Methods
Results (in relation to RT
increase)
Total risk
of bias
score
Cobb et al.
(1978)
N=7 (f:5)
adults
ABR 1 kHz tones 0.01, 0.5, 1, 2.5, 5
ms
Binaurally
20, 40, 60 dB SPL
Rate 10/s
Mean, SD
60 dB:
lat I–VII ↑;
40 dB:
lat I–V ↑; lat VI–VII ↓
between 10 µs and 0.5 ms
than ↑ but ns
6
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7
Stapells &
Picton
(1981)
N=11 (f:5)
[22–30]
ABR
Exp 1–4: 0.5 kHz tones
Exp 5: 0.5, 1, 2, 4 kHz
tones
Exp 6: +noise
plateau duration: 0.01ms
FT=RT
Exp 1–4:
5 ms
Exp 5–6:
1, 2, 5, 8 ms
Monaurally (left
ear);
115 dB SPL
ANOVA
amp V ↓
lat V ↑ 7
Suzuki &
Horiuchi
(1981)
N=8 (f:8)
[21–34]
ABR
2 and 0.5 kHz series of
tone pips
FT=RT
2kHZ:
0.5, 1, 1.5, 2, 3, 5
ms
0.5 kHz:
1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 10 ms
Binaurally,
earphones
15–50 dB nHL
Rate 13.3/s
Mean, SD
2kHZ:
amp ns
lat V ns on 50 dB nHL
lat V ↓ on 30–40 dB nHL
0.5kHz:
amp V ↑
lat V ↑
8
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8
Hecox &
Deegan
(1983)
N=8 (f:8)
Exp 1: N=6
Exp 2: N=4
[21–27]
ABR
Noise bursts;
Durations 4 and 10 ms
FT=RT
Exp1:
0, 1, 2, 5 ms
Exp2:
0, 2, 5 ms
Monourally
50 dB above
personal threshold
(72dB white noise
SPL)
Rate 31/s
Pairwise
comparison,
regression
analysis
amp ns
lat V ↑ 10
Salt &
Thornton
(1984)
(N=8) ABR
Condensation and
rarefaction clicks 0.17–0.58 ms
Monourally (left
ear), 106dB SPL
Rate 9.1/s
T-test amp depends on polarity
lat I–VI ↑
7
Folsom &
Aurich
(1987)
infants: N=10,
[11–13]
weeks,
adults: N=10
ABR
Gated noise bursts;
plateau duration: 20ms
FT=RT
0.1, 2.5, 5 ms
Earphones, 50 dB
nHL
Rate 16/s
ANOVA
amp V ↓
lat V ↑
10
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9
[20–30] years
Gerull et
al. (1987)
(N=12)
[25–45]
ABR
Condensation and
rarefaction clicks, single-
slope stimuli
0.1, 0.3, 1.0, 3.0
ms
Earphones, 80–120
SPL
Rate 12/s
T-test
amp V ↓
lat V ↑ 9
Barth &
Burkard
(1993)
N=10
adults
ABR
Noise bursts;
Durations 5.0, 5.67, 6.66
and 8.33 s
0, 0.5, 1.25, 2.5
ms
Monourally
15 dB, 30 dB, 45
dB, 70 dB SPL
Linear
regression,
rmANOVA
amp V ↓
lat V ↑
10
Van
Campen et
al. (1996)
N=40 (f:20)
M=26,
[20–30]
ABR
Tone bursts (0.5 and 2
kHz)
Duration 10 ms
FT=RT
0.5, 1, 2.5, 5 ms
Monourally
103 dB peSPL
(peak)
87.5 dB peSPL
(peak-to-peak)
Rate 6.3/s
ANOVA
Exp1 (RT 0.5 VS 1 ms):
amp onset and offset V ↓
(both 0.5 and 2 kHz)
lat onset and offset V ↑
Exp2 (RT 0.5 VS 5 ms):
amp offset V ↓ for 2 kHz
10
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10
(for 0.5 kHz ns)
lat offset V ↑
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11
Kodera et
al. (1979)
N=8
[24-32]
ABR,
ERP
1 kHz tone bursts;
duration 43ms;
FT=RT
5, 10, 20 ms
Monourally (right
ear)
headphones
60 dB SPL for 5ms
RT, for other
equivalent db SPL
Rate 2/s
order balanced
within and between
subjects
ANOVA
amp ABR↓;
amp ABR-Na↓;
amp Na-Pa↓;
amp Pa-Nb↓;
amp P1-N1↓;
amp N1-P2: ns
lat ABR↑;
lat Na↑;
lat Pa↑;
lat P1↑;
lat N1↑
lat P2↑
7
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12
Skinner &
Antinoro
(1971)
N=20 (f:12)
[18–24]
ERP
Exp1:
1 kHz tone bursts;
plateau duration: 10ms
Exp2:
1 kHz tone burst;
durations at 0.01ms RT
condition: 0.2, 0.4, 10,
20, 30, 40, and 50 ms;
durations at 5ms RT
condition: 1, 5, 10, 20,
and 40 ms
Exp1:
0.01, 0.5, 2.5, 5,
10, 25 ms
Exp2:
0.01 and 5 ms
Monourally
40 dB SPL
NA
Exp1:
amp Na-Pa and Pa-Nb ↓;
amp P0-Na and Nb-Pb ↓
at 25ms RT condition, in
other condition ns
Exp 2:
amp Na-Pa,
Pa-Nb,P0-Na ↓
8
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13
Onishi and
Davis
(1968)
N=7
Adults
ERP
Exp1:
1 kHz tone bursts;
plateau durations: 0, 3,
10, 30, 100, and 300 ms;
FT=RT
Exp2:
1 kHz tone bursts;
plateau duration: 2.5 ms;
FT=RT
Exp1:
3 or 30 ms
Exp2:
3, 10, 30, 50, 100,
and 300 ms
Binaurally
Earphones,
Exp1:
ISI: 2500ms
15–85 dB SPL
(varied)
Exp2:
ISI: 5000ms
45–85 dB SPL
(varied)
only mean and
sd
Exp1:
amp N1-P2 ↓
Exp2:
amp N1-P2 ↓ (beyond
about 30 ms)
lat N1 ↑
6
Skinner &
Jones
(1968)
N=40 (f:30)
[18–24]
ERP
1 kHz tone bursts;
plateau duration: 75 ms
10 μs, 5, 10, 25,
50 ms
Earphones, 30, 50,
70, and 90 dB SPL
*ISI: 3800ms
random order
only means
comparison
amp P1-N2↓
lat P1 ns
lat N2 ns
8
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14
Elfner et
al. (1976)
Exp1:
N=7
[18–22]
Exp2: N=12
[19–27]
ERP
Exp1:
1 kHz sinusoids
durations: 5000 ms;
offset duration: 50 ms
Exp2:
1 kHz sinusoids
durations: 1000, 3000,
and 5000 ms (random
between participants);
offset duration: 50 ms
Exp1:
0, 50, 150, 500,
1500, 4960 ms
Exp2:
50, 100, 300, 500,
700, 1000 ms
Binaurally
earphones, 45 dB
SPL
Exp1:
ISI: 10000 ms
Exp2:
ISI: 10000, 12000,
14000 ms (random)
RT conditions
separate in different
trials, trials order
randomized
Exp1:
NA
Exp2:
ANOVA
Exp1:
amp N1-P2↓ from 50 to
500, then ns
Exp2:
amp N1-P2 ns
8
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15
Zito (1978)
N=10
adults
ERP
Tone bursts (0.5, 1, 3
kHz);
plateau duration: 200 ms
5, 250, 500 ms
70 dB SPL
ISI: 800 ms
NA
lat N1↑
lat P2↑
6
Prasher
(1980)
N=15 (f:7)
Adults
ERP
1 kHz tone and white-
noise burst;
duration: 500 ms;
FT=RT
0.02, 2.5 and 50
ms
Monourally (right
ear)
Headphones, 80 and
40 dB SPL
Rate 1/2000 ms
*ISI: 1500 ms
T-test
2.5ms →50 ms
amp N1-P2↓ (for tone, but
not for noise);
lat N1 ns;
20μs →2.5 ms
amp N1P2 ns
7
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16
Putnam &
Roth
(1990)
N=16 (f:8)
Mean Age=22
[18–30]
ERP
1 kHz tones:
durations: 51, 55, 60 and
65 ms (correspond to
each RT condition);
FT=RT
3, 15, 30 and 45
ms
Binaurally
Headphones, 110
dBA SPL
ISI: 8400ms
controlled
permutation order
2 runs of paradigm
ANOVA
amp N110 ↓ (only 1st run);
amp P190 ↓;
amp P300 ↓;
Slow wave: ↓;
10
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17
Hämäläine
n et al.
(2007)
TD
N=20 (f:7)
Mean
Age=9.3(±0.4
1)
[8.83–10.5]
RD
N=19 (f:10)
Mean
Age=9.5
(±0.33)
[8.83–10.5]
ERP
pairs of
tones
Tones pairs
1st tone composed of
sinusoids (0.3, 0.6, 0.9,
and 1.2 kHz)
2nd tone in 5ms RT of
sinusoids (0.75, 1.5, 2.25,
3 kHz);
in 80ms RT of sinusoids
(0.5, 1, 1.5, and 2 kHz);
1st tone duration: 100ms;
2nd tone duration:
150ms;
FT: 5ms;
WPI: 10 or 130 ms
1st tone 80 ms;
2nd tone 10 or 80
ms
Binaurally
Loudspeakers, 75 ±
0.5 dB SPL
ISI: 1000-5000 ms
MANOVA
amp N1: ↓ TD (In 10ms
WPI)
RD ns
9
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18
Hämäläine
n et al.
(2011)
TD
N=11 (f:5)
Mean
Age=24.5
(±3.9)
Dyslexia
N=11 (f:6)
Mean
Age=26.0
(±10.1)
ERP
0.5 kHz sine tone;
duration: 200 ms;
FT: 50 ms
10, 30, 60, 90,
120 ms
Binaurally
Headphones, 75 dB
SPL
ISI:2500–3500 ms
randomly with equal
probability
ANOVA
amp N1↓ (both groups);
amp P2↓ (both groups);
amp Na ns;
amp Ta ns;
amp Tb↓ (only in
dyslexia);
lat N1↑ (both groups);
lat P2 ns;
lat Na↑
11
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19
Stefanics
et al.
(2011)
TD N=20
(f:13)
Mean
Age=8.6
(±0.85) [7.25–
10.08]
Dyslexia
N=18 (f:9)
Mean
Age=9.25
(±1.08) [7.42–
11.41]
ERP
0.5 kHz sine tone;
duration: 200 ms;
FT: 15 ms
standard: 15 ms;
deviant: 90 ms
Binaurally
Headphones, 75 dB
SPL
ISI: 500 ms
Oddball condition:
(RT, Intensity and
Duration deviants)
Blocked condition:
(each stimulus type
in separate blocks)
ANOVA
Oddball condition
amp P1 ↓ (in Dyslexia
group)
lat P1 ↑
lat P1 Dyslexia > TD
amp N1c (FT7-FT8)↓
lat N1c ns
amp N2 ↓
lat N2 ↑
-MMN
Blocked condition
amp P1 ns
lat P1 ↑
12
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20
amp N1c (FT7-FT8) ↓
amp N1c (FT7-FT8)
Dyslexia group at 90ms >
TD at 15ms
lat N1c ns
amp N2 ↓
lat N2 ns
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21
Easwar et
al. (2012a)
N=16 (f: 9)
Mean
Age=23.9
[20.3–29.3]
ERP
Syllabes (/afil/ and /fi/);
duration: 150 ms
21.7 and 79.1 ms
Monourally (ears
alternated across
subjects)
60 dB SPL
Rate 0.49/1000 ms
*ISI: 1853 ms
conditions assessed
in separate sessions
conducted within a
seven-day period
rmANOVA
amp N1-P2 ↓
lat N1 ↑
lat P2 ↑
9
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22
Easwar et
al.,
(2012b)
N=16 (f=9)
Mean
Age=24.2
(±2.1)
ERP
1 kHz tone bursts
duration 90 ms
FT=RT
7.5 and 20 ms
Monourally (ears
alternated across
subjects)
80 dB SPL
ISI:1910 ms
conditions assessed
in separate sessions
conducted within a
seven-day period
ANOVA
amp N1-P2 ns
lat N1 ns
lat P2 ns
9
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23
Carpenter
and Shahin
(2013)
Children
N=15 (f:7)
[4–6.11]
Adult
N=12 (f:6)
[18–25]
for analysis 3
groups:
N=6 [4–5]
N=6 [6]
N=15 [18–25]
ERP
speech tokens
/ba/ and /wa/, and a /ba/
with a /wa/-like RT;
duration 300 ms
NA in text
/ba/ RT< /wa/RT
Binaurally
Earphones, 60–65
dB SPL
ISI: 1500–2000 ms
ANOVA
amp N1-P2↓ (in adults and
6 years old, but not in 4-5
year old children)
11
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24
Lyytinen et
al., (1992)
N=6
[18–27]
Oddball,
ERP
1 kHz tones
duration 50 ms
standard: 24 ms;
deviant: 2 ms
Binaurally
Headphones, 74 dB
SPL
ISI: 750 ms
oddball
MANOVA
and
rmANOVA
+MMN (150-250ms) for
RT deviant
+P3, late positive shift
(250-450ms) for RT deviant
10
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25
Hämäläine
n et al.
(2008)
Short WPI
condition
TD
N=30 (f:14)
Mean
Age=9.4
(±0.25) [8.5–
10.0]
RD
N=22 (f:13)
Mean
Age=9.4
(±0.33)
[8.8–10.3]
Long WPI
Oddball
Pairs of 0.5 kHz tones
1st tone duration: 100
ms;
2nd tone duration: 150
ms;
FT: 5 ms
Short WPI condition: 10
ms;
Long WPI condition: 255
ms
Standard pairs: 1st
tone 80 ms, 2nd
tone 130 ms
Deviant pairs: 1st
tone 80 ms, 2nd
tone 10 ms
Binaurally
Loudspeakers, 75
dB SPL
pairs of tones
oddball
Temporal
principal
components
analysis
(PCA);
MANOVA
Short WPI condition:
+MMN (124 ms) for RT
deviant;
-LDN for RT deviant;
amp MMN ↑ in right
mastoid (both TD and
RD);
amp LDN ns;
Long WPI condition
+MMN (119 ms) for RT
deviant;
+LDN (375–645 ms) for RT
deviant;
10
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26
condition
TD
N=25 (f:13)
Mean
Age=9.4
(±0.33)
[8.5–10.0]
RD
N=21 (f:12)
Mean
Age=9.4
(±0.33) [8.8–
10.3]
MMN RD> TD at fronto-
central channels;
LDN TD > RD at right
frontal and central
channels and left mastoid
channel
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27
Thomson
et al.
(2009)
Exp1
N=12 (f:7)
Mean
Age=26
[20–42]
Exp2
N=14 (f:11)
Mean Age=26
[20–42]
Oddball
0.5 kHz sine tones;
duration: 260 ms;
FT: 50 ms
Exp2
Standart: 15 or 50 ms IM
Exp1
15 and 185 ms
Exp2
50 ms, 15 ms
intensity matched
to 50 ms (IM) and
15 ms intensity
not matched
(INM)
Binaurally
Headphones, 75 dB
SPL
ISI: 240 ms
Exp1
counterbalanced
oddball
Exp2
oddball
ANOVA
Exp1
amp N1 ↓;
+MMN (150–250 ms) for
both deviants;
Exp2
amp N1 ↓;
when 50 ms standart:
-MMN for 15 ms IM
deviant
+MMN (but ns) (175–
275ms) for 15ms INM
deviant
when 15ms IM standart
11
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28
+MMN (175–275ms) for
50ms deviant
Plakas, et
al. (2013)
Control
N=13
Typical
readers at risk
N=15
Dyslexic at
risk
N=10
Mean
Age=3,4
Oddball
0.5 kHz tone;
duration: 155 ms;
FT: 50 ms
standart 15 ms;
deviant 90 ms
Binaurally
Speakers, 75 dB
SPL
ISI: 450 ms
oddball
ANOVA
Control
+MMR (peak at 346 ms)
for RT deviant
Typical readers at risk:
–MMR for RT deviant
Dyslexics at risk
–MMR for RT deviant
MMR in control >
MMR at risk
MMR Typical readers at
risk =
MMR Dyslexic at risk
11
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29
Moberly et
al., (2014)
N=13 (f=8)
Mean
Age=25.2
[19–42]
Oddball
speech tokens
/ba/ and /wa/
ART/ba/–FRT/ba/;
ART/wa/–FRT/wa/;
ART/wa/–FRT/ba/;
duration: 370ms
ART/ba/ 10 ms,
ART/wa/70 ms;
FRT/ba/ 30 ms,
FRT/wa/110 ms
Binaurally
Free-field, 70 dB
SPL
ISI:1000 ms
counterbalanced
oddball
ANOVA
+MMN (150–350 ms) for
ART deviants
+MMN (150–350 ms) for
FRT deviants
MMN for FRT
deviant>MMN for ART
deviant
10
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30
Hakvoort,
et al.
(2015)
Group no FR
no dyslexia
N = 15
Mean
Age=11.96
(±0.6)
FR no
dyslexia
N = 24
Mean
Age=11.9
(±0.6)
FR dyslexia N
= 15
Oddball
523 Hz sine tone
duration: 400 ms;
FT: 50 ms
standart: 15 ms;
deviant: 90, 180
and 270 ms
80 dB SPL
ISI: 250 ms
oddball
ANOVA
+MMN (peak at 260 ms)
(all groups)
+LDN (peak at 420 ms) (all
groups)
no difference between
groups
12
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31
Mean
Age=11.84
(±0.5)
Moberly et
al., (2016)
N=20,
cochlear
implants
[18–62]
Oddball
speech tokens
/ba/ and /wa/;
ART/ba/–FRT/ba/;
ART/wa/–FRT/wa/;
ART/wa/–FRT/ba/;
duration: 370 ms
ART/ba/ 10 ms,
ART/wa/ 70 ms;
FRT/ba/ 30 ms,
FRT/wa/ 110 ms
Binaurally
Speakers, 68 dB
SPL
ISI:1000 ms
counterbalanced
oddball
ANOVA
+MMN (150–350 ms) for
ART deviants
+MMN (150–350 ms) for
FRT deviants
MMN (150–350 ms) for
FRT deviant=MMN (150–
350 ms) for ART deviant
11
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32
Ou and
Law
(2016)
[+Per+Pro]
(Good tone
perception
and
production)
N=20
Mean
Age=22.0(±0.
59)
[+Per–Pro]
(Good tone
perception
and poor
production)
N=19
Oddball Cantonese tones /fu/;
duration 500 ms
120 and 70 ms
Binaurally
Earphones, 85 dB
SPL
ISI: 800 ms
counterbalanced
oddball
ANOVA;
cluster-based
permutation
tests;
T-tests
[+Per+Pro]
+MMN (150–200 ms)
when 70 ms deviant
+MMN (150–238 ms) when
120 ms deviant
[+Per–Pro]
+MMN (150–200 ms) when
70 ms deviant
–MMN when 120 ms
deviant
10
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33
Mean
Age=21.24
(±0.84)
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34
Peter. et
al., (2016)
Control:
N=17 (f:5)
Dyslexia
N=17 (f:3)
Mean
Age=8.9
(±1.4)
[6.0–11.8]
Oddball
speech tokens
/ba/ and /wa/
standart: ART/ba/–
FRT/ba/
ART deviant:
ART/midway/–FRT/ba/
(partial deviant)
ART/wa/–FRT/ba/
(full deviant)
FRT deviant:
ART/ba/–FRT/wa/
(full deviant)
ART/ba/–FRT/midway/
(partial deviant)l
duration: 320 ms
ART/ba/ 10 ms,
ART/midway/ 40
ms,
ART/wa/ 70 ms;
FRT/ba/ 30 ms,
FRT/midway/ 70
ms FRT/wa/ 110
ms
Binaurally
Loudspeakers, 75
dB SPL
ISI: 180 ms
oddball
Independent
T-test, cluster-
based
permutation
tests
Control:
–MMR for both ART
deviants
+MMR (200–300 ms) for
both FRT deviants
Dyslexia
–MMR for both ART
deviants
–MMR for partial FRT
deviant
+MMR (200–300 ms) for
full FRT deviant
12
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35
Ou and
Law
(2017)
[+Per+Pro]
(Good tone
perception
and
production)
N=20
Mean
Age=22.00
(±0.59)
[+Per–Pro]
(Good tone
perception
and poor
production)
N=19
Oddball
Cantonese tones /fu/
duration 500 ms
120 and 70 ms
Binaurally
Earphones, 85 dB
SPL
ISI: 800 ms
counterbalanced
oddball
ANOVA;
cluster-based
permutation
tests
[+Per+Pro]
+MMN (150–200 ms) when
70 ms deviant
+MMN (150–238 ms) when
120 ms deviant
[+Per–Pro]
+MMN (150–200 ms) when
70 ms deviant
–MMN when 120 ms
deviant
[–Per–Pro]
–MMN for both deviants
12
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36
Mean
Age=21.24
(±0.84)
[–Per–Pro]
(Poor tone
perception
and
production)
N=19
Mean
Age=21.20
(±2.84)
amp P2 ↓ (70 ms generate
more positive response
then 120 ms)
for 70 ms: [+Per+Pro]>
[+Per–Pro]=[–Per–Pro]
for 120 ms: no difference
between groups
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37
Peter, et al.
(2018)
6–8 years
N=12 (f:6)
Mean
Age=7.18
(±0.29)
8–10 years
N=12 (f:7)
Mean
Age=8.87
(±0.44)
10–12 years
N=12 (f:7)
Mean
Age=10.92
Oddball
speech tokens
/ba/ and /wa/
standart: ART/ba/–
FRT/ba/
ART deviant:
ART/wa/–FRT/ba/
FRT deviant:
ART/ba/–FRT/wa/
duration: 320ms
ART/ba/ 10 ms,
ART/wa/ 70 ms;
FRT/ba/ 30 ms,
FRT/wa/ 110 ms
Binaurally
Speakers, 75 dB
SPL
ISI: 180 ms
oddball
ANOVA;
cluster-based
permutation
tests
6–8 years
+MMR (200–400 ms) for
ART deviant
+MMR (200–400 ms) for
FRT deviant
8–10 years
+MMR (200–400 ms) for
ART deviant
+MMR (200–400 ms) for
FRT deviant
10–12 years
–MMR for ART deviant
+MMR (204–316 ms) for
FRT deviant
Adults
–MMR for ART deviant
12
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38
(±0.54)
Adults
N=12 (f:6)
Mean
Age=31.05
(±4.41)
+MMR (168–248 ms) for
FRT deviant
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39
Choisdealb
ha et al.
(2022)
Seven months
N=74
Mean Age=7
months, 3
days (±5
days)
Eleven
months N=96
Mean Age=11
months, 2
days (±5
days)
Oddball
sine tone or SSN (speech
shaped noise)
standart:15 ms
10 deviants: 161.1
–292.7 ms (step of
14.6 ms)
Binaurally
Speakers
oddball
regression
model
+MMR (300–460 ms)
MMR↑ with deviant RT↑
MMR more negative with
Age↑
MMR for tones=MMN for
SSN
11
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40
Le Vere et
al. (1976)
M=20.3
[19–23]
Rhythmic
activity
Tones (125 Hz)
3.24 ms (fast RT)
and 7.5s (slow
RT)
Auditory speaker
system;
free field
ANOVA
At slow wave Mean
cortical desynchronization
↓
At fast wave Mean cortical
desynchronization nc
8
Van
Hirtum et
al. (2019)
Dyslexia:
N=20 (f:10)
[18–25]
Typical
readers: N=18
(f:10)
[18–25]
ASSR
amplitude-modulated
one-octave white noise
bands centered 1 kHz.
Noise bands were 100%
amplitude-modulated
amplitude-
modulated at
approximately 4,
10, 20 and 40 Hz
(sinusoidal
envelope
modulation, 10
and 30 ms RT)
Monourally (right
ear)
Earphones, 85 dB
SPL
linear mixed
models, t-test
4 Hz: ↑ for RT30 and ↓ for
RT10
10 Hz: RT10 and RT30 ↓
dyslexia only
20 Hz: RT30 ↓ dyslexia
only
12
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41
20 Hz: higher
synchronization of beta
activity for RT30 related to
better literacy skills
40 Hz: ↓ SNR dyslexia
only in the right
hemisphere
40 Hz: correlation of neural
Background
activity in the
right hemisphere with
literacy and phonology in
participants with dyslexia
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42
146 List of abbreviations for Table 1
147
148 ABR – auditory brainstem response
149 ASSR – auditory steady-state response
150 ERP – event-related potentials
151 MMN (xxx ms) – mismatch negativity (latency of the component)
152 MMR (xxx ms) – mismatch response (latency of the component)
153 LDN (xxx ms) – late discriminative negativity (latency of the component)
154 RT – rise time
155 FT – fall time
156 ART – amplitude rise time
157 FRT – formant rise time
158 ISI – inter-stimulus interval
159 WPI – within-pair interval
160 lat – latency
161 amp – amplitude
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43
162 ns – not significant
163 I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII – number of ABR waves
164 SPL – sound pressure level
165 nHL– normalized Hearing Level
166
167 TD – typically developing
168 RD – reading disabilities
169 FR – family risk (of dyslexia)
170
171 + – the presence of the response
172 – – the absence of the response
173 ↑ – response increases with increasing of RT
174 ↓ – response decreases with increasing of RT
175
176
177 Converted values are marked with an asterisk
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178
179 Fig. 1. A PRISMA flow-chart representing a flow of information through the
180 different phases of a systematic review.
181
182 Seven articles were excluded from the study due to unavailability of full texts. This was
183 due to the fact that the articles were published a long time ago (1964–1994) and their full texts
184 were not digitized or not available [7–13]. Thirty-seven included studies were divided into
185 groups according to EEG responses studied and organized in the Table 1 and in text according
186 to the latency of the brain responses, from earlier to later evoked potentials. The studies
187 included in the final review ranged in date from 1968 to 2022 (Fig. 2), with an 11–year gap in
188 rise time studies (there were no published studies between 1996 and 2007) and current gap
189 within the last four years.
190
191 Fig. 2. Histogram of RT studies paradigms over years.
192
193 The main categories into which we classified the studies are: (1) early latency
194 components (auditory brainstem response N=10, (2) middle latency components (Na, Pa, Nb,
195 N=2), (3) late latency components (P1, N1, P2, N2, P3, N=14), (4) difference waves studies
196 (mismatch negativity or mismatch response (MMN and MMR), later positive shift, late
197 discriminative negativity (LDN) – 13 studies and one study on Auditory Steady-State Response
198 (ASSR) and one on mean cortical desynchronization both categorized as Others. Some studies
199 described more than one category of EEG-response and, thus, were reviewed in several
200 sections. Next we describe the results separately for each category.
201
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202 Early latency components (auditory brainstem response, ABR)
203 Auditory brainstem response (ABR) is an early potential that occurs in response to
204 auditory stimuli, reflecting neural activity along the auditory pathways from the inner ear to the
205 brainstem. ABR consists of a series of waves (denoted as I–VII) that appear within the first 10–
206 15 ms after the sound stimulus onset and reflect early auditory processing steps. As ABR occurs
207 within such early latencies, the typical RT studied in this paradigm varies from 0.5 till 5 ms.
208 RT has been studied with ABR for a relatively long time, and no modern studies relevant to the
209 review were found. The most recent study included in this review dates back to 1996. The final
210 review included 10 articles investigating brainstem evoked potentials. The overwhelming
211 majority of studies was conducted on adults, only one of them included 11–13 weeks old infants
212 as one of the experimental groups. However, no difference in the results was found between
213 the adult group and the infant group [14].
214 The results obtained in studies of RT perception using ABR are quite congruent. One of
215 the main conclusions made by the authors in their articles related to the latency and amplitude
216 of wave V: its latency increases while the amplitude decreases with the RT increase[14–18].
217 This tendency remains with any type of stimuli (noise or tone bursts, tone pips or clicks).
218 An increase in latency with an increase in stimulus RT is also observed in other early
219 components of brainstem potentials: from waves I to VII, however, the results depended on
220 stimuli parameters. For example, at 40 dB SPL and for stimuli with the so-called “fast rise
221 time” (10 µs), the latency of waves VI–VII first decreases (between 10 µs and 0.5 ms) and then
222 gradually increases, although this effect was statistically insignificant [19]. In the study of
223 Hecox & Deegan (1983) an increase in the latency of wave V with an increase in RT was also
224 found in most experimental conditions, however, no significant changes in amplitude were
225 found [20]. The study by Suzuki & Horiuchi (1981) was distinguished by its findings of
226 different tendencies depending on stimuli presented. When utilizing 2–kHz tone pips, a
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227 decrease in wave V latency with RT increase was observed at certain stimulus intensities (only
228 30–40 dB nHL). At the same time, a RT change did not significantly affect wave V amplitude.
229 In contrast, with 0.5–kHz tone pips, an increase in stimulus RT correlated with an increase of
230 the mean wave V amplitude and concurrently, the mean wave V latency also exhibited a
231 tendency to increase. However, these results should be treated with caution as they were
232 obtained on a limited sample (N=8, all females) in specific conditions: during sleep induced by
233 administration of pentobarbital calcium before the test [21].
234 One of the articles reported morphologically similar to onset brainstem response offset
235 brainstem response which occurs by long-duration tone burst (>8 ms) within 8 ms after stimulus
236 offset [22]. Offset ABR was even more affected by stimulus RT than onset ABR. It was
237 demonstrated that both offset and onset wave V amplitude increased and both offset and onset
238 wave V latency decreased (for both 0.5 and 2 kHz stimuli) for 1 ms RT in comparison to 0.5
239 ms RT. In the block where only two RTs (0.5 vs 5 ms) varied with a constant fall time, the
240 difference were detected only for the offset ABR: offset ABR latency increased for both types
241 of stimuli (0.5 and 2 kHz) and offset ABR amplitude decreased for 2 kHz stimuli with longer
242 RT [22].
243 Stimulus polarity is a physical characteristic of a stimulus that might influence the RT
244 effect. Stimulus polarity refers to the initial deflection of the transducer diaphragm in relation
245 to the tympanic membrane during stimulus presentation: a rarefaction stimulus causes the
246 earphone diaphragm to move outward initially, resulting in an outward movement of the
247 tympanic membrane, while a condensation polarity stimulus leads to an inward movement of
248 the diaphragm and consequently an inward movement of the tympanic membrane [23]. Most
249 ABR studies included in the current review used alternating stimulus polarity (rarefaction and
250 condensation), thereby cancelling out the polarity-specific effect. Additionally, some
251 investigations within the ABR-field have explicitly considered stimulus polarity as one of the
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47
252 influential acoustic parameters, alongside other stimulus characteristics. Amplitude values of
253 main ABR components in study of Salt & Thornton depended on polarity of stimuli presented:
254 direction of amplitude changes was different in rarefaction vs condensation stimuli. In
255 particular, I, II, III, VI amplitudes in response to rarefaction stimuli tended to be lower with RT
256 increase and vice versa on condensation stimuli. Amplitude of peak V, on the contrary, arose
257 with RT in response to rarefaction stimuli and lowered with RT in response to condensation
258 [24]. However, no statistical testing was applied. Besides, the other study which used clicks of
259 different polarity as stimuli [16] showed the same direction of amplitude changes in both
260 stimuli types. However, the latencies in all RT conditions were longer for condensation slope
261 stimuli, and amplitudes were contrariwise higher for rarefaction stimuli [16]. In the case of
262 short stimuli with a RT of 170-580 µs, there is a linear tendency towards an increase in the
263 latency of the main components (waves I–VI) with an increase in RT for stimuli of both
264 polarities [24].
265
266 Middle latency components
267 Middle latency components are considered to be driven by the primary auditory cortex
268 with a substantial contribution of thalamic-cortical pathways and elicited from 10 to 80 ms after
269 stimulus onset [25]. In this group of components, several successive peaks are distinguished
270 (P0, Na, Pa, Nb, Pb). Two studies[26,27] demonstrate the modulation of middle latency
271 components of evoked potentials by RT duration in a group of neurotypical adults. Tone bursts
272 were used as stimuli. In both of these studies short RT durations were used (up to 25 ms). In
273 [27], peak-to-peak amplitude of Na–Pa, Pa–Nb components decreased with RT increased
274 across all conditions, while peak-to-peak amplitude of P0–Na and Nb–Pb components
275 decreased only in the longest RT condition (25 ms). Notably, no statistical analyses were used
276 in this study, so the presented results should be considered with caution. In a later study by
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277 Kodera et al. (1979) [26], the decrease in Na–Pa, Pa–Nb peak-to-peak amplitudes with RT
278 increased was verified statistically. This article also showed a delay in the Na and Pa
279 components latencies with RTs prolongation.
280 P1
281 The P1 component is a positive peak in the auditory ERP, occurring approximately 50–
282 100 ms post-stimulus in adults (>100 ms in children), and originating primarily in the primary
283 and secondary auditory cortex. In neurophysiological research, P1 is optimally recorded from
284 central midline electrodes, particularly Cz referenced to mastoids or earlobes, and serves as a
285 biomarker for auditory cortical development and central auditory pathway integrity [28]. P1
286 has rarely been an object of interest in RT studies as it is not very prominent in adults: one
287 study in children and one in adults. Stefanics and colleagues [29] examined P1 modulation by
288 RT duration in dyslexia and typically reading children (aged 8–10 years) in longitudinal study
289 that includes oddball and block conditions. Decrease in P1 amplitude with RT increase was
290 observed only in the group of participants with dyslexia, but not in the control group, where P1
291 amplitudes were equivalent across RT conditions. This effect was specific only for oddball
292 conditions; no significant effects were observed for P1 amplitude in the blocked condition.
293 Authors attribute this difference to greater responsiveness of the P1 component in oddball
294 condition, which was related to different probability of occurrence of the stimuli. Both groups
295 demonstrate prolongation in P1 latency with RT increasing in all conditions. The same
296 prolongation was observed in Kodera et al. (1979b) [26]. In this study P1 was considered as
297 part of P1–N1 peak-to-peak amplitude, which demonstrates significant decrease with RT
298 prolongation. In Skinner and Jones (1968) [30] work no significant effects for P1 latency were
299 observed.
300
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301 N1
302 The N1 (or N100) is a prominent negative-going component of the auditory ERP
303 waveform that follows P1 and typically peaks approximately 80–120 milliseconds after
304 stimulus onset. It is primarily generated in the auditory cortex, including areas within the
305 superior temporal gyrus (such as Heschl's gyrus and the planum temporale). In EEG recordings,
306 the N1 component typically exhibits maximal amplitude over fronto-central scalp locations and
307 is therefore commonly observed and analyzed at midline fronto-central electrodes such as Fz,
308 FCz, and Cz [31].
309 Of all the articles included in the review, thirteen examined the effects of RT on the N1
310 component. According to reviewed studies, reduction in N1 amplitude with RT prolongation is
311 a common pattern for neurotypical adults. In [32] N1 amplitude linearly decreases across RT
312 prolongation from 3 to 45 ms, but only in the first of two runs of the paradigm. Thomson and
313 colleagues (2009) [33] shows that N1 amplitude also decreases in longer RT condition, such as
314 50 and 185 ms. These results are confirmed in the additional part of that study, where stimuli
315 with different RT were equalized in intensity. Similar reduction of N1 amplitude in longer RT
316 conditions were obtained for groups of typically reading adults [34] and children [35]. In one
317 of the studies[26], N1 was assessed as P1–N1 peak-to-peak amplitude, which also demonstrates
318 significant decrease with RT prolongation from 5 to 20 ms.
319 Three studies reported significant enhancement of N1 latency with RT
320 increase[26,34,36]. A similar result was shown in earlier papers [37,38], but was not confirmed
321 by statistical analysis. In the study by Eswar and colleagues[39], the difference in N1 latency
322 between RT conditions was not significant, which probably related to minor differences
323 between RT conditions used in this work (7.5 vs 20 ms). However, even larger contrast (such
324 as 2.5 vs 50 ms) was also insignificant for 1000 Hz tone burst and white noise burst [40].
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325 Two studies examined N1 modulation by RT in a group with speech impairment. In
326 Hämäläinen et al., (2007) [35] in a pair of stimuli with a short within-pair interval, the amplitude
327 decreases at a longer RT condition (80 ms), but only in typically developing (TD) children. In
328 the group of children with reading disabilities, the N1 amplitude was equal across RT
329 conditions. It is important to note that stimuli differed not only in RT but also in frequency and
330 statistical comparison of different RT conditions was not performed. The more recent work of
331 this group [34] with stimuli of the equal frequencies showed decrease in N1 amplitude and
332 prolongation of its latency with RT increase in both typical reading and dyslexic adults groups.
333
334 P2
335 The P2 component is a positive deflection in ERP that follows the N1 component and
336 occurs approximately 150–200 ms post-stimulus. It is generated in the auditory association
337 cortex and surrounding areas and thus, is typically recorded from central and frontocentral
338 electrode sites (Cz, FCz) and suggests to reflect higher-order sound processing, auditory feature
339 integration, and early attentional mechanisms [31].
340 Nine of the papers included in the review consider RT effects associated with the P2
341 component. Most works estimated P2 effects as related N1–P2 peak-to-peak amplitudes. N1–
342 P2 peak-to-peak amplitude was considered in seven studies[17,36,37,39–42]. N1–P2 amplitude
343 tends to decrease with prolongation of the RT. In Onishi & Davis work [37] RT changes did
344 not affect the N1–P2 amplitude when RTs were less than 30 ms. Decrease in N1–P2 amplitude
345 was observed only as RT is increased beyond about 30 ms, but no statistical analysis was
346 performed. In Kodera et al. (1979) [26] no significant difference was shown for N1–P2, but RT
347 durations used in this study were quite short (5–20 ms), which probably not enough for N1–P2
348 modulation. A similar result appears in a more recent study[39], where no difference was found
349 between 7.5 and 20 ms RT conditions for 1000 Hz tone burst. [40] observed significant
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350 decreases in P2 for 50 ms RT condition compared to 2.5 ms RT condition for 1000 Hz tone
351 burst, but not for white-noise burst. In the study by Elfner et al. [42], decrease in N1–P2
352 amplitude was shown for prolongation RT from 50 ms to 150 ms and 500 ms, although
353 continued prolongation from 500 to 1500 and 4960 ms of the RT duration did not produce a
354 change in N1–P2 amplitude. However, further statistical analysis in the Experiment 2 of this
355 study showed that the observed RTs prolongation effects are only at the level of tendency and
356 are not statistically significant. Two studies[36,41] used more natural types of stimuli, such as
357 speech tokens. N1–P2 amplitude decreased in longer RT (such as 79.1 ms in Easwar et al.; in
358 Carpenter & Shanin exact RT not reported) in both studies. However, the effect observed in
359 adults and 6-years old children, was not present in early childhood (4–5 years) [41].
360 Two studies [32,34] considered P2 as an absolute baseline-to-peak value, not as a peak-
361 to-peak amplitude. Putnam & Roth [32] showed linear decrease of P2 amplitude (considered
362 as P190 component) with RT prolongation that included RT ranged from 3 to 45 ms. This result
363 was confirmed in the study by Hämäläinen and colleagues (2011) [34] both for control and
364 dyslexic adults groups with RT used from 10 to 120 ms.
365 As in case of N1, P2 latency demonstrated delay with RT prolongation[26,36]. At first,
366 this effect was described in [38] as shifting of slow V potential (N1–P2 peak-to-peak
367 component), but was not statistically validated. Later it was confirmed statistically[17,36].
368 Nonetheless, in some papers, the differences in P2 latency between different RT conditions
369 were not significant[34,39].
370
371 T–complex
372 Two of the studies included in the review examined RT effects not only in the central
373 but also in the temporal channels. Näätänen & Picton [43] define a projection of the P1-N1-P2
374 components to the temporal region as T-complex. The T-complex includes three peaks: N1a
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375 (or Na) (75–95 ms), N1b (or Ta) (100–115 ms), and N1c (or Tb) (130–170 ms). In the study of
376 Hämäläinen et al. (2011) that included neurotypical adults and adults with dyslexia, Na and Tа
377 amplitude did not change between RT conditions in both groups, while amplitude of Tb
378 decreased with RT prolongation in a group of adults with dyslexia, but not in the control group
379 of neurotypical adults. There was also prolongation in Na component latency in both groups.
380 In a group of children (7–10 years) Stefanics and colleagues [29] also showed decrease of N1c
381 (at FT7–FT8 sites) amplitude with long (90 ms) RT in oddball condition, but in the block
382 condition RT effects were observed only in dyslexic group. No RT effects on N1c latency were
383 observed.
384
385 N2
386 The N2 component is a negative deflection in the auditory ERP that follows the P2
387 component and occurs approximately 200–250 ms post-stimulus onset. It originates primarily
388 from frontal cortical regions including the anterior cingulate cortex, which is typically recorded
389 at frontocentral electrode sites (Fz, FCz) [44]. Only one study [29] considered N2 as a target
390 for the RT effects in children from 7 to 11 years. Similar to the other components, N2
391 demonstrated decrease in amplitude and prolongation of latency with the RT increase. One
392 more study by Skinner & Jones [30] considered N2 as part of the P1-N2 complex, where the
393 difference between P1 and N2 components was taken as the amplitude of the auditory evoked
394 response. It was shown that P1-N2 decreases with RT increase. N2 latency did not show RT
395 effects, but statistical analyses were not performed. Even though the effects of RT on the N2
396 component were not considered in other works, we can assume decrease in amplitude and
397 latency delay when the RT is prolonged by looking at the figures[34,36].
398
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399 P3
400 The P3 (or P300) component is a prominent positive wave occurring approximately
401 250–500 ms following auditory stimulus presentation, generated by distributed neural networks
402 involving frontal, temporal and parietal cortical regions. P3 is reliably recorded at midline
403 electrodes (Fz, Cz, Pz) with maximum amplitude typically at Pz [45]. One study [32]
404 considered the RT effects for late positive component (P300). Amplitude of P300 (at Pz
405 electrodes) significantly decreased with RT prolongation from 3 to 45 ms, however the RT
406 prolongation was also accompanied with changes of the total duration of stimuli that can also
407 influence the observed change [32].
408
409 Difference waves (MMN, MMR, Late positive shift, LDN)
410 Many studies investigating RT processing have employed the oddball paradigm, where
411 deviant stimuli with different RTs are embedded within streams of standard stimuli with fixed
412 RTs [33,46–48]. These deviant stimuli typically elicit a mismatch negativity (MMN) or
413 mismatch response (MMR). MMN is obtained as a difference between ERP in response to
414 standard (frequent) stimuli and ERP in response to deviant (rare) stimuli. Sometimes, especially
415 in children, the response to a different stimulus may appear as a more late positive component
416 on a difference wave, which is known as a Mismatch response (MMR). Mismatch Response
417 (MMR) refers to the corresponding response in infants and young children, which can be
418 positive (pMMR) or negative (nMMR) in polarity, with a broader scalp distribution and more
419 variable latency than adult MMN, reflecting the developing auditory system [49]. Twelve of
420 the reviewed papers examined sensitivity to RT changes using this paradigm, with the MMN
421 component serving as the primary measure of distinguishability between standard and deviant
422 stimuli. Two studies considered also late discriminative negativity (LDN), a later (from 400 ms
423 post-stimulus) component at the difference wave evoked by a deviant stimulus and also
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424 suggested to be localized in associative areas of the auditory cortex. Although originally LDN
425 was called the late MMN [50,51], included studies considered it as a separate component to
426 highlight the difference in time of occurrence and to separate the RT effects.
427 The first study reported MMN (in time window 150–250 ms) elicited by RT deviants
428 in neurotypical adults, used short RT durations (24 ms in standard and 2 ms in deviant) [52],
429 also late positive shift in differenсе waves (at time window at 280–500 ms) was described in
430 this work. Later study of neurotypical adults [33] used two RT durations (15 and 185 ms). Each
431 type of stimulus was used as standards and as deviants in different blocks. Both types of deviant
432 elicited MMN response (in time window 150–250 ms) in frontal and temporal areas. In the
433 second part of this study, four types of stimuli were used: one with long RT (50 ms), two with
434 RT 15 ms (one of them was intensity matched to stimulus with 50 ms RT, and other was not),
435 and one with short RT stimuli that was equivalent in intensity to long RT stimulus (intensity
436 matched deviant). This contrast was introduced to separate the influences of intensity and RT
437 effects, as changing RT inevitably influences intensity especially with long RT. When 50 ms
438 RT stimuli were used as standard intensity-not-matched deviant with shorter RT elicited a
439 MMN response at time window 175–275 ms (but not significant), while intensity-matched
440 deviant did not elicit any MMN at all. However, in the exchanged condition where intensity-
441 matched 15 ms RT stimuli were used as standards and 50 ms RT stimuli were used as deviants,
442 a mismatch response was observed in the time window of 175–275 ms even for intensity-
443 matched condition. According to these results, authors suggested that MMN is sensitive to the
444 “content” of the change (RT) but not purely to the amount of stimulus energy (intensity).
445 Meanwhile the context effect, i.e. the observation of prominent MMN only for conditions with
446 longer RT for the deviant than the standard, was left unexplained.
447 Controversial results were obtained concerning the MMN to RT deviant as neuromarker
448 for reading problems. The first study [53] considered MMN in response to deviants with short
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449 RTs (10 vs 130 ms RT in standard stimuli) in typical reading children and children with reading
450 disabilities (RD) (8–10 years). The study included two conditions with different intervals
451 between stimuli in the presented pair. The authors chose a varying Within-Pair Interval (WPI)
452 design to investigate if children with reading problems exhibit deficits in rapid auditory
453 processing, expecting larger differences with short WPIs, and also to determine if they process
454 rise times differently at an early stage, regardless of the WPI length. This approach allowed
455 them to examine how both rapid presentation rates and rise time variations influence early
456 neural responses in children with and without reading difficulties. Each trial presented a pair of
457 tones under two timing conditions: a short gap condition with 10 ms between tones (within-
458 pair interval, WPI) and a longer gap condition with 255 ms between tones. The experimental
459 design included 80% standard pairs (where both tones had expected properties) and 20%
460 deviant pairs. In deviant pairs, the second tone differed either in RT (10% of trials, 10 ms
461 instead of 130 ms) or in pitch (10% of trials, 750 Hz instead of 500 Hz). The first tone remained
462 consistent across all pairs (100 ms duration, 80 ms rise time, 300 Hz frequency), while the
463 second tone in standard pairs had 150 ms duration, 130 ms RT, and 500 Hz frequency. All tone
464 pairs were separated by a consistent 610 ms interval (ISI), regardless of condition.While in the
465 longer interval condition (255 ms), MMN response (at latency 119 ms from the deviancy onset)
466 was larger than in the shorter interval (10 ms) in both groups, children with RD demonstrated
467 a larger MMN than typically developing (TD) children only in this longer interval condition.
468 This study also considered LDN. In conditions with a short (10 ms) interval after the previous
469 stimulus, LDN was not presented. In long within-pair intervals (255 ms) conditions, an LDN
470 response was observed at 375–645 ms. In this condition, the control group showed larger LDN
471 than children with RD.
472 A traditional non-paired oddball design was employed by Plakas et al. (2013) [47] in their study
473 of younger children (3 years old). A negative mismatch response at 346 ms for longer RT
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474 deviants (90 vs 15 ms RT in standard stimuli) was observed in the control group but not in
475 people with dyslexia and typical reading, but with familial risk groups. The study by Hakvoort
476 and colleagues (Hakvoort et al., 2015) involves similar groups of children, but the age of the
477 participants was older (11 years). MMN and LDN, responses peaking around 260 ms and 420
478 ms respectively to RT deviants with longer RT (90, 180 or 270 vs 15 ms RT in standard stimuli)
479 were observed for all groups (typically developing children, children with dyslexia, and
480 children with familial risk of dyslexia) and did not differ between groups. The influence of
481 different RT durations of deviant stimuli was not considered in this study. The interstimulus
482 interval in this study was close to the long within-pair intervals condition in the Hämäläinen et
483 al. (2008) study (250 ms). These findings suggest that the presence and magnitude of the LDN
484 component may depend on the timing between stimuli and vary across populations with reading
485 difficulties.
486 A number of studies have used speech stimuli [4,54–56]. In these studies, the amplitude
487 RT (ART) changes are usually contrasted with the formant RT (FRT) changes. Syllables /ba/
488 and /wa/ are commonly used stimuli in this type of study. Syllable /ba/ has a short ART (10
489 ms) and FRT (30 ms), /wa/ has more prolonged ART (70 ms) and FRT (110 ms). The third
490 synthetic token usually used in this approach combines a /ba/-like FRT (30 ms) with a /wa/-
491 like ART (70 ms). The Moberly et al. study [4] found that while neurotypical adults show MMN
492 response between 150–350 ms for changes in both ART and FRT deviants, the MMN is
493 significantly larger and more consistently observed across individuals for FRT deviants. In a
494 further study of this research group [54], similar experimental paradigms were used for adults
495 with cochlear implant sample. MMN response was observed for ART and FRT deviants and
496 did not differ between contrasts. Peter et al. [55] implicated FRT and ART oddball paradigm
497 to typically developing children and those with dyslexia (mean age=8.9 years). This study
498 inclined additional tokens with partial ART (40 ms) and FRT (70 ms) durations as ART and
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499 FRT deviants. ART deviants did not elicit any mismatch response in either groups. Both partial
500 and full FRT deviants produce mismatch effects at time window 200–300 ms in the control
501 group. In the group of people with dyslexia, mismatch response was elicited only by full FRT
502 deviant. The developmental track of sensitivity was considered in a follow-up study by this
503 research group [56], including three age groups of children (6–8, 8–10, 10–12 years) and adults.
504 Сhildren younger than 10 years showed positive mismatch response between 200 and 400 ms
505 to both ART and FRT conditions. 10–12-year-old children and adults were sensitive only to
506 FRT deviants.
507 Two papers [57,58] examined the MMN response to the Cantonese syllables with
508 different RTs (/fu/ with RT 120 and 70 ms). In [57] deviant with 70 ms RT elicited more
509 positive mismatch responses (in time windows 150-200 ms after 70 ms RT and 150–238 ms
510 after 120 ms RT) than 120 ms RT deviant. A group of participants with good production and
511 good perception of Cantonese tones showed mismatch responses in both types of
512 counterbalanced contrasts, while a group with good perception but poor production of tones
513 demonstrated mismatch response only when stimulus with a shorter RT (70 ms) was used as a
514 deviant. In the following paper [58] additional group with poor speech production and poor
515 speech perception was also included in the analysis. In this group no significant mismatch
516 responses were observed for both contrasts (120 ms and 70 ms deviants). The amplitude of ERP
517 to stimulus with 70 ms RT at the time window 50–150 ms (P2) was more positive in good
518 production – good perception group than in good perception – poor production group and in
519 poor production – poor perception group. No significant difference between poor production –
520 good perception group and poor production – poor perception group was shown. MMN to 120
521 RT deviants did not show any significant difference between groups.
522 Choisdealbha and colleagues [48] provide a longitudinal study of RT perception
523 involving 7 month infants that was followed four months later. Sine tones and speech shaped
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524 noise were used as stimuli and RT of standard stimuli was 15 ms and RT of deviants ranging
525 from 161.1 ms to 292.7 ms, in steps of 14.6 ms. It was shown that larger differences in standard
526 and deviant RT produce more positive mismatch response (at time window 300–460 ms). At
527 the same time amplitude of mismatch response becomes more negative in older infants.
528 Stimulus type did not influence the response. The proportion of infants exhibiting MMN or
529 MMR to deviants with different RT was broadly similar across all of the used oddball stimuli.
530
531 ASSR
532 The study by Van Hirtum and colleagues considered auditory steady-state response
533 (ASSR, an electrophysiological response expressed in neural tuning to the frequency of an
534 auditory stimulus) to RT changes in typical readers and adults with dyslexia [59]. As a stimuli,
535 they used white noise with amplitude modulation at 4, 10, 20, and 40 Hz, with two RT
536 conditions: 10 ms and 30 ms , without affecting the amplitude modulation rate. A sinusoidal
537 envelope modulation was carried out as a baseline condition. As a measure of ASSR strength,
538 the authors considered signal-to-noise (SNR) ratio of ASSR response to an auditory stimulus.
539 ASSR responses were considered in the same EEG frequency ranges as the stimuli.
540 The study explored auditory processing differences between individuals with and
541 without dyslexia, focusing on their ability to discriminate RTs and perceive speech in noise.
542 Behavioral results revealed that individuals with dyslexia performed similarly to typical readers
543 in discriminating RT and intensity changes and in speech in noise perception. EEG showed
544 distinct neural responses to varying RTs based on the presence of dyslexia. Specifically,
545 participants with dyslexia showed reduced 10 Hz SNRs in 10 and 30 ms RT conditions, lower
546 20 Hz SNRs for 30 ms RT envelopes, and smaller 40 Hz SNRs for all RTs in the right
547 hemisphere compared to typical readers. No effects were found for 4 Hz SNR. Interestingly, a
548 30% larger relative increase in RT processing was observed for typical readers in the right
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549 hemisphere compared to participants with dyslexia. Increased neural background activity at 40
550 Hz in the right hemisphere in participants with dyslexia also correlated with poor literacy and
551 phonological skills. In contrast, increased neural background activity of beta activity at 20 Hz
552 was significantly related to better literacy skills. The findings suggest that dyslexia is associated
553 with distinct alterations in neural processing of auditory RTs and increased neural background
554 activity, impacting speech perception and literacy skills. These results are considered within
555 the context of impaired phonological processing in participants with dyslexia, which is
556 manifested in a decrease in SNR by a short RT for stimuli with frequencies of 10 Hz and 20
557 Hz. The authors also attribute the decrease in SNR in the 40 Hz range to a decrease in
558 phonological processing and the formation of atypical phonological representations. The lack
559 of an effect for 4 Hz is discussed in the context of theta rhythm, which is associated with neural
560 tracking of syllable rhythm, which may not be impaired in participants with dyslexia, unlike
561 phonological processing.
562
563 Rhythmic activity
564 The study by Le Vere and colleagues considered a mean cortical desynchronization
565 during sleep in relation to different rise times perception [60]. As stimuli, a random noise
566 centered at 125 Hz with two rise time conditions (fast, approximately 3.24 ms, and slow, 7.5
567 s), were used in the experiment. This study found that both fast-rise and slow-rise auditory
568 stimuli could induce arousal during sleep. However, the effectiveness of the stimulus's rise time
569 depended on the sleep stage. During non-REM fast-wave sleep, both stimulus types were
570 equally effective. In contrast, during slow-wave sleep, a fast-rise stimulus produced
571 significantly more arousal than a slow-rise stimulus, despite the slow-rise stimulus having a
572 greater total energy and duration. This highlights the importance of rapid onset, rather than
573 overall energy, in capturing attention and causing arousal during deeper stages of sleep.
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574 Discussion
575 In the current review, we present the main studies focused on the electrophysiological
576 correlates of RT perception. As can be seen from the given above outcomes, the field under
577 consideration is quite broad and includes a large number of both older classical and modern
578 studies. The main outcomes of the reviewed studies generally are consistent with each other
579 and generalize to the overall framework: The prolongation of the RT leads to a decrease in the
580 amplitude of the main ERP components and an increase in their latencies. Nevertheless, the
581 observed effects may vary and depend on some aspects of the experimental paradigm, that is
582 considered below.
583
584 Stimulation characteristics influencing RT effect
585 The effect of RT might be influenced by the other stimulation parameters. Below we
586 discuss some of them, such as stimulus presentation rate and stimulus intensity effects on
587 neurophysiological encoding of RT, and suggest optimal stimulation parameters for
588 experimental design. In the following block we also discuss how the stimulus type affects RT
589 decoding as RT might be more crucial for speech sounds. We conclude this section by
590 presenting differential sensitivity to RT changes at different stages of auditory processing.
591
592 Inter-stimulus interval (ISI)
593 The ISI is an important parameter, especially for ERP studies, due to its effect on the
594 amplitude of the components [61,62]. Different inter-stimulus intervals significantly influence
595 the main ERP components, with component amplitudes generally increasing as the interval
596 lengthens. Moreover, this modulation by stimulus presentation rate varies across developmental
597 stages, reflecting ongoing maturation of neural processing [63]. The reviewed studies used
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598 quite variable durations of ISI: from 22 to 457 ms for ABR studies (most often reported as
599 presentation rate); from 500 ms [29] to 14 s [42] for middle and late latency studies; from 10
600 ms [64] to 1 s [4,54] for MMN/MMR studies. Among ABR and middle and late latency studies
601 included in the review, none compared conditions with different ISI. One MMN study [64]
602 considered the effect of the duration of the interval between stimuli in a pair, which was equal
603 to 10 or 250 ms (design was described in more detail earlier in section 3.9). When the within-
604 pair interval was extremely short (10 ms) RT deviants elicited small MMN and did not elicit
605 any LDN, while in condition with longer interval after previous stimulus both of these
606 components were observed. Another study of this group [35] meanwhile demonstrated the RT
607 effect in a similar short interval: typically developing children showed larger N1 responses to
608 the short RT than to the long RT (10 vs 80 ms). However, in this study, stimuli with different
609 RTs had different frequencies, so the observed results may be related to pitch changes, even
610 authors do not discuss that it could have affected the final outcome. At short intervals after the
611 previous stimulus, masking of the rise time effects may be due to the overlap between the
612 response to the stimulus onset and the response to the previous stimulus offset, or due to
613 insufficient time period for recovery of specific neuronal populations after stimulus-specific
614 adaptation.
615 In summary of the included studies, we can conclude that an interval of 250 ms is
616 sufficient to detect effects associated with the oddball paradigm (MMN, LDN) [64,65], and an
617 interval of 500 ms is sufficient to observe effects on middle and late latency
618 components[26,29], as at shorter intervals the effect may be masked due to the stimulus-specific
619 adaptation. In ABR studies, the interstimulus interval varied from 22 to 457 ms and did not
620 affect the either amplitude or latency of the component.
621
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622 Stimulus type
623 Studies included in the review used different types of stimuli that can be divided into
624 three main groups: noise bursts (white nose or speech shaped nose), sine tones and speech
625 tokens. Different types of stimuli were compared in the same sample only in two of the
626 reviewed studies [40,48]. In Prasher (1980) study RT effects on N1-P2 amplitude were
627 observed only for tone stimuli, but not for white noise. At the same time, prolongation in N1
628 latency with RT increasing was observed for both types of stimuli. The author explains this by
629 noting that white noise's spectral content remains unchanged with varying RT, whereas for tone
630 stimuli shorter RT (e.g., 2.5 ms) can introduce high-frequency transients due to the abrupt onset,
631 making the stimulus sound sharper or harsher. When longer RT were used and tone stimuli
632 were contrasted with speech-shaped noise in the sample of infants, no difference between
633 conditions were observed [48].
634 A general consideration of the other studies shows that the neurophysiological effects
635 of RT have been successfully detected both in the case of tones and speech stimuli. Some
636 particular discrepancies like in Easwar’s and colleagues’ works[36,39], where significant
637 decrease in N1-P2 amplitude with RT prolongation was observed for syllables but not for 1000
638 Hz tone burst, are rather due to other stimulation parameters (too tiny difference in RT
639 conditions for the tones). The acceptability of all possible stimulus types for the investigation
640 of RT sensitivity is also supported by a recent longitudinal behavioral study [66]. It was shown
641 that RT sensitivity thresholds measured with different stimulus types are significantly
642 correlated with each other.
643 The findings from various studies investigating neural responses to speech sound
644 characteristics suggest that formant RT processing often yields particularly distinct or robust
645 effects in neurotypical populations when compared to other groups. For instance, research of
646 Moberly et al., 2014 has indicated that while MMN responses can be elicited by both amplitude
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647 and formant RT (ART and FRT) deviants, the brain's response to formant RT changes is
648 sometimes significantly stronger and more consistently observed across individuals. This
649 pattern of heightened FRT sensitivity in neurotypical group appears to differ from observations
650 in adults with cochlear implants [54], where such a specific enhancement for FRT processing
651 in MMN responses was not evident. Studies involving children also highlight differences based
652 on neurotypical development: typically developing children have been shown to exhibit
653 mismatch responses to a broader range of FRT deviants (including both partial and full
654 changes) compared to children with dyslexia, who may only demonstrate responses to more
655 substantial FRT alterations, implying a more finely tuned FRT processing mechanism in their
656 neurotypical peers [55]. Furthermore, developmental research points to an increasing
657 specialization for FRT in neurotypical individuals. While younger children (e.i., those under 10
658 years old) might respond to changes in both ART and FRTs, older neurotypical children (e.i.,
659 10–12 years old) and adults tend to show sensitivity primarily to FRT deviants, suggesting a
660 maturation of this specific auditory processing capability [56]. Although not all investigations
661 into RT processing have found group-based differences for every neural component studied,
662 the collective evidence from MMN/MMR studies using specific FRT manipulations, supports
663 the notion that FRT serves as a salient acoustic cue for which neurotypical auditory systems
664 demonstrate more specialized processing.
665
666 Intensity of stimulation
667 The RT changes accompany the total changes of the stimulus energy, such as intensity
668 and also significantly influences perceived loudness of a sound. This effect is associated with
669 the reduction of the plateau duration (period at which the stimulus has maximal intensity) if RT
670 is increased. Therefore, stimuli with the same duration but different RTs will have different
671 cumulative intensity and can be perceived as stimuli of different loudness. In order to
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672 distinguish RT and intensity effects, Thomson and colleagues (2008) used two types of deviant
673 stimuli: deviant with a shorter RT (15 ms) than in standard stimulus (50 ms) and deviant with
674 the same short RT but matched with the standard stimulus in intensity. When intensity of RT
675 deviant was matched, no significant mismatch response was found, while traditionally used RT
676 deviant, that is unmatched in intensity, produced some MMN (but it was not significant).
677 However, in the opposite condition, when the standard and deviant stimuli were switched,
678 matched in intensity deviant with longer than standard RT (50 ms) elicited MMN. Thus, MMN
679 is sensitive to the RT per se, but dependent on the context. In ERP study by Kodera and
680 colleagues (1979), stimuli with different RT were matched in intensities. Despite this, the
681 authors obtained significant RT effects for latency and amplitude of ABR and main middle and
682 late latency components (except N1-P2 peak-to-peak amplitude). The absence of an effect for
683 the N1-P2 component is quite unusual, as most studies have associated this component with
684 the RT effects. This effect may be related to the fact that when intensity is equated, the main
685 effects of RT are related to the signal detection time. When stimuli are equalized in intensity,
686 the point at which stimuli with different rise times begin to be perceived as equivalent occurs
687 earlier. In this case, such difference in stimulus detection time could be less critical for effects
688 on later components, especially when the difference between the RT conditions is small (15 ms
689 in Kodera work). In relation to ABR, due to the even smaller difference in the durations of the
690 RTs studied, this problem is relevant only in the sense that some RT+intensity combinations
691 are below the response elicitation threshold and, accordingly, cannot be compared.
692 RT discrimination thresholds are influenced by the overall stimulus intensity [67].
693 While many studies in the literature, particularly those focusing on language development or
694 clinical applications, control for intensity by presenting sounds at comfortable listening levels,
695 the general psychophysical principles suggest an intensity dependence. It is generally
696 understood that at very low sound levels, the auditory system has fewer activation, leading to
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697 poorer discrimination. As intensity increases, more auditory nerve fibers are recruited,
698 providing a more robust and detailed representation of the sound's temporal envelope, which
699 can lead to improved RT discrimination. This complex interaction between intensity and
700 temporal processing is crucial for understanding how we perceive sounds in various real-world
701 environments. So, it is important to consider whether intensity is an essential characteristic for
702 detecting RT effects on the ERP. Some classical auditory perception studies have investigated
703 the effects of RT at different intensities. Onishi and Davis (1968) have found that the
704 prolongations in N1 latency and decrease in N1-P2 peak-to-peak amplitude with RT increase
705 were observed in all intensity levels (45, 65, and 85 dB), notable that latency increase was
706 particularly marked at the lowest (45 dB) intensity level. However, in the second part of their
707 study, an intensity condition of 15 was used, at this condition response was above noise level
708 for only one participant for the rise time of 3 ms, and only for two participants for rise time of
709 30 ms. Nevertheless, the authors report that the amplitude of N1P2 was systematically lower at
710 3 ms RT than at 30 ms RT, at all intensity levels. No interaction between RT and intensity
711 effects was found in the Skinner and Jones study [30]. However, it should be noted that no
712 statistical analyses were performed in the two given studies. In Prasher study (1980) the
713 observed RT effects did not differ between intensity conditions (80 and 40 dB SPL). Overall,
714 no clear association between the observed RT effects and intensity was reported in the included
715 in the review studies. Thus, modulation of amplitude and latency by the RT duration can be
716 detected even at low intensities (15–45 dB SPL), especially if the difference between the RT
717 durations is large enough [27,30,37,42].
718 Thus, the findings of this systematic review suggest that variations in intensity across
719 different RT conditions did not influence the neurophysiological discrimination, but could
720 potentially confound the interpretation of results. However, there is no effective way to separate
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721 the effect of RT and cumulative intensity as inevitable matching of cumulative intensity of
722 stimuli with different RT lead to their difference in maximal intensity.
723
724 Differential sensitivity to the rise time duration changes across stages of
725 auditory processing
726 The reviewed studies cover a very wide difference in RT from microseconds to
727 hundreds of milliseconds, all of them indexing some aspects of the natural environment. Fast
728 abrupt changes activate the alerting system and also important for consonant discrimination,
729 RT between 15 to 100 ms are crucial for vowel perception, while RT changes in slowed rate
730 represent the background auditory scene analysis, emotional component of speech and prosody
731 [68–70].
732 A summary of differences in RT durations for different ERPs can be seen on Figure 3.
733 In most ABR-studies RT differences varied from tens of microseconds (the smallest value 90
734 µs or 0.09 ms in Salt & Thornton study) to 7 ms, while in some studies this difference reached
735 15 ms. Noteworthy, for each contrast the significant changes in ABR latencies were found.
736 Middle latency components were studied only in two studies with the RT range from 0.49 ms
737 to 24.99 ms and the components modulation were demonstrated for all used contrasts. The
738 range of RT differences, which showed significant results for late latency (components was
739 from 4.99 ms to 500 ms, in most cases considered as N1P2 peak-to-peak amplitude). The
740 optimal RT ranges also differed within late latency components being smaller for N1, and larger
741 for P2 (>30 ms). RT differences less than 4.99 ms (namely 2.49 ms in Prasher study, 1980) and
742 more than 500 ms (in Elfner study, 1976) showed no significant changes in amplitude or
743 latency.
744 In most recent studies on the RT perception, a RT of 15 ms is usually used as the
745 minimum value [29,33,47,48,65]. This concerns those evoked potentials that arise in the
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746 cerebral cortex as opposed to those that are associated with activity, for example, in the
747 brainstem, namely, the ABRs, which are produced on the earlier stages of auditory processing
748 and are not accessible for behavioral discrimination. In auditory discrimination tasks, 15 ms is
749 widely utilized as a standard reference point which is compared to a longer RT. This
750 standardization allows for consistent experimental protocols and comparable results across
751 studies. According to research on auditory processing and phonological development, this
752 parameter provides an optimal baseline for discrimination tasks. In RT discrimination tasks,
753 researchers typically present target sounds gradually logarithmically ranging from 15 ms (the
754 standard) to longer durations. This methodological approach has been validated through
755 multiple studies, which explore relationships between RT sensitivity and reading development
756 [29,48,71]. Research has also demonstrated that 15 ms RT effectively balances the need to
757 avoid spectral splatter while maintaining temporal precision in auditory stimuli. This technical
758 consideration is crucial for creating clean experimental stimuli without introducing
759 confounding variables [72]. The 15 ms RT parameter aligns with critical amplitude RTs in the
760 speech envelope that significantly impact speech intelligibility. This connection to natural
761 speech processing makes it particularly relevant for studying both typical and atypical language
762 development, as demonstrated in research on auditory temporal processing and phonological
763 awareness [73].
764
765 Fig. 3 Differences in rise time durations (in ms) in studies observed.
766
767 Thus, the optimal time window for detecting RT effects varies depending on the level
768 of processing. For brainstem structures, the response of which is detected by ABRs, it is very
769 short. For subcortical structures it is longer, and for cortical structures (late potentials) it is the
770 longest and in most works is not less than 15 ms. While ABRs are remarkably sensitive to RT
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771 differences as tens of microseconds, reflecting their role in processing the immediate onset of
772 sound, subcortical structures demonstrate a longer optimal window. This extended window is
773 evidenced by studies on middle latency components, which showed modulations across a range
774 of RT differences from 0.49 ms to 24.99 ms. This suggests that subcortical processing integrates
775 auditory information over a slightly more prolonged period than the brainstem, allowing for the
776 detection of RT effects that unfold over hundreds of microseconds to several milliseconds.
777 Further extending this temporal integration, cortical structures, responsible for late potentials,
778 exhibit the longest optimal window for RT effects. In the majority of research, this window is
779 not less than 15 ms. This is because late cortical components are involved in higher-level
780 processing, where the brain is analyzing more complex features of the sound stimulus.
781 Consequently, to observe significant effects, a more substantial difference in the RT between
782 conditions – typically exceeding 15 ms – is required for the distinctions to be sufficiently
783 pronounced to modulate cortical responses. This extended temporal requirement reflects the
784 cortical areas' role in integrating information over longer durations for perceptual
785 discrimination, language processing, and cognitive functions, where the precise, rapid onset
786 information critical for brainstem responses has already been processed and is being interpreted
787 within a broader temporal context.
788
789 Developmental changes in electrophysiological markers of rise time
790 perception
791 The main ERP components undergo significant developmental changes across the
792 lifespan, reflecting the maturation of the auditory processing system. Already the earliest,
793 subcortical auditory responses like ABR demonstrate significant age-related changes, with
794 research showing progressive increases in peak latencies of waves I, III, and V through
795 ontogenesis [74]. A systematic search, however, found only one RT study in children that
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796 examined ABR: the results for infants in this study were no different from those for adults [14].
797 No RT studies for children concerning middle latency potentials were found.
798 Late latency components like N1 demonstrate prolonged development. In early
799 childhood, auditory evoked potentials are dominated by the P1 and N2 components, while the
800 N1 and P2 components response becomes more prominent with maturation at about 10-12 years
801 of age. Also latency of such components decreased with age. The MMN component, which
802 reflects automatic auditory change detection, develops from positive to negative through
803 childhood. MMN has been directly linked to auditory discrimination abilities that evolve
804 throughout the lifespan [75]. These developmental changes in ERPs considered in relation to
805 RT perception have important implications for understanding both typical auditory
806 development and disorders characterized by impaired rise time processing.
807 Studies of neurotypical adults demonstrated that the main effects of RT are observed on
808 N1 and P2 components. However, in young children these components are not yet fully
809 developed [76], which suggests that the typical pattern of ERP components modulation by the
810 rise time duration may change with age. Only three studies included in the review examined
811 the RT effects of main ERP components in children [29,35,41]. Two of them considered RT
812 effects on N1–P2 peak-to-peak amplitude in children samples [35,41]. In the study by Carpenter
813 & Shanin (2013) [41] decreasing N1-P2 amplitude was observed only after 6 years, while 4–5
814 years old children did not demonstrate any RT effects, which may be related to the poor
815 development of this component in this age group. In Hämäläinen (2007) [35] study, typically
816 reading children (aged 8.8–10.5 years) demonstrate N1 decrease with RT prolongation. The
817 third of the included studies concerning RT in children [29] showed that in children the RT
818 related effects can be transferred to adjacent components (P1 and N2), which probably absorb
819 some functions from not fully developed N1 and P2 components. Thus, in children (aged 7–11
820 years), P1 demonstrates a latency delay with RT increasing. It was also shown that at these ages
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821 RT effects are observed for the N2 component, which demonstrates a decrease in amplitude
822 and prolongation of latency with RT increasing.
823 Age-specific phenomenon was also observed for studies carried out in the oddball
824 paradigm. Generally, the latency of the difference-wave mismatched response decreases with
825 age. Decreasing in MMN latency in older children is a common fact associated with age-related
826 reduction in latency of ERP components [77]. This is also typical for the mismatch response
827 evoked by a deviant stimulus with a different RT, which can be seen in studies, included in this
828 review. Six of the oddball studies included in this review also examined children. In particular,
829 in studies including adult participants, MMN to RT changes was observed in a time window
830 from 150 to 350 ms [4,52,54,57,58]. In children, this time window can be shifted and is
831 considered as a mismatch response [47,56,56,65]. At 11 years the peak of mismatch response
832 appears at 256 ms [65], while at age of 3 years – at 346 ms [47]. In infants, the response time
833 window is shifted even more: from 300 ms to 460 ms [48]. Also, age could affect MMN
834 amplitude, which tends to be larger in children than in adults [77,78]. From the works presented
835 in the review we can also observe the change of configuration of the mismatch response on
836 difference wave, which becomes more negative in older participants. The beginnings of these
837 changes can already be observed in infants, but the response remains positive (Choisdealbha et
838 al., 2022). At around 10 years, the positive MMR is replaced by a negative response, known as
839 MMN [56].
840 Behavioral studies have established that discriminatory sensitivity to acoustic RT
841 changes throughout ontogenesis [71]. In particular, six-year-old children have significantly
842 lower RT thresholds (83.6 ms for sine tones, 150.26 ms for noise, 61.06 ms for speech token)
843 than four-year-olds (205.37 ms for sine tones, 257.69 ms for noise, 105.91 ms for speech token).
844 However, the neurophysiological underpinnings of this developmental trajectory remain
845 insufficiently characterized, largely due to a scarcity of research focused specifically on
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846 pediatric populations. The existing literature provides glimpses into these developmental shifts.
847 For example, Peter et al. (2018) studied speech tokens and demonstrated a clear age-dependent
848 pattern where children younger than 10 showed a positive mismatch response to both ART and
849 FRT deviants, whereas children aged 10-12 and adults exhibited sensitivity primarily to FRT
850 changes. This suggests a maturational process that refines neural specialization for speech
851 sounds. Consequently, while it is clear that neural sensitivity to RT evolves with age, a
852 comprehensive map of how specific neurophysiological markers for different types of RT
853 develop in children is still needed.
854 Thus, it is important to take into account that the main target components of ERPs
855 showing RT effects quite significantly varies with age. Thus, the ERP configuration in each
856 age group has to be considered in order to more accurately interpret the RT effects and to be
857 able to compare the results of different studies.
858
859 Rise time perception and speech disorders
860 Eight of included studies were focused on the neurophysiological specifics of RT
861 processing in speech disorders (particularly dyslexia). Four of them consider MMN or MMR
862 measured in oddball paradigm as possible neuromarker of RT processing in speech impediment
863 groups [47,55,64,65], three works consider late latency ERP components (such as P1, N1, P2
864 and N2 [29,34,35] and one work was focused on ASSR [59]. The observed results were very
865 controversial. Several studies indicated that some patterns of ERP modulation by RT that were
866 observed in the typically-developing group were not present in groups with reading disabilities
867 [35,47,55]. In contrast, other studies have shown that RT-related changes that were not
868 characteristic of the typically-developing group are observed in reading disorders [29,34,64].
869 Alternatively, there may be no differences between groups at all [65].
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870 Research into the RT processing of individuals with dyslexia, particularly concerning
871 the MMN and other ERP components in response to changes in stimulus RT, has yielded varied
872 results. One key finding from Hämäläinen and colleagues (2008) indicated a larger MMN to
873 RT changes in children with reading difficulties when preceding stimuli were sufficiently
874 separated. However, this observation was tempered by the suggestion that an elevated N1
875 component in dyslexia [79] might contribute to this effect through overlap. In subsequent work,
876 Hämäläinen et al. (2011) noted that individuals with dyslexia exhibited less negative amplitudes
877 of the T-complex with prolonged RTs, which they attributed to an enlarged Tb component,
878 potentially enabling better detection of RT effects despite other processing differences. Other
879 studies also explored this area, with Stefanics (2011) reporting the increased P1 latency and
880 bigger fronto-temporal N1c amplitude (for 90 ms RT in dyslexia group vs 15 ms RT in TD
881 group) for RT changes in children with dyslexia as compared to neurotypical controls.
882 Despite these findings, the Peter (2016) study introduced a nuanced perspective,
883 suggesting that the perception of formant RT differences might be a more informative marker
884 for dyslexia than amplitude RT differences. This raises questions about the overall utility of the
885 MMN response to amplitude RT deviants as a definitive indicator of dyslexia. Further insights
886 come from Plakas (2013), whose study on three-year-old children revealed a critical distinction:
887 MMR in response to a 90 ms RT tone within a stream of 15 ms RT tones was exclusively
888 observed in typically-developing children without a familial risk of dyslexia. Children with a
889 familial risk, regardless of a dyslexia diagnosis, did not exhibit this response. This result points
890 towards a genetic predisposition to dyslexia, rather than merely reflecting the diagnosis itself,
891 and suggests that these early childhood MMR differences might signify a general susceptibility
892 to phonological challenges that could be mitigated by the development of other language skills
893 in older age. Collectively, these studies underscore the complex and multifaceted nature of
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894 auditory processing deficits in dyslexia, highlighting the need for continued research to refine
895 our understanding and identify robust diagnostic markers.
896
897 Directions for further research
898 As previously mentioned, there are certain areas in RT research where the findings are
899 largely consistent, such as decrease in amplitude and increase in latency for the main
900 components of ABRs and ERPs. Conversely, the existing results do not permit us to draw clear
901 conclusions about the mechanisms underlying RT effects, particularly in studies related to
902 MMN, LDN, and research involving individuals with dyslexia. It is worth noting that many of
903 the studies yielding consistent results were conducted quite some time ago, which suggests that
904 new methodological approaches and more advanced technology could potentially reinterpret
905 these findings. This is particularly relevant for ABR-studies. Due to methodological limitations,
906 including outdated technology, small sample sizes, and manual measurements, existing ABR
907 rise time studies, the most recent of which dates back to 1996 with a significant portion
908 conducted in the 1970s-1980s, may be biased, highlighting the need for replication with modern
909 equipment, larger samples, and design-appropriate statistics. Another clear gap in knowledge
910 that is evident at Fig.2, is the absence of research on the main ERP components after 2014, with
911 the field dominated by an oddball paradigm. While oddball paradigm allows assessing the
912 neurophysiological response to the sound differences, it has several drawbacks, such as
913 increased duration of stimulation, low signal to noise ratio, ambiguity of results interpretation
914 and so on [49,80]. Thus, the recent neurophysiological studies on RT can be largely
915 supplemented by the analysis of main ERP components in response to repetitive stimulation.
916 In this review, we aimed to observe all RT electrophysiological human studies.
917 However, studies in the children population, especially for basic ERP components, such as P1,
918 N1, P2 and N2 are lacking, while investigation of the developmental trajectory for the rise time
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919 neurophysiological sensitivity is crucial for linking it with speech perception ability. A similar
920 gap is seen for the studies in the clinical group, only participants with speech and reading
921 difficulties were found to be included in the review. At the same time, impaired ability to
922 process phonological features of auditory stimuli is observed not only in patients with other
923 speech and language disorders, but also in patients with developmental disorders, primarily
924 with ASD [81]. In particular, it was reported about an auditory temporal-envelope resolution
925 deficit in this population [82], which might cause the delay of phonological categories
926 development in children with ASD [83]. Temporal resolution of the auditory cortex is often
927 assessed using amplitude modulated stimuli [84], and such a characteristic as RT can be also
928 differently processed in people with ASD. Thus, investigation of RT neurophysiological
929 discrimination in people with ASD seems like a logical continuation of such research in clinical
930 groups.
931
932 Limitations
933 Several limitations of this review should be acknowledged. First, our search strategy
934 was restricted to publications in English and to major electronic databases, which may have
935 introduced language and publication biases, potentially omitting relevant studies published
936 elsewhere.
937 Second, there was substantial methodological and conceptual heterogeneity across
938 studies in some sections. This heterogeneity precluded a quantitative meta-analysis and
939 necessitated a narrative synthesis, which is more susceptible to subjective interpretation. To
940 enhance objectivity, we used a pre-defined framework for synthesis and independent
941 assessment by two reviewers.
942 Third, the methodological quality of the primary studies was sometimes suboptimal,
943 with frequent unclear or high risk of bias, as assessed by the OHAT tool. Consequently, the
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944 overall confidence in the body of evidence for outcomes in some sections, as per our OHAT-
945 based assessment, was not high enough. This fundamentally qualifies the strength of our
946 conclusions, which should be viewed as hypothesis-generating rather than definitive.
947 Finally, despite our comprehensive search, the possibility of unpublished null results
948 (publication bias) remains a concern that could skew the presented narrative towards an
949 overestimation of reported effects.
950
951 Author contributions
952 V.M.: Conceptualization, Full-text screening, Analysis, Writing – original draft,
953 Writing – review and editing, Visualization. D.K.: Conceptualization, Abstract screening, Full-
954 text screening, Analysis, Writing – original draft, Writing – review and editing. A.R.: Abstract
955 screening, Full-text screening, Writing – original draft, Writing – review and editing. O.S.:
956 Conceptualization, Writing – review and editing, Supervision
957
958 Funding sources
959 Supported by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation,
960 (Agreement 075-10-2025-017 from 27.02.2025)
961
962 Declaration of competing interest
963 The authors, who are all academic researchers, declare that they have no affiliations
964 with or involvement in any organization or entity with any financial or non-financial interest in
965 the subject matter or materials discussed in this systematic review.
966
967
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