Abstract
Who conducts biological research, where, and how the results are disseminated varies among
geographies and identities. Identifying and documenting these forms of bias by research
communities is a critical first step towards addressing them. We documented perceived and
observed biases in movement ecology. Movement ecology is a rapidly expanding sub-discipline
of biology, which is strongly underpinned by fieldwork and technology use. First, we surveyed
attendees of an international conference, and discussed the results at the conference (comparing
uninformed vs informed perceived bias). Although most researchers identified as bias-aware,
only a subset of biases were discussed in conversation. Next, by considering author affiliations
from publications in the journal Movement Ecology, we found among-country discrepancies
between the country of the authors’ affiliation and study site location related to national
economics. At the within-country scale, we found that race-gender identities of postgraduate
biology researchers in the USA differed from national demographics. We discuss the role of
potential specific causes for the emergence of bias in the sub-discipline, e.g. parachute-science or
accessibility to fieldwork. Undertaking data-driven analysis of bias within research sub-
disciplines can help identify specific barriers and first steps towards the inclusion of a greater
diversity of participants in the scientific process.
Keywords
academic conference, diversity, equity, journal authorship, parachute science, representation
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Introduction
Biases (systematic distortions with respect to the distribution of a reference population)
universally affect the production and dissemination of scientific research. These biases include
the topics prioritised for funding
[1,2] and publication [3,4], which papers are cited [5–7], the
language in which results are communicated [8,9], and the identities of authors in the peer-
reviewed literature, especially in high-impact international journals [10,11]. Indeed, the
composition of the scientific community itself reflects long-standing biases in terms of gender
[12–15], race and ethnicity [16,17], socioeconomic status and family education level [18,19].
Beyond ethical concerns, these biases limit scientific progress and constrain insights and
innovations [20]. For example, a lack of researcher gender diversity can limit the research
questions and topics addressed [21]. Cultural biases can also impact interpretation of science
[22]. Finally, omission of Indigenous Knowledge can lead to knowledge gaps: traditional
sustainable ways of living [23], or lost animal migratory corridors [24], and perpetuate
inequalities that impact science policy decision-making [25]. Within biology, biases also include
the geographic locations of research [7,26] and taxonomic group(s) studied [27–29].
There is an urgent need for the scientific community to document how these biases develop,
persist, and change, in order to work proactively towards the goal of broadening equitable
participation
[30]. Yet, the range of these biases are rarely quantified within specific disciplines.
Only studying biases at a broad disciplinary level (e.g., across all of biology) can risk
overlooking important sub-discipline-specific factors which are needed to formulate targeted
actions to rectify inequities. Aiming to solve issues at the sub-discipline level can be more
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approachable. Often in biology, there are sub-discipline-specific communities that can be
succinctly targeted to improve their participation on shorter time scales than an entire
disciplinary field. Case studies within sub-disciplines can also illustrate concrete examples of
biases and suggest potential paths forward. Within a sub-discipline, examining bias at different
scales (for example, clarifying if biases manifest within or among countries;
[9]) helps shape the
scope and nature of potential solutions. Furthermore, determining the extent to which researchers
in a sub-discipline discern biases (perceived bias) and the degree to which biases manifest in the
quantifiable activities of that discipline (observed bias) represent critical initial steps in
identifying potential solutions.
This paper uses movement ecology as a case study of bias across scales. Movement ecology
[29,31,32] is an emerging sub-discipline of biology that is increasingly represented in high-
impact journals [33–35], and is the subject of a recently launched journal (Movement Ecology),
and multiple international conferences. The recent growth of this sub-discipline emphasizes the
need to critically examine and address its embedded biases, as it continues to grow. The
fieldwork-intensive nature of movement ecology often requires expensive technology, large
datasets, remote travel, specialised training, and computational skills and resources, all of which
can magnify extant biases.
Here, we (a biased sample of the movement ecological community; see supplement 1) describe
biases present within movement ecology. Our overall goals are to start a conversation on
rectifying bias in our community, and to present a case study that can be used by other sub-
disciplines within biology. We use four approaches to consider both perceived biases (looking at
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uninformed and informed perspectives) and observed bias (considering two forms of bias at two
spatial scales). First, we quantify perceived biases by surveying attendees of a conference in our
sub-discipline. Next, to quantify the extent to which biases manifest, we assess data on observed
biases at two scales: among countries and within a specific country. Our among-country
observed bias approach quantifies patterns in countries where authors are based and where
research is conducted for articles published in the sub-discipline’s primary journal. Our within-
country observed bias approach quantifies representation in the broader discipline of biology
with respect to race and gender identities of academic biologists in the United States. We then
summarise a conference-based discussion explicitly organised around these three findings
(survey results, international authorship patterns, within-country identity patterns), i.e., the
perceived bias informed by observed bias data. Finally, we contextualise the results within our
sub-discipline, identifying traits potentially driving the emergence of specific biases.
Methods
Uninformed perceived bias: Pre-conference Survey
To quantify perceived bias within the movement ecology community, we conducted an
anonymous email survey of attendees registered for an international conference in the sub-
discipline. The conference, held in Tuscany Italy in May 2023, was the third edition of a
thematic conference series on movement ecology of animals that primarily addresses an audience
of specialists in the sub-discipline. The attendees of these conferences are typically a mixture of
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invited speakers and selected poster presenters, with diversity being a criterion of selection
alongside scientific excellence as per the conference series guidelines. The conference
participation is capped at 200 individuals; in 2023 it was attended by 196 people from 24
countries (2 countries in Africa, 5 in Asia, 2 in Oceania, 13 in Europe, 2 in North America; for
demographics over time see figure S1 in supplement 2). The conference fee exceeded US$1300
(including accommodation and food, but not transportation). Some of this cost was offset for
some participants by conference grant funding. The survey was distributed via Qualtrics, an
online survey platform that meets human subjects research data security requirements (see
supplement 3). We used a mixed approach with both short-answer questions (harder to analyse
quantitatively but open-ended responses) and multiple choice questions (easier to analyse
quantitatively, but constrained responses). We asked registered attendees of the conference to
what extent they perceived bias in the community (Q1), what the main sources of bias were (Q2
short answer, Q3 multiple choice), which experiences their answers were based on (Q4), how the
community could become less biased (Q5), and who should be responsible for addressing bias in
the community (Q6). To generate the possible answers for Q3 on probable sources of bias, we
requested input from researchers of different backgrounds who work on movement ecology but
were not attending the conference. The study protocol was reviewed by the University of
Minnesota Institutional Review Board (IRB, which assesses the safety of research with human
subjects) in March 2023 and was determined to be exempt from further IRB review. We
distributed the survey to approximately 200 registered attendees via email on April 25th 2023
(with a reminder on May 10th 2023). A total of 135 survey responses were collected between
April 26th and May 24th 2023, prior to the conference. Survey responses were analysed
quantitatively for Q1, Q3, Q4 and Q6, and qualitatively for the open-ended questions (Q2, Q5).
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Observed bias
International scale, geographic bias: Journal articles
To provide an example of observed bias (in researcher representation) at the international scale,
we analysed geographic patterns of authors’ institutional affiliation and study location for articles
published in the open-access, flagship journal of our sub-discipline, Movement Ecology. On
January 21st 2023, we used Scopus to download article information (including the affiliations of
all authors and the address for correspondence) for all papers published in this journal to date.
There were 370 articles published between the journal's inception in 2013 to the data download
date. For each article, we extracted (i) the first country listed for the first author (i.e., their first
affiliation if more than one was listed), and (ii) the first country listed for the corresponding
author. We quantified the number of times each country appeared in each of these lists (first
author or corresponding author) for the full set of 370 articles, and looked at the distribution
among countries. For each article, we also determined whether the primary data used in the
article was newly collected for the study and, if yes, the country of data collection. For studies
that tracked animals that crossed international borders, we only included the country/territory
where the trackers were deployed. Of the 370 articles, 266 were considered to have collected
new data, while the other 104 were excluded from this part of the analysis because they were
corrections, review papers, meta-analyses, theoretical, or that used simulated or previously
published data. For consistency, we used country/territory names as they appear on the World
Bank list
[36]. We used World Bank data [37] to get the most recently available yearly Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) data for each country where primary authors were based. We then
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estimated the effects of yearly GDP on each country’s yearly number of publications using a
Generalized Additive Model [38]. The model used a Poisson family of distributions and a log
link. The model included a smooth effect of log10(GDP) (as the distribution had a long right tail)
and a random intercept of country to account for country-level over-representation (model G
sensu Pedersen et al. [39]):
n_papers ~ s(log10(gdp), k = 5) + s(country, bs = 're').
It was not possible to include random smooths for each country (model GS sensu Pedersen et al.
[39]) because a third of the countries in the dataset only had publications for one year. We also
used 2022 gross national income (GNI) levels from the World Bank Atlas [40] to classify
countries into different income levels: low income countries have a GNI of <$1,135, lower
middle-income have a GNI between $1,136 and $4,465, upper middle-income have a GNI
between $4,466 and $13,845, and high income countries have a GNI over $13,846. We grouped
countries into regions based on the World Bank list [36] and then created an alluvial plot, linking
each study from the institutional affiliation to the location of fieldwork using the ggalluvial R
package [41] (see also supplement 4).
Within-country scale: race and gender bias in USA biology researchers
To provide an example of observed bias (in demographic representation) at the within-country
scale, we analysed patterns of representation by race/ethnicity and gender across career stages of
academia and compared them to the general public for the United States of America (USA). We
chose the USA because it is a country that collects and publicly disseminates this demographic
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data on a national scale. The USA is also the country with the most first authors of Movement
Ecology articles (n=120 of 370) analysed above. Since data is not available down to the sub-
discipline scale of movement ecology, we used the closest scale available: biology. We gathered
2021 data for graduate students and postdoctoral researchers [42] as well as faculty [43], and
census data for the USA general population for 2019 (the most recent data available) [44]). We
combined some race/ethnicity categories to facilitate comparison (see Table S2 in supplement 4).
All datasets categorised gender as a binary (male or female). For each group, we calculated the
proportion of individuals who identified in each gender-and-race combination (hereafter ‘race-
gender group’). For the graduate student and postdoc data, race/ethnicity was only collected for
individuals that are either USA citizens or permanent residents; so for these datasets we
calculated the proportion of individuals in each race-gender group as a portion only of the
number of USA citizens / permanent residents. For each race-gender group for each career stage,
we calculated the relative representation [45] as
θ= pobs− pcen
pobs
where pobs is the observed proportion of a race-gender group within a career stage and pcen is the
proportion of a race-gender group across the censused USA population.
Perceived bias informed by observed bias data: Conference Discussion
Finally, to assess observation-informed perceived bias, results of both the survey and the
observed bias approaches were presented and discussed at the previously mentioned conference
in a session on inclusion and barriers to inclusivity. The day before the session, all conference
attendees were provided a handout summarising the findings of the survey and the international
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and within-country approaches (supplement 5) and were invited to attend the discussion. Of the
196 conference attendees, 105 participated in the discussion. Attendees were split into 10 groups
of 8-12 people. The discussion volunteer leaders described the goals of the session, presented an
overview of the findings, and provided groups with two sets of discussion prompts. Each group
identified a scribe to record notes. The groups discussed a first set of prompts (“In your words,
what do you think bias is? Before now, have you ever thought about bias in the movement
ecology community? What is surprising or interesting to you about the survey results?”), and
then reported back to the broader group. The groups then discussed a second set of prompts
(“What is something you plan to do going forward? What should we discuss doing as a
community?”) and again reported back to the broader group. Notes from each group were
compiled by the discussion leaders, and summarised below, and everyone was invited to be a
potential co-author on this publication (see supplement 1).
Results
Uninformed perceived bias: Pre-conference Survey
Frequency and sources of bias
We received survey responses from 135 individuals out of approximately 200 distributed surveys
(although not all respondents answered every question). Nearly all survey respondents who
answered question Q1 (see supplement 3), believed that there was bias present within the
movement ecology community (96.8%, n = 90; Figure 1A). The majority of respondents rated
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this bias as low (44.1%, n = 41, scores 1-2), whereas 20.4% (n = 19) of respondents perceived
bias as high (scores of 4-5). These patterns largely correlated with the respondent's own
experience of bias as identified in survey question Q3. Specifically, 55.6% (n = 25) of
individuals with no direct experience of bias perceived little to no bias within the community,
compared to 39.6% (n = 19) of individuals with personal experience of bias. Conversely, only
6.7% (n = 3) of individuals with no direct experience of bias perceived the community as highly
biased, compared to 33.3% (n = 16) of individuals with personal experience.
Survey respondents' own experience of bias influenced not only their perceived frequency of
bias, but also the sources of bias. In response to the open-ended question Q2 ‘What do you think
the main sources of bias are, if any?’, the most commonly reported answers were biases
associated with who does the study (Table S1 in supplement 2). In response to a close-ended
question Q4, individuals with personal experience of bias reported the greatest number of
perceived sources of bias (n = 17) relative to those with no direct experience (n = 13) (Figure
1B). Overall, ‘funding disparities’, ‘geographic concentration of researchers’, ‘taxonomic bias’,
and ‘BIPOC [Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color] underrepresentation’ were
consistently reported as key sources of bias, accounting for 55.2% (n = 88) of the keywords best
capturing the sources of bias (see supplement 3 for full list of options in the survey). In contrast,
there were differences in perceived sources across groups with different experiences of bias. For
example, explicit categories of discrimination - ‘sexism’, ‘racism’, and ‘classism’ - accounted for
15.6% (n = 21) of keywords for individuals with direct experience of bias, ranking 5th, 7th, and
8th, respectively. However, ‘sexism’ and ‘classism’ were less perceived as sources of bias by
respondents with no personal experience of bias, with ‘racism’ not perceived as one of the top
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three issues. Together, these data highlight the prominent role of personal experience in dictating
the perception of frequency and source of bias within a research community.
Reducing bias
Suggested strategies for reducing bias (Q5) ranged from interventions and actions targeted at the
individual level, for example elevating researchers from under-represented backgrounds, to the
institutional level, such as changing funding priorities (Table 1). Overall, public funding bodies,
universities, scientific societies, and individuals were most frequently mentioned as the entities
that should be involved in reducing bias (55.8% of keywords, n = 88, Q6) (Figure 1C). However,
whilst there was consensus among groups with different experiences of bias that public funding
bodies, scientific societies, and universities should be involved in reducing bias, most individuals
who had not personally experienced bias did not believe that individuals should be charged with
reducing bias.
Observed bias
International scale, geographic bias: Journal articles
The analysis of geographic bias at the international scale showed that countries were not evenly
represented in authors’ national affiliations for articles published in the journal Movement
Ecology. Only 28 countries (<15% of global countries) were represented by first authors in the
journal (n = 370 articles; Figure 2). There were 120 first authors affiliated with the United States
of America, 40 with Canada, 40 with Germany, and 39 with the United Kingdom. All other
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countries were represented by less than 20 first authors. The patterns were similar when looking
at the country of affiliation of the corresponding author (see Figure S2 in supplement 2).
Additionally, the average number of publications per year increased exponentially with yearly
Gross Domestic Product (GDP; an indicator of the size of a country’s economy; see Figure 3,
Figures S3-S4 in supplement 2).
Most studies were conducted in the same geographic region as the first author's institutional
affiliation. Of the 266 articles that collected new empirical data, 78% of studies conducted
fieldwork in the same geographical region as the institution of the first author (Figure 4). For the
22% of the articles where the study site and first author affiliation were not identical, there were
some notable disparities. First authors with institutional affiliations in North America and Europe
had a higher tendency to conduct fieldwork in other regions when compared to first authors with
institutional affiliations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Most studies in Latin America were
conducted by researchers based at institutions in North America. Most studies in Africa were
conducted by researchers based at institutions in either North American or Europe with a fairly
even split between the two. Furthermore, most studies that took place in low and lower-middle
income countries were led by researchers with institutional affiliations in other regions (Figure 4,
red and green bars). For studies in upper-middle income countries, the pattern varied by region –
studies in Europe and Asia were conducted by researchers at institutions in those same regions
whereas studies in Africa and Latin America were conducted by researchers at institutions in
other regions (Figure 4, yellow bars).
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Within-country scale: race and gender bias in USA biology researchers
Changing scales, we next analysed observed representational bias occurring at the within-country
scale for academics within the discipline of biology in the United States of America. We found
that representation of race-gender groups often differed from their representation in the general
USA population (Figure 5). White-male, Asian-male and Asian-female groups were all
overrepresented among biology faculty compared to the general population, while all other race-
gender groups were underrepresented. The most underrepresented race-gender group at all career
stages was Black / African-American men, with underrepresentation generally increasing across
career stages, and always lower than Black / African-American women. Within the race/ethnicity
identities of White, Asian, and Hispanic / Latino, women had higher representation than men
among graduate students but lower representation at the faculty level.
Perceived bias informed by observed bias data: Conference Discussion
In your words, what do you think bias is?
When asked to define bias in their own words, the participants gave a variety of answers that
described bias as an intentional (explicit, conscious) or unintentional (implicit, unconscious)
show of prejudice that can lead to systematic disparities in representation or opportunity. Bias
can encompass both outcomes and causes – both aspects emerged in the discussion although not
explicitly presented in the survey. Participants discussed that bias can result from misconceptions
and subjective viewpoints that are not supported by evidence, and may lead to differential
treatment of some individuals. People might be focused on their own ideas, perspectives and
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experiences, tending to associate with other people who share similar identities or similar
circumstances (e.g., socioeconomic status). Further views underlined that bias can also result
from power imbalances (e.g., differences in academic rank), or confirmation bias. As a result,
other legitimate viewpoints arising from different experiences or values are either ignored or
rejected. Biased perspectives limit opportunities for some individuals, and can therefore result in
reduced representation, leading to overall reduced diversity. These disparities can have
consequences that manifest in a variety of ways, from psychological well being (e.g,. feelings of
unworthiness or imposter syndrome) to support for research (e.g., limited access to funding).
Before now, have you ever thought about bias in the movement ecology community?
Effectively all discussion participants reported having thought about bias within our community.
The specific biases on which discussions focused spanned demographic, geographic, and
methodological. The community is aware of demographic biases that exist among its members.
The conference attendees, the majority of whom are from (or are working in) Western nations
(Figure S1 in supplement 2), acknowledge that the sub-discipline continues to be dominated by
white men, and that possibilities for career progression are not distributed equitably across
gender and race identities. A significant point of concern was geographical bias due to the
shaping of ideas, research paradigms, and methodologies being predominantly driven by
scientists in North America and Europe. The costs associated with publishing in open-access
journals, attending international conferences, and utilising advanced research technologies (e.g.,
bio-logging devices) were thought to be major contributors of geographic bias through their
disproportionate impacts on researchers, research topics, and methodologies (e.g., sample size)
from countries with lower GDP. An additional concern was the prevalence of “parachute or
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helicopter science” where researchers from these regions descend on regions with lower GDP,
often sidelining local scientists, failing to give credit to local communities and missing
opportunities for skill transfer, local capacity building, and knowledge exchange. Regarding
research itself, biases affect methodology and topics. For example, research frequently favours
popular or ‘charismatic’ species, while neglecting less well-known ones.
What is surprising or interesting to you about the survey results?
Multiple groups remarked on how closely the outcomes of the survey aligned with their
expectations. Many of the groups discussed geographic biases underlying these results and were
interested in how the data on the affiliations of first authors in the journal Movement Ecology
would differ from the locations of data collection or the authors’ countries of origin. [Based on
this discussion point, we extracted more information from the articles to make this comparison –
described above, and presented in Figure 4]. Some noted that the emphasis on geographic bias
might be due to the composition of the survey pool, since many respondents referenced their own
personal experience as evidence.
What is something you plan to do going forward?
Suggestions for actionable next steps ranged from changing individual perspectives, to exerting
pressure to change community culture, to making needed policy changes to the academic system.
Changing individual perspectives might require taking responsibility to acknowledge and
mitigate one’s personal biases, identifying power dynamics, understanding the needs and the
perspectives of others, and acting on bias when witnessed. Several participants mentioned that it
is hard to fight bias on their own, suggesting the need for collective action by peers and
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colleagues. Ideas for changes in behaviour differed across academic stage. More senior
researchers indicated the need to involve people from the global community, to increase
mentorship of underrepresented communities, and to increase exchange opportunities for
international students to obtain experience and training and to grow their professional networks.
More junior researchers suggested the need to identify and reduce geographic and gender bias in
citations used in academic publications. More outreach is needed to show opportunities that are
available in the sub-discipline of movement ecology, and it is important to start diversity and
equity groups (including reading groups) to raise awareness of bias in our sub-discipline. For
peer-reviewing, considerations on the quality of the English writing should be separated from
main comments (most journals offer a section for that), and constructive comments should
account for potential sources of bias authors from underrepresented groups could be exposed to.
Discussions highlighted that conference attendees were mostly native English speakers. It was
also underlined that cheaper, more inclusive conferences are needed to promote change (e.g., by
hosting conferences in the Global South or by offering formative opportunities such as
workshops). While some solutions, such as waiving conference or publishing fees, have
sometimes been implemented, they are largely financial in nature and do not adequately address
the full scope of the biases identified. For example, past efforts to increase the diversity of
conference attendees by making funding available have fallen short (i.e. not many applications
for conference scholarships from members of underrepresented groups are submitted). It was
also noted that although each suggested action addresses a small part of the problem, together
they will hopefully collectively improve inclusiveness within the community.
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What should we discuss doing as a community?
When participants were asked what we should discuss doing as a community in response to the
problems associated with bias in the sub-discipline of movement ecology, solutions were
proposed that can broadly be categorised as relating to funding agencies, publishing, conference
organisation, and community environment. That said, in many groups, there was frustration
about the inefficacy of anti-bias efforts in creating desired change. The issue of funding was
discussed at length, including limitations associated with funding agencies, peer-reviewed
journal costs and conference fees. For example, geographic restrictions are often imposed by
funding agencies, by which only people from a certain country can access funds. For instance,
national funding to support conference attendance may sometimes only be used for scholars
affiliated with institutions in that country. Several groups suggested encouraging senior
researchers to leverage their role to do anti-bias work, such as by using relationships with
tagging companies to secure more funding for scholarships. In terms of peer-reviewed
publications, some comments were made about limitations associated with research costs and to
what extent this should be accounted for by reviewers. Other solutions included the publication
of abstracts in peer-reviewed papers in languages other than English, double blind peer-review,
focusing on inclusivity in invitations to publish in journal special issues and increased
accessibility of data, code and tutorials. Similarly, choosing more affordable conference venues,
considering visa issues, or supporting virtual attendance may promote broader representation.
Additionally, increasing the availability of funding targeted at increasing attendance by
underrepresented groups could be beneficial. It was also recommended that the perception of
exclusivity should be reduced, that rules around the diversity of chairs, speakers and panelists
should be evaluated, and that each specific conference should rotate locations to increase
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accessibility from a greater diversity of geographic regions. Others suggested that in order to
ensure that underrepresented communities are not disproportionately burdened with solving
problems of bias, people from majority groups should increase their engagement in anti-bias
work. Other proposed solutions included changes in attitudes, such as more listening and
learning, i.e. making spaces more welcoming for underrepresented groups to speak up and be
heard. It was also recommended that for future conferences in our sub-discipline we bring in a
professional with expertise in diversity and equity to suggest actionable changes.
Discussion
Here, we studied bias in a scientific community (i.e. science of science;
[46]), mainly by
characterising sources of observed and perceived bias within the sub-discipline of movement
ecology as a case study. Our purpose was to explicitly bring a topic that is often implicit to the
forefront, by quantifying patterns, understanding what factors shape conclusions on these aspects
within our community, and providing motivation to broaden participation and inclusiveness in
our sub-discipline.
We quantified observed bias at two spatial scales and in two different forms: among-country
discrepancies in where authors publishing in Movement Ecology are based and where data are
collected, and within-country discrepancies in race/ethnicity and gender identity of biology
academics compared to the general public of the USA. The first set of findings aligns with
parachute science
[47], which although sometimes supported by alleged good intentions, can fuel
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bias when not transformative beyond the single research project [48]. Also, it may indicate GDP-
skewed research investments on this particular discipline. This second set of findings recovers
some previously described results with respect to single axes of identity; i.e., that the
representation of women decreases across academic stages and that Black / African-American
and Hispanic / Latino identities are consistently under-represented within academia in the USA
[12,45]. However, our findings also highlight places where considering multiple axes of identity
together can provide new insights – i.e. that scale matters. Thus, care should also be taken in
extrapolating our findings across scales; the within-country dataset is simultaneously more
narrow (within the USA vs across countries) and more broad (all of biology vs movement
ecology) than the first dataset, and biases present at one scale may not be present at others (e.g.
[49]).
We examined perceived bias and found that it differed by context. For example, all conference
Discussion
participants reported having previously thought about bias in movement ecology
(informed perceived bias), while our pre-conference survey showed a wide range of perceived
degree of bias (uninformed perceived bias, Figure 1A). Many of the themes raised in our
discussions are aligned with those that have emerged in other discussions of STEM
subdisciplines underpinned by fieldwork research
[50,51]. Furthermore, the same sources of bias
were not highlighted in both the survey and discussion. For example, both focused on geography,
but the informed discussion focused less on race and gender. Specifically, for the open-ended
survey question, the most common responses were gender/sexism and race/ethnicity/racism as
key sources of bias (Table S1 in supplement 2). However, for the multiple choice survey
question, survey takers did not select ‘racism’ as a key source of bias, but they did select ‘BIPOC
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underrepresentation’ and ‘geographic concentration of researchers’. Survey participants who did
select ‘racism’ as a key factor were exclusively those who drew on their personal experience to
answer the survey (Figure 1B). During the discussion (informed by the survey data), this pattern
on sources of bias was amplified with little (if any) discussion of racism but extensive discussion
of geographic and socioeconomic factors. One interpretation of these findings is differential
comfort in discussing different sources of bias, especially in group settings. However, we
recognize that perception shapes discussions. Thus, our discussion of perceived bias was shaped
by the participants (supplement 1); a different set of movement ecologists may have had a very
different discussion about bias.
Our quantitative analysis of observed and perceived bias generated a number of ideas for future
quantitative research on bias. First, one could use a different classification scheme or look at a
different spatial scale to consider the link between economic activity and publications. Further
research should explore the disconnect we discovered between country affiliation of researchers
and countries where the research is done. Although we focused on first and corresponding
authors, one could test whether the patterns change by considering affiliation of senior authors.
For papers with more than two authors, one could examine the diversity of middle authors’
affiliations, and whether it matches the affiliation of the first and last authors. This should be
done with care as a higher diversity of countries of affiliation could be seen as positive (i.e.
promoting international collaborations) or negative (i.e. relegating researchers who support local
fieldwork as middle authors, rather than as leads). Some authors also had several affiliations
from countries with different geographic and economic contexts, leaving unclear what portion of
the research (e.g., data collection/analysis, PhD awarding, financial support) happened in which
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country. Second, future work could quantify biases in other aspects of identity that were not
addressed by our work, especially ones where safety and physical constraints can impede travel
(e.g., LGBTQIA+ identity, disability, caregiving).
The approach we used here could also be applied to other disciplines such as archaeology,
geology, and anthropology that obtain data with fieldwork. We could also compare our findings
with other sub-disciplines of biology to see where biases are similar and different. For example,
movement ecology may have more financial driven bias than some sub-disciplines (e.g., by
requiring expensive equipment, logistics and travel) or less than others (e.g., those that rely on
large infrastructure such as genomics labs). Further, fieldwork can have differential impacts on
researchers based on the researcher’s identity
[52], the interaction with stakeholders [53], or the
cultural context.
Quantifying bias does little to move the conversation forward without a call to action. A shared
comment during the conference discussion regarded the need for proactive measures to elevate
voices and engage groups, so that people with all perspectives/backgrounds are present where
science is being discussed and conversations on how to strengthen our communities are taking
place. Survey takers also suggested a number of actionable solutions (Table 1). A core part of
addressing these biases is financial: the distribution of research funds is unequal (both globally
and within countries) and exacerbates existing biases. Some of these are norms that can be
addressed within our community (e.g. discouraging pay-to-play opportunities, paying researchers
fair wages, exploring cheaper research approaches) while others require systemic change (e.g.
global redistribution of funding towards underrepresented groups). Some actions could benefit
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from bringing in researchers from sociology, psychology and other specialised disciplines to
provide structured recognition and mitigation of bias. For example, future work could consider
how different forms of bias may affect one another or be correlated, and so contemporarily
emerge.
Conclusion
Bias is omnipresent in science and we need to understand how biases develop and persist in
order to proactively broaden representation. One advantage of our data-driven, community-based
approach is that we can now monitor the impacts of this work at the community level (i.e., if and
to what extent these conversations have been improving our community since their onset). While
presenting a partial view on bias in our community, we were able to identify some critical
starting points that are particularly relevant to the sub-discipline (e.g., geographic and economic
bias). While identification of concrete actions to address these drivers is at its infancy, we see a
proactive attitude towards the risk of bias to be part of the solution.
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Funding
We acknowledge funding support from the following sources. Any opinions, findings, and
Conclusions
or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not
necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation, the European Union, the
European Commission, or the other funders.
Author Source
AKS US National Science Foundation grant DEB-1947406
AL COVID-19 Bio-Logging Initiative, funded in part by the Gordon and Betty Moore
Foundation, GBMF9881
AMM
S
an ARC DP DP210103091 and a Pew Fellowship in Marine Conservation by the
Pew Charitable Trusts
CEB
LJMU School of Biological and Environmental Sciences Research
Development Fund
DES NASA FINESST 80NSSC22K1535
EAF the Agence Nationale de la Recherche No.: ANR-19-CE02-0015
FC NBFC to Fondazione Edmund Mach, funded by the Italian Ministry of University
and Research, PNRR, Missione 4 Componente 2, “Dalla ricerca all'impresa,”
Investimento 1.4, D.D. 1034 17/06/2022, Project CN00000033
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JBK The Independent Research/Development Program at the National Science
Foundation
KBB German Research Foundation (DFG Eigene Stelle grant: 515649177)
KLB National Science Foundation Virgin Islands Established Program to Stimulate
Competitive Research VI-ESPCoR
KR Washington Research Foundation
LLC project NetCost ANR-17-CE03-0003 grant and project MUSE2018-EbOHEALTH,
grant number ANR-16-IDEX-0006
MGB The Swedish Research Council Formas 2020-02293
MM The European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the
Marie Sklodowska Curie grant agreement (101061889) and the Swedish Research
Council Formas (2022-00503)
NC the National Aeronautics and Space Administration award 80NSSC21K1182
FWF-START Y-1486 (PS)
SAB Canada Research Chair Program
SM UBCO Graduate Student Travel Grant
SY Max Planck - Yale Center for Biodiversity Movement and Global Change
756
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Acknowledgements
The co-authors would like to thank all those who took the pre-conference survey and/or
participated in the in-person meeting that constitute the backbone of the empirical analysis of this
manuscript.
Data statement
The R code and data used to fit the model in figure 2 can be found on GitHub at
https://github.com/StefanoMezzini/grc-2023-gdp-papers/
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The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
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The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Table 1. Responses to the open-ended survey question [Q5] ‘How do you think the Movement
Ecology community could become less biased?’, organised into broad categories. Of 135 survey
takers, 61 answered this question.
Strategy
type
Details #
Participants
suggesting
Personnel * Training opportunities (target by country, target
underrepresented groups)
* Collaboration/knowledge sharing (across fields, taxa,
perspectives, regions, communities, Indigenous perspectives)
* Elevate researchers from under-represented backgrounds
* Better advising (more inclusive, acknowledge trainees)
26
Scientific
process
* Methodological approaches (stronger framing + less
descriptive methods, technological advances, more observation,
synthesis, targeted experiments)
* Systems studied (increase geographic and taxa diversity)
* Publication process (reduce bias in review, more geographic
opportunities)
* Changing norms (less gatekeeping, publication prestige, what
is funded, publication language, make data/outputs available)
22
Financial * Increase equity by geography, income, career stage, or other
axes with disparities
* Funding to increase diversity of systems and perspectives
22
906
908
.CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licenseavailable under a
(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
* Paying fair wages / discouraging pay-to-play
* Lower research costs / cheaper equipment
Events,
action,
other
* Conversations (discussions about culture shift, raise awareness
of bias, acknowledge power disparity)
* Learning (study our biases, learn science history,
understanding of bias by people in power)
* Events (networking opportunities, technical workshops,
increase inclusivity of conference and events)
* Special journal issues on movement ecology
* Policies (inclusive ones generally, job flexibility, more jobs)
16
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The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Figure 1. Summary of survey responses from participants of an international conference in
movement ecology split by individuals' own experiences of biases. Responses cover the
questions of (A) bias within the movement ecology community (0 is unbiased, 5 is very biased),
(B) sources of bias, and (C) entities that should be involved in decreasing bias. Individual’s
responses were based on one of three categories: speculation (yellow), external evidence such as
readings (grey), and personal experience (green).
910
912
914
916
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(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Figure 2. The number of times each country was listed as the first author's first affiliation for all
370 articles published in the journal Movement Ecology from its launching in 2013 until January
2023.
918
920
.CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licenseavailable under a
(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Figure 3. Publication rate depends strongly on a country's gross domestic product. The
relationship between a country's GDP and the number of times it was listed as the first author's
first affiliation across (left) all 370 articles and (right) the 266 articles with new and empirical
primary data, published in the journal Movement Ecology from its launching in 2013 until
January 2023. The black line indicates the estimated relationship, while the grey shaded areas
indicate the 95% Bayesian credible intervals.
922
924
926
.CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 International licenseavailable under a
(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Figure 4. Comparison of first author's regional affiliation (left) to region of fieldwork (right) for
the 266 Movement Ecology studies (from 2013 until January 2023) with new empirical data. We
used only the site of deployment for studies that tracked animals across multiple countries. Gross
national income in 2022 (GNI) and regional categorization included in this figure are reported by
the World Bank: low (GNI $13,846).
928
930
932
934
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(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
The copyright holder for this preprintthis version posted August 2, 2024. ; https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.07.29.605602doi: bioRxiv preprint
Figure 5. The relative representation of USA life science researchers across 3 career stages that
provided race and gender information. Positive values indicate a group is overrepresented
compared to the USA population (as reported in the USA census) and negative values indicate a
group is underpresented. The race/ethnicity, gender, and career-stage categories included in this
figure were specified in the surveys and census. Race/ethnicity categories included American
Indian and Alaska Native, Asian (including Pacific Islander), Black and African American,
Hispanic and Latino, and White. Note however that data on American Indian and Alaska Native
faculty were not reported. Gender categories included only female (squares) and male (circles).
Data available on career-stages included faculty (yellow), postdoctoral researchers (green) and
graduate students (blue, but were only reported for USA citizens and permanent residents).
936
938
940
942
944
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(which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted bioRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made
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