondents' views rather than broader, universally applicable ones.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e \u003cp\u003eThe political landscape is highly fluid; these results may become insignificant if the system undergoes new changes.\u003c/p\u003e \u003c/li\u003e \u003c/ul\u003e \u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"9. CONCLUSION","content":"\u003cp\u003eBased on the research, it is concluded that ONOE poses significant risks to India's future democratic process by curtailing state autonomy, weakening federalism, and marginalising vulnerable groups in the political arena. The study also emphasises the need for an inclusive political system that caters to diverse sections of society and empowers them to achieve holistic growth. The result also calls for actionable social work interventions and continuous evaluation through social audits to make the democratic future of the nation inclusive and equitable.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eFunding\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo funding from any agency has been obtained for this study.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthical Consideration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study strictly adheres to the ethical guidelines for social science research by ensuring autonomy, beneficence, justice, and non-maleficence. Informed consent is obtained through a physical informed consent \u0026amp; information form in English, explaining the study aims, the nature of participation, the right to withdraw at any time without penalty, data storage, and anonymity. Pseudonyms were assigned for participants to ensure their anonymity upon publication.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e12.1 Ethical statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThis study did not receive formal Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) approval as it qualifies for a waiver under Pondicherry University IEC policies and ICMR National Ethical Guidelines (2017). Specifically, it involved minimal-risk qualitative interviews with politically active PhD scholars across campus departments.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e12.2 Consent to Participate\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent was obtained from all participants prior to data collection. Participants, all adult PhD scholars, received a clear verbal and written explanation of the study\u0026apos;s purpose, procedures, voluntary nature, confidentiality measures, and the right to withdraw at any time without consequences. Consent was documented via signed forms, with full autonomy ensured throughout the study.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e12.3 Consent to Publish\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eInformed consent for participation and publication was obtained from all participants. All provided explicit permission for anonymised data and direct quotes to be used in publications, confirming awareness of potential dissemination while maintaining privacy through de-identification\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e12.4 Data Availability Statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to the politically sensitive nature of the topic and requirements for participant confidentiality. They are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003e12.5\u0026nbsp;\u003c/strong\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAI Declaration\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eNo generative AI has been used to write the article, whereas the researcher relied on Grammarly for fluency and grammar Correction.\u003c/p\u003e\u003ch2\u003eAuthor Contribution\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThiruvengatam M- prepared the entire article, from concept generation to completing the articleAshenath and PB Shankar Narayan \u0026ndash; assisting, giving inputs and directing the corresponding author in every stage of manuscript preparation.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAditi. Politics of Electoral Reform: Delimitation Deadlock in India. 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London: Palgrave Macmillan; 2009. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1057/9780230240902_2\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1057/9780230240902_2\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e \u003cli\u003e\u003cspan\u003eZiegfeld A. The Authoritarian Origins of Dominant Parties in Democracies: Opposition Fragmentation and Asymmetric Competition in India. St Comp Int Dev. 2021;56:435\u0026ndash;62. \u003cspan class=\"ExternalRef\"\u003e\u003cspan class=\"RefSource\"\u003ehttps://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-021-09328-7\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan address=\"10.1007/s12116-021-09328-7\" targettype=\"DOI\" class=\"RefTarget\"\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/span\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/li\u003e\u003c/ol\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":false,"hideJournal":false,"highlight":"","institution":"","isAcceptedByJournal":true,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-global-society","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Global Society](https://www.springer.com/journal/44282)","snPcode":"44282","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/44282/3","title":"Discover Global Society","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Indian Polity, Political Socialwork, ONOE(One Nation One Election), Scholars' view","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe One Nation, One Election (ONOE) is an electoral reform policy proposal that seeks to synchronise national and state elections, replacing the current fragmented electoral model. The policy outlines various benefits related to political, economic, and administrative advances. However, this policy attracts both criticisms and merits from various stakeholders in the country. This study aimed to explore scholars' perceptions of the critical debate surrounding the ONOE policy, with an emphasis on its claims of benefits and criticisms by\u003c/p\u003e \u003cp\u003ePhD scholars from Indian universities. Using a qualitative research design, in-depth interviews were conducted with PhD scholars from Pondicherry University. Thematic analysis was then utilised as the data analysis method to extract themes from the respondents' data. The study resulted in the weakening of the democratic process, the marginalisation of vulnerable groups, the exacerbation of political polarisation, and the questioning of the feasibility of conducting the ONOE. It also underscores the need for an inclusive political system that respects the diverse culture of the Indian nation and prioritises local needs over political consolidation. The results call for an inclusive approach that protects the diversity of the nation, federal values, and local needs while informing actionable social work interventions\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"PhD Scholars' Perspectives on One Nation One Election with Social Work Implications for Democratic Governance","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2026-02-02 06:59:41","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-8642716/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0},{"type":"decision","content":"Revision requested","date":"2026-02-25T11:15:20+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-02-22T05:33:54+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"120624075932025190419824168329066175544","date":"2026-02-21T13:26:37+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"56023978556040911211715698149687844805","date":"2026-02-15T06:56:46+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorInvitedReview","content":"","date":"2026-02-03T07:07:48+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"216952858324688711668533803635415152053","date":"2026-02-03T06:00:17+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewerAgreed","content":"266734981840940020478401602366771213418","date":"2026-01-29T04:41:34+00:00","index":"hide","fulltext":""},{"type":"reviewersInvited","content":"","date":"2026-01-29T04:23:06+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"editorAssigned","content":"","date":"2026-01-27T23:51:27+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"checksComplete","content":"","date":"2026-01-27T17:38:32+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""},{"type":"submitted","content":"Discover Global Society","date":"2026-01-27T17:30:57+00:00","index":"","fulltext":""}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"[email protected]","identity":"discover-global-society","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":false,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"Learn more about [Discover Global Society](https://www.springer.com/journal/44282)","snPcode":"44282","submissionUrl":"https://submission.nature.com/new-submission/44282/3","title":"Discover Global Society","twitterHandle":"","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":true,"editorialSystem":"stoa","reportingPortfolio":"Discover Series","inReviewEnabled":true,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"2c789dc2-dee3-4184-aa94-b0344bdc410c","owner":[],"postedDate":"February 2nd, 2026","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"under-review","subjectAreas":[],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2026-04-23T10:40:29+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2026-02-02 06:59:41","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-8642716","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-8642716","identity":"rs-8642716","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"XKTyCvWXoU3ODBz1xrDgd","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}