How Wasta Causes Corruption in the Private Sector in the Middle East and North Africa - An Empirical Examination | Research Square window.SnipcartSettings = { analytics: { enabled: false } }; (function() { var accessVector = localStorage.getItem('access_vector') || ''; window.dataLayer = window.dataLayer || []; if (accessVector) { window.dataLayer.push({ user: { profile: { profileInfo: { snid: accessVector } } } }); } })(); (function(w,d,s,l,i){w[l]=w[l]||[];w[l].push({'gtm.start':new Date().getTime(),event:'gtm.js'});var f=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],j=d.createElement(s),dl=l!='dataLayer'?'&l='+l:'';j.async=true;j.src='https://www.googletagmanager.com/gtm.js?id='+i+dl;f.parentNode.insertBefore(j,f);})(window,document,'script','dataLayer','GTM-K279D39R'); Browse Preprints In Review Journals COVID-19 Preprints AJE Video Bytes Research Tools Research Promotion AJE Professional Editing AJE Rubriq About Preprint Platform In Review Editorial Policies Our Team Advisory Board Help Center Sign In Submit a Preprint Cite Share Download PDF Research Article How Wasta Causes Corruption in the Private Sector in the Middle East and North Africa - An Empirical Examination Dr. Yousif Abdelrahim This is a preprint; it has not been peer reviewed by a journal. https://doi.org/ 10.21203/rs.3.rs-7929805/v1 This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Abstract The goal of this empirical analysis is to use the Social Identity and Hedonism theories to illustrate why many people in the Middle East and North Africa exploit Wasta excessively. Empirically, the author examines the association between corruption and the use of Wasta __an interpersonal social network relation ingrained in family, clan, lineage, and extended relationships __in the Middle East and North Africa. Employing the Structural Equation Modelling approach, the research author examines the study hypotheses by compiling primarily collected datasets (855 respondents) from both male (600 respondents) and female respondents (255 respondents) who are employees in the private sector in the Middle East and North Africa through a Google Survey Link. This study's results indicate that Wasta (i.e., Hamola, Mojamala, and Somah) positively and significantly relates to corruption. The study conclusions also claim that Somah (β (unstandardized coefficient) = .227, p-value = .002) and Hamola (β (unstandardized coefficient) = .420, p-value = .0001) are the most considerable and significant Wasta factors that cause corruption in the Middle East and North Africa. Besides, the study outcomes empirically validate all Wasta dimensions (i.e., Hamola, Mojamala, Somah) and assist researchers in employing the Wasta's conceptual framework and linking the Wasta phenomenon with corruption empirically in other nations (Appendix 1). By understanding the Wasta concept, global investors are more likely to be qualified to manage, succeed, and thrive in the Arab world and North Africa and keep their homeland decrees and corporate ethics. Also, international corporations running a business in the Arab world and North Africa benefit from having an objective acquaintance with Wasta, for it pushes them to be mindful of the overlooked arrow of Wasta practised in business, inspires them to come up with proactive actions, and lowers the probability of bribes. Furthermore, understanding the Wasta phenomenon will encourage international companies to design and develop training agendas that equip transnational assignees with the importance of beliefs, values, and norms in the host country. And how the nationwide culture can influence trade enterprises in the Arab world and North Africa concerning hiring, promoting, developing, bidding, etc. Cultural Studies Leadership and Ethics International Business Corruption Wasta Hamola Somah Mojamala Figures Figure 1 Introduction Wasta is a tradition practiced that widely in the Arab community in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region where individuals utilize their connections to acquire favor. The Wasta practice is caught differently by diverse groups in society, with some groups envisioning it as commonly desirable and others witnessing it as typically disliked but potentially essential. Theoretically, researchers have argued that not only Wasta links to corruption (Zgheib, 2019 ) but also it equates to corruption (Lackner, 2016 ). Foreign business leaders running a business in the Arab communities are justifiably required to develop substantial knowledge of the Wasta practice in the MENA region and its diverse perceptions in the MENA region if they want to succeed in running a corporation in the MENA region. Wasta can make global business leaders fail in running a business in the MENA region because it negatively impacts employees' satisfaction, employees' performance, turnover, morale, and well-being. Wasta could also hurt employee creativity via ineffective management practices, which damages a company's innovation and competitive advantage. Bishara ( 2011 ) argues that bribery, bias, kickbacks, nepotism, partiality, and Wasta—personal social network relation ingrained in family, kin, lineage, and extended relations (Muna, 1980 , Smith et al., 2012 ) dispersed over in the MENA parts. The Arab territory rates poorly when ranking countries on business unethical behavior and corruption. Cunningham and Sarayrah ( 1993 , 1994 ) claim that practicing Wasta links to individual biased connections and in a society social relations in the Arab region. The literature review shows that people in the MENA region practice Wasta in three distinguishable manners. According to Berger, Silbiger, Avi, Ram, and Bradley (2015), Mojamala (i.e., the sense of obligation and emotional wisdom), Hamola (i.e., the extent to which an individual under an honorable obligation to provide an individual back a favor or a turn), and Somah (i.e., an individual's prestige, credibility, and reputation (Berger et. al, 2015 ). The phenomenon of Wasta is accepted and recognized as an element that diminishes employees' and corporations' equality (Mohamed and Mohamad, 2011 ). Practicing Wasta suppresses social and employment equal opportunities by propagating the belief that workers and firms have different choices. Wasta also affects corruption levels and unethical behavior in three manners: accepting bribes, favors, and gifts. In general, when running a business enterprise in the MENA, Wasta remains a concern for global organizations. Wasta has a damaging influence on employees' ethical behavior, confidence, and distinguished aptitude (Mohamed & Mohamad, 2011 ). Based on Al-Enzi (2017), Wasta practice in Kuwaiti firms carries adverse consequences on employee loyalty, corporate innovation, and human resource supervision. Therefore, researchers should examine the relationship between Wasta and corruption in the MENA region. As such, the author chooses MENA because the Corruption Perception Index (TI) ranks many countries in the MENA region in the top ten most corrupt nations in the two decades. Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry ( 2023 ) link Wasta to favoritism and corruption. These researchers argue that Wasta influences favoritism and corruption levels. However, they only empirically examined the relationship between Wasta and favoritism which was found to be positive and significant. Hence, prior research has not linked Wasta and corruption empirically (Smith et al., 2012 ). Wasta and corruption are more likely to have a conceptual link (Kilani and Sakijha, 2002 ). Therefore, this argument supports a theoretical relationship between corruption and Wasta. Nevertheless, researchers have not empirically examined that theoretical relationship to confirm or refute the assumed theoretical claim. Therefore, this study aims to fill the above-mentioned gap in the books. Following the above lines of discussion, two research queries emerge while analyzing the relationship between corruption and Wasta and comprising the negative side of Wasta in the Arab Business Model. First and foremost, "Does practicing Wasta play a role in corruption in the MENA? Secondly, "How does the concept of Wasta relate to corruption the MENA region? By empirically examining the relationship between corruption and Wasta and validating Wasta factors, the findings add noteworthy theoretical participation to the literature. For social science researchers, understanding the Wasta concept has already empirically been validated as linked to corruption and could provide options for future analysis to improve other researchers' understanding of discrepancies in global behavior and perceptions toward unethical behavior. Furthermore, the conclusions of the current examinations retain beneficial applicable implications for international enterprises pursuing a more in-depth understanding of practicing Wasta in the MENA region. When running a company in the MENA region in, international business might be able to bypass legal problems and employ suitable managers. As business managers know, legal problems are highly costly and damaging to the business's reputation and market share. Literature Review Developing Hypotheses --------------------------------------------Insert Fig. 1 Here----------------------------------------- Corruption TI explains the concept of corruption as the mishandling of authority and power for personal earnings. It is obvious that corruption is a matter across the whole region and is profoundly implanted in the MENA region area (Warf, 2015 ). Political strategies and cultural standards, values, and norms influence corruption levels in the MENA area (Shaibi, 1999). The community Arab region splits into three classes concerning corruption in the region: individuals who pocket bribes, individuals who provide blessed favors, and individuals who are forbidden from those blessed favors and completed to hand out fixes (Sapsford, Tsourapas, Abbott, and Teti, 2017 ). Wasta links to corruption in societies because it is the major cause of confidence infringement in careers, administration, and corporations (Luo, 2008 ; Sapsford et al., 2017 ). In addition, Wasta is linked to corruption because of the Wasta emphasis on gift-giving and mutuality. Smith ( 2001 ) argues that researchers ought to understand corruption concerning social networks, family ties, and additional social connections. Additionally, researchers such as Safina ( 2015 ) have confirmed the linkage between corruption and nepotism, and corruption and favoritism. The Wasta Concept Many researchers have different definitions for Wasta in social science. However, these different Wasta definitions are unified based on the Wasta concept: Wasta is founded on the family as a social unit (Rice, 2004 ). In Arab countries and societies, a family serves as the base of a society and functions as its basis (Barakat, 1993 ). The communities in the Arab World are considered relation-oriented cultures (Abdalla and Hamoud,2001). This type of culture usually emphasizes building and sustaining personal relationships and does not directly tend to close an agreement (Cialdini, 1993 ) . This notion is factual regardless of lineage union. Cunningham and Sarayrah ( 1993 ) link Wasta to personal. Besides, Wasta influences decision-making in trade environments (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1994 ). Some national cultural factors such as collectivism influence Wasta in the MENA region (Aldossari & Robertson, 2014 ). Dunning and Kim ( 2007 ) link Wasta to Wasta to the cultural values of power distance and collectivism. For example, because of power distance or asymmetrical power allocation in the Arab culture encourages people to use Wasta to find access to high-ranking associates of the community (Hutchings & Weir, 2006b ). In addition, Matsumoto ( 2000 ) links Wasta to harmony. People in collectivist cultures in the MENA region greatly value living harmoniously. Hence, the MENA people in those areas tend to be engaged in business activities that nurture harmony and detour business activities that jeopardize consensus and amicability. Furthermore, Hutchings and Weir ( 2006b ) argue that the cultural value of uncertainty avoidance plays a consequential part in how household members, companions, exactly understood people, or outsiders are involved in practicing Wasta. For instance, Yahchouchi ( 2009 ) declares that Lebanese nationwide collectivistic culture promotes relations-oriented leadership in trade rather than task-oriented leadership, showing the effect of their culture on practicing Wasta. Moreover, people the MENA practice Wasta because Wasta carries a feeling of pleasure, gratification, satisfaction, and importance that drives happiness to those who practice Barnett et al. ( 2013 ). Hedonism theory developed by Bentham ( 1996 ) depicts these feelings and the absence of misery related to Wasta service. The theory proposes that individuals should seek happiness and bypass suffering, sorrow, or sadness. Consequently, many people in the MENA region and practice Wasta to gain the feeling of enjoyment, delight, and satisfaction. People who request Wasta and people who accomplish the job for them both feel the shared happiness and pleasure generated by using Wasta. Wasta is a social asset among Middle Easterners, Routledge and von Amsberg (2003) believe that Wasta allows people to use their status in society to influence and overcome trade disputes in business transactions (Xin & Pearce, 1996 ; Hutchings & Weir, 2006b ). Wasta's tasks in the past developed from its original purpose to achieve intermediary objectives (i.e., helping individuals in conflict solution between two or more conflicting parties) among tribe members to intercessory goals (i.e., helping less qualified people get employment, gaining money, job advancement, or other usefulness). Al Suleimany ( 2009 ) declares that the intercessory kind of Wasta created conditions for corruption and misconduct behaviors such as accepting offerings, kickbacks, and favors (Wunderle, 2008 ). Matsumoto ( 2000 ) also states that practicing Wasta allows many people to utilize relationships to hunt for personal stakes. In addition, Hutchings and Weir ( 2006b ) claim that Wasta is linked to gift-giving, future mutuality, and favor reciprocate deals. Wasta is considered corruption or a cause of corruption (Luo, 2008 ) because Wasta is a major and clear violation of belief in career, civil service, and business (Sapsford, Tsourapas, Abbott, & Teti, 2017 ). Individuals in the Arab region with no Wasta connections in friends, family, or tribe find themselves obligated by life reality to seek Wasta people for help to get employment or obtain assistance for cash under the table. Therefore, without doubt, Wasta relates to corruption since it facilitates bribes via gift-giving and additional unlawful actions. Accordingly, the author of this research study reasons that Wasta in its three forms (Somah, Mojamala, Hamola)—is linked to corruption. Wasta Dimensions and Corruption Corruption and Mojamala Berger et al. ( 2015 ) define the concept of Mojamala as the feeling of passion and sincere understanding of different class members when an individual portrays their degree of societal familiarity to other individuals by not upsetting those in-group members because of the strong feeling of passion, either in business, social, or dinner environments. In MENA societies, it is unthinkable to start a forum or other important trade transactions without coffee conventions due to the norms and values established by Mojamala. For example, the MENA businessmen and businesswomen appreciate chatting openly about business-related contracts and frequently interact with each other. That frequent interaction allows business people to trade with uncertainty and concerns. Al-Omari (2003) claims that Mojamala is just one-way people in the MENA region portray their willingness to accommodate amicability and avoid confrontations in business discussions. All visitors are instructed by the host to enjoy tea or traditional Arab coffee during the conventions because the Arab people understand Mojamala's emotions toward the hotelkeeper. According to traditions, customs, and norms in the MENA, visitors are conscious that not following these cultural norms annoys the host person and disregards Arab traditions, values, and customs. As such, Mojamala drives Arab people to face-saving, which is necessary for the family and extended connections and social network. Face-saving is necessary not just for the family and clan fellows but also for the extended social network. Individuals in Arab societies view Mojamala as a social strength that maintains an affinity between different parties through everyone's benevolence, willingness to support, and consideration of face-saving to delight people who receive Mojamala. As a result, regardless of the cost of favoritism, nepotism, or cronyism people do hate to inconvenience other people (Berger et al., 2015 ) because someone considers the person's emotions before coming up with a significant conclusion or judgment on any related issue. In the MENA region, Mojamala relates favoritism because interpersonal relations (Velez-Calle, Robledo‐Ardila, and Rodriguez‐Rios, 2015 ) and passionate emotions are the basis of trade connections in the Arab communities (Khakhar and Rammal, 2013). Hence, people in the MENA favors a person to save face due to Mojamala's powerful emotions and feelings. As discussed earlier, Favoritism brings about corruption, injustice, and unfairness (Akbari, Bahrami-Rad, and Kimbrough, 2016 ). In addition, favoritism is deemed corruption by a few researchers such as Sawalha ( 2002 ) and Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry ( 2022 ). Favoritism induces the favored person endeavors to pay a bribe to somebody who favors them by offering gifts or reciprocating turns such as employment, development, or inscribing an agreement to exhibit how greatly they care for them. Furthermore, favoritism promotes corrupt behaviors (Safina, 2015 ), perhaps the biased person is likely to reconsider offering assistance in reciprocating blessings. In the MENA region, the commencement of a company conference is pronounced by the host party's abundant handingout of complimentary meals, gifts, and beverages. Ahead of a business gathering, the business leader who dominates social connections and has an inspirational sense of understanding of the host person usually obtains the most acceptable bargain (Berger et al., 2015 ). Consequently, Mojamala boosts favoritism__ a type of corruption founded on reciprocal faith, favoritism, and nepotism (Lowe et al., 2008). Hence, the author argues that Mojamala promotes corruption and proposes hypothesis 1 (H1): H1: Societies with high levels of Mojamala embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies with low levels of Mojamala. Hamola Hamola is the level of human sympathy, and kindness—the capacity to comprehend and share the emotions of others. In other words, Hamola is the extent to which a person feels he or she owes a favor to someone else. Berger et al., ( 2015 ) assert that Hamola is a Wasta aspect that decides how a person reacts to sensations and sensations. Hamola kindness is the ability to understand, and sincerely convey another individual's feelings and emotions. Hamola is a person's key to considering reciprocating favors and liberating oneself from living owed to somebody else something. Favoritism (i.e., offering or accepting blessings from household associates, tribespeople, and companions is Hamola's role in society. People in the MENA repay favors to release themselves from commitments to other fellows of their households or companies. Perhaps practicing Hamola assists people in acquiring positive results in business exchanges, decreases uncertainty, and forms value (Mohamed and Mohamed, 2011 ). In addition, Hamola carries the significance of interaction and encourages reciprocity among people, qualifying for achieving these valuable business results (El-Said & Harrigan, 2009 ), who argue that relations among individuals entail exchanging blessings and offerings that are believed to be corrupt actions. Furthermore, Abosag and Lee ( 2013 ) link Hamola to, wining and dining, gift-giving, and reciprocal aid for individuals to whom the Wasta individual owes a blessing. Rice ( 2004 ) affirms that in the MENA society, family is a basis for employment protection and promotion in MENA. Countries in the MENA region in the MENA region are not considered an abnormality to collectivist communities that are dedicated to vast lineage and companions (Hofstede, 2006 ). The MENA people favor their family members for the obligation to help each other and maintain their employment (Bian and Ang, 1997 ). Likewise, individuals in the MENA region believe in bias toward a family in employing or ensuring a company contract to execute a Hamola commitment (Abu-Saad, 1998 ). Accordingly, Hamola boosts nepotism and favoritism in society. Hamola is central to dedication and social grids that are directly connected to the evolution of business relationships, and favor interchange (Abosag & Lee ( 2013 ). Reciprocation is an effective behavioral factor that drives people to repay whatever another person has provided in history. Hamola informs business proprietors in the MENA to feast family classes of individuals in a special method when submitting employment or commerce contracts. Leaders notice this particular remedy as a method to achieve a commitment set by Hamola. Al-Rasheed ( 1993 ) affirms that in the Western society culture the act of treating one person or class of people in a way that is possible leads to more benefits, credentials, rights, status, or options than those of other individuals or clusters of individuals. Hamola in trade environments, is deemed favoritism because people prefer a family (Hollenson, 2007). In business settings, Hamola requires that the favored returns by providing the favored a favor or a blessing. As a consequence, Hamola is in command of favoritism, nepotism, and gift-giving, blessings, which in turn guides to corruption and unethical behavior (Lowe et al., 2008). The business environment in MENA communities revolves close to interpersonal relationships and social grids ingrained in lineage and family connections that evaluate verbal promises of agreed-upon agreements (Huntings & Weir (2006b). In addition, the expansion of business relationships in the MENA territory is linked to trade through the dedication to reciprocating a favor (Abosag and Lee, 2013 ). Hamola exchange is the retrieval of blessings by the receiver or somebody functioning as a representative in the company. Offering a present, dining out, or supporting someone when required are all different ways to reciprocate favors and blessings (Abosag and Lee, 2013 ). Usually, in the business environment, offering gifts or blessings is deemed bribery. Therefore, the author argues that Hamola drives corruption in the MENA societies and posits hypothesis 2 (H2): H2: Societies in the MENA region with high levels of Hamola embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies in the MENA region with low levels of Hamola. Somah Somah is Wasta's mental element. Al-Kandari and Al-Hadban (2010) define Somah as a person's social status and eagerness to show his or her professional level of esteem. Somah is a contemplation of an individual's credibility and corporation connections. Businesses and individuals typically estimate Somah based on how nicely another player retains its oral and penned arrangements. Somah is built on a clan's reputation, personal actions, and disseminated records in MENA communities (Berger et al., 2015 ). In a business setting, people' Somah builds over time and its essence depends on the length of time the two players have been in reciprocal relationships, how the two parties run the business, and how the two parties resolved disputes between them in the past (Tajfel and Turner, 1979 ) . Consequently, Somah entangles individuals and business owners operating concurrently to maintain a positive prestige. Therefore, Somah relates to relationships, favors, and gift-giving. Trading help offering and using business connections is corruption. People in MENA communities are generally described as who they are, and which family members they are. The interests of their families come foremost. The MENA family members willingly do favors and blessings for their in-group members, tribe, friends, and friends because they enjoy seeming generous, and kind, and have a proper Somah for themselves and their vast families. For example, Saudi Arabian norms and values require that associates of direct and vast families help each other and collaborate. Because people are mandated to fulfill family and family burdens guided by societal values and conventions. Because of that obligation created by values and norms, people tend to prefer extended family partners in society and organizations (Abdalla et al., 1998 ). Social identity theory declares that individuals seek favorable social status. Everyone seeks to enhance his or her impression, importance, and reputation. Based on the theory, group members institute an in-group, which is possibly to show favoritism in favor of their in-group. Perhaps a person usually favors their immediate individuals or confronts the consequences (Sudani and Thornberry, 2013 ). For instance, government workers in Jordan prefer to detour social aloneness and sinful prestige. Hence, Somah stimulates bias and favoritism, which comprises corruption and unethical behavior (Lowe et al., 2008). Therefore, the author argues that Somah is the reason behind corrupt behaviors in the MENA society and posits hypothesis 3 (H3): H3: Societies in the MENA region with high levels of Somah embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies the MENA region with low levels of Somah. Methods Procedures, Data Collection and Sampling Population The survey sample comprises business leaders, managers, and workers (600 male respondents and 255 female respondents) from all classes in the MENA including the public and non-government sectors. The author used probability random selection to choose the survey respondents. The respondent's age is between 26 and 67 years old. The author utilized a link from an online Google platform. The response rate was 87% (i.e., 855 respondents). The author carried out many steps to increase the response rate. In the first step, the author sent What's Up notices to forthcoming respondents. In the second step, the author completed two follow-up messages with those who did not respond within seven days. In the third step, the author offered the survey in two languages __Arabic and English. In the fourth step, before dispatching the survey, the author publicized the survey topic via social media platforms. In addition, the author provided respondents with choices to answer questions and respond to the survey. For example, respondents could reply via email messages or click the link on the What's Up. The author's justification for choosing MENA region to represent the African and South West Asian region's business leadership and management is because the larger number of Arab business executives share many fundamental matters that mirror tribal norms, customs, and values (Ali, 1995). Despite discrepancies in financial, political, social, and organizational strategies, the Arab people in the MENA region are well known to share racial and cultural identity (uniqueness) (Hutching & Weir, 2006a). In addition, Kabaskal and Bedour (2002) state that the Arab people share social values, norms, and business conventions. Besides, the primary roots of the Wasta phenomenon are the shared social norms, and business conventions (Smith et al., 2012 ). The Dependent Variable Corruption in this analysis is utilized as a dependent variable. Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as an act executed by an individual interested in firm trades, and corruption is deemed an offense in most systems of law worldwide. According to Transparency International, there are many forms of corruption including; misusage of authority, partnerships, cash laundering, theft, extortion, and preferring family members, relatives, etc. in exchange for private acquisition. Nevertheless, the author of this study considers other forms of corruption such as gift-giving, favoring, bribery, and power abuse for personal gain. The author examined the dependent variable (i.e., corruption) by correlating corruption items (questions) from TI in 2006, Global Corruption Barometer (GCB) through Google questionnaires. GCB focuses on understanding bribery and corruption in the government sector, reflecting the perspectives of enterprise directors and executives. In the TI-commissioned study on corruption, Gallup International (GI) polled 59,061 individuals in 114 territories and countries respondents were asked about their experiences with bribes in the last year. In this study respondents in the MENA were questioned about their experience with bribes with any of six government services—utilities, officers, education, registry, judiciary, legal, medical, or utilities—in the last year. Additionally, respondents were asked if any of their family, contacts, or friends for a favor. Furthermore, respondents were if they paid money to public administrators, police officials, or civil servants, and why. Finally, respondents were inquired about the importance of relationships and personal connections for finishing assignments. The survey employs a 5-point Likert ranking scale, with (1) indicating strong agreement and (5) indicating strong disagreement. (2) Indicates agreement. (4) Indicates "not at all, and (3) a "no answer" indicates neither agree nor do not agree. The Independent Variables The Wasta dimensions (i.e., Somah, Hamola, and Mojamala) measured at the individual level are the individual-level are the study independent variables. Hamola, Somah, and Mojamala are all feelings of devotion, loyalty, and emotional understanding of other people's feelings. Somah, For example, refers to an individual's credibility, reputation, and importance. The Wasta questionnaire employs a 7-point Likert dimensions, with (1) suggesting strong agreement and (7) suggesting strong disagreement. The first seven questions are used to assess Mojamala. The second group of six questions is used to assess Hamola. The last seven questions are utilized to assess Somah. Berger et al. ( 2015 ) have developed Wasta scale reliability (Cronbach's alpha > 0.70) was confirmed by Berger et. al, ( 2015 ). Also, Wasta scale reliability and validity were confirmed by Abdelrahim, Zafer, Al Badry, and Alenezi (2023). Results and Data Analysis The author utilized the AMOS technique to review the study's model fit before placing the three hypotheses to examine (table 1). The model fit indices below in table 1 clearly show the study model is fit. ---------------------------------------------Insert Table 1 Here----------------------------------------- Besides, the study author utilized the Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) approach to examine the study hypotheses. The study results suggest that Somah (b = .270, p-value = .002, < .05, significant) and Hamola (b = .42, p-value = .00, .05, not significant) is not significant. Hence, Mojamala the relationship between Mojamala and corruption is not strongly significant as shown in Table 2. ---------------------------------------------Insert Table 2 Here----------------------------------------- ---------------------------------------------Insert Appendix 3 Here------------------------------------ Conclusions In the MENA region, intercessory Wasta (i.e., Wasta used to obtain an advantage for a third party) has long been associated with creating highly problematic business scenarios, particularly in terms of perpetuating gender inequality (Aldossari, Chaudhry, and Aboubichr, 2025 ) and hindering career advancement. For instance, Aldossari and Robertson ( 2014 ) conclude that Wasta in Saudi Arabia has shaped repatriates’ perceptions about the breach of their psychological contract and impacts their intentions to quit. In addition, intercessory Wasta has adverse consequences on the general performance of an organisation, via the impact it exerts on worker morale, motivation, turnover, frustration, brain drain, and job satisfaction, as well as its impact on the reputation and the image of the people and organisations (Alsarhan and Valax ( 2021 ). However, According to Al-Twal, Alawamleh, and Jarrar ( 2024 ), intermediary Wasta is a form of social capital that fosters employee loyalty, trust, and cooperation. The results in this study empirically confirm that intercessory Wasta has adverse consequences not only on employees but also on a whole country corruption level. The Theoretical and Practical Implications The practice of paying or accepting Somah and Hamola seems to be the two Wasta dimensions that drive corruption in their country the most. Perhaps, the Middle Eastern people are worried about a person's stature, readiness to behave nicely in the community, reputation, and respect. Furthermore, the Middle Eastern people are very compassionate and empathetic when they interact with those who believe they require service or help. Hence, the study outcomes confirm that the Middle Eastern people's reputation and self-esteem are more than face-saving and loyalty. Some national cultural factors such as collectivism influence Wasta in the MENA region (Aldossari & Robertson, 2014 ). Dunning and Kim ( 2007 ) link Wasta to Wasta to the cultural values of power distance and collectivism. Hence, the author believes that some cultural values including high levels of collectivism and power distance have made individuals detached from their social standards and norms and encourage people's weird behaviors by inspiring their self-centered moral reasoning and logic (Abdelrahim, 2019 ; Cullen, Parboteeah, & Hoegl, 2004 ); Messner & Rosenfeld, 1997 , 2001). In other words, some people in the collectivistic MENA region societies justify using Wasta via Somah and Hamola to sustain their reputation and self-esteem. Additionally, these studies' results are consistent with prior research findings by Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry ( 2023 ), who link Wasta to favoritism, and therefore, corruption since favoritism is considered corruption (Abramo, D’Angelo, and Rosati, 2014 ). In addition, the results also conform to the findings of Kilani and Sakijha ( 2002 ), who conceptually linked Wasta and corruption. Creating the Wasta conceptual framework (Appendix 1) and empirically examining the relationship between the three Wasta dimensions and corruption validates the Wasta concept. The study outcomes add significant knowledge to the literature since researchers can use the Wasta-developed conceptual framework for further empirical studies. For social science researchers, understanding Wasta has already validated and empirically been linked to corruption could provide options for future analysis to improve other researchers' understanding of discrepancies in global behavior and perceptions toward unethical behavior. In addition, the study results could help foreign investors cope and succeed in the MENA region without sacrificing their home country's laws and codes of ethics because of understanding the Wasta phenomenon. Furthermore, international corporations managing enterprises in the Arab region can assist in holding substantial knowledge of Wasta and its hidden consequences. The overlooked hand of intercessory Wasta requires business leaders to take preventive and proactive measures that reduce the likelihood of bribery. Besides, comprehending Wasta can inspire multinational enterprises to develop training and culture-literacy agendas for global assignees about the importance of cultural values, traditions, norms, traditions, and customs, and how nationwide culture could impact running a business in the MENA region. In conclusion, it is essential for business leaders who manage international corporations in the MENA region to develop cross-cultural literacy training programs for their assignees for two reasons. First, Businesses that do not have a lot of wisdom and knowledge about the conventions of another culture are doubtful to thrive in that culture. Second, researchers believe there is an association between culture, firms, and nationwide competitive advantage, which is strategically importance for all companies to compete and survive. Finally, the author emphasizes that Wasta is a tradition practiced in the Arab community where individuals utilize their connections to acquire favor. The Wasta practice is caught differently by diverse groups in society, with some groups envisioning it as commonly desirable and others witnessing it as typically disliked but potentially essential. Foreign business leaders running a business in the Arab communities are justifiably required to develop substantial knowledge of the Wasta practice in the MENA region and its diverse perceptions in the MENA region if they want to succeed in running business in the MENA and Arab world. Research Limitations and Future Research To some extent, this study has some limitations. For example, respondents included in this study are from twenty-one countries in the MENA area that assumingly represent the African and the South West Asian countries. As mentioned earlier, there are justifications for choosing the MENA region to represent Africa and South West Asia. For researchers to strongly generalize and decide the Wasta phenomenon is one of the decisive factors that drives corruption, they need to examine more countries in Africa and South West Asian countries. Hence, in future research, researchers need to investigate more countries in the MENA and the South West Asian regions. Likewise, age, education, and gender appear to influence Wasta regarding older educated people inclined to be more mindful of practicing Wasta than immature people with little or no education. Therefore, future studies should control for education, gender, and age. Declarations Confirmation The author confirms that that all research was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines/regulations applicable when human participants are involved. Data Availability The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to the author’s promise to the respondents and the sensitivity of the topic investigated but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. Ethics statements and institutional review board (IRB) approval Institutional review board (IRB) approval Regarding the institutional review board (IRB) approval, the issuer is Prince Mohammad Bin Fahd University. I started working on this manuscript in February 2024; at that time, our institution did not have an institutional review board (IRB). I’m the one who asked to have it, and they accepted my proposal just a few weeks ago. The approval was issued after the research commencing with ID# PMU 4 on October 12, 2025. Ethics statement The author confirmed that all research was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines/regulations applicable when human participants are involved. i.e., Declaration of Helsinki. The consent letter was sent to the participant via email two weeks (April 15, 2025) prior to sending the survey link (May 01, 2025). Only respondents who agreed to answer the study questions received another email with the survey link. Participants were informed about the reason for answering the survey questions, assured that their IDs would be kept confidential, and reminded of their freedom to answer or stop answering at any time they wanted. The author informed all participants and obtained their consent regarding the study goal, data confidentiality, and their right to refuse to answer or stop answering questions at any time. References Abdalla, I. A., & Al‐Homoud, M. A. (2001) . Exploring the implicit leadership theory in the Arabian Gulf States. Applied Psychology, 50(4), 506-531. 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(2015). Corruption in the Middle East and North Africa: A Geographic Perspective. The Arab World Geographer, 18(1-2), 1-18. Wunderle, W. D. (2008). A manual for American servicemen in the Arab Middle East: Using cultural understanding to defeat adversaries and win the peace. New York: Skyhorse Pub. Xin, K. R., & Pearce, J. L. (1996). Guanxi: Connections as subtitutes for formal institutional support. Academy of Management Journal, 39(6), 1641–1658. Yahchouchi, G. (2009). Employees’ perceptions of Lebanese managers’ leadership styles and organizational commitment. International Journal of Leadership Studies, 4(2), 127-140. Zgheib, P. (2019). Lebanon: The difference between wasta, nepotism and corruption. Tharawat Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.tharawat-magazine.com/craftsmanship-42/difference-nepotism-corruption/ Tables Table (1): The indices of the study model fit Indices Indices Value Acceptable (Y: Yes/N: Not) GFI .932 ≥ .9 Y CFI .905 ≥ .9 Y NFI .901 ≥ .9 Y RMSEA .069 (between .05 to .08) Y Chi-Square 229.762 Y Table 2: Shows Results from the Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) Analysis Dimensions (Relationship) β p-value Significance (Y: Yes / N:No) Mojamala and Corruption .067 .249 N Hamola and Corruption .420 .0001 Y Somah and Corruption .270 .002 Y Additional Declarations The authors declare no competing interests. Supplementary Files Appendices.docx Cite Share Download PDF Status: Posted Version 1 posted You are reading this latest preprint version Research Square lets you share your work early, gain feedback from the community, and start making changes to your manuscript prior to peer review in a journal. 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Examination\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","fulltext":[{"header":"Introduction","content":"\u003cp\u003eWasta is a tradition practiced that widely in the Arab community in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region where individuals utilize their connections to acquire favor. The Wasta practice is caught differently by diverse groups in society, with some groups envisioning it as commonly desirable and others witnessing it as typically disliked but potentially essential. Theoretically, researchers have argued that not only Wasta links to corruption (Zgheib, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR75\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e) but also it equates to corruption (Lackner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR47\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). Foreign business leaders running a business in the Arab communities are justifiably required to develop substantial knowledge of the Wasta practice in the MENA region and its diverse perceptions in the MENA region if they want to succeed in running a corporation in the MENA region. Wasta can make global business leaders fail in running a business in the MENA region because it negatively impacts employees' satisfaction, employees' performance, turnover, morale, and well-being. Wasta could also hurt employee creativity via ineffective management practices, which damages a company's innovation and competitive advantage.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBishara (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR30\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e) argues that bribery, bias, kickbacks, nepotism, partiality, and Wasta\u0026mdash;personal social network relation ingrained in family, kin, lineage, and extended relations (Muna, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR54\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1980\u003c/span\u003e, Smith et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e) dispersed over in the MENA parts. The Arab territory rates poorly when ranking countries on business unethical behavior and corruption. Cunningham and Sarayrah (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e) claim that practicing Wasta links to individual biased connections and in a society social relations in the Arab region. The literature review shows that people in the MENA region practice Wasta in three distinguishable manners. According to Berger, Silbiger, Avi, Ram, and Bradley (2015), Mojamala (i.e., the sense of obligation and emotional wisdom), Hamola (i.e., the extent to which an individual under an honorable obligation to provide an individual back a favor or a turn), and Somah (i.e., an individual's prestige, credibility, and reputation (Berger et. al, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). The phenomenon of Wasta is accepted and recognized as an element that diminishes employees' and corporations' equality (Mohamed and Mohamad, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Practicing Wasta suppresses social and employment equal opportunities by propagating the belief that workers and firms have different choices. Wasta also affects corruption levels and unethical behavior in three manners: accepting bribes, favors, and gifts. In general, when running a business enterprise in the MENA, Wasta remains a concern for global organizations. Wasta has a damaging influence on employees' ethical behavior, confidence, and distinguished aptitude (Mohamed \u0026amp; Mohamad, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). Based on Al-Enzi (2017), Wasta practice in Kuwaiti firms carries adverse consequences on employee loyalty, corporate innovation, and human resource supervision. Therefore, researchers should examine the relationship between Wasta and corruption in the MENA region. As such, the author chooses MENA because the Corruption Perception Index (TI) ranks many countries in the MENA region in the top ten most corrupt nations in the two decades. Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e) link Wasta to favoritism and corruption. These researchers argue that Wasta influences favoritism and corruption levels. However, they only empirically examined the relationship between Wasta and favoritism which was found to be positive and significant. Hence, prior research has not linked Wasta and corruption empirically (Smith et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e). Wasta and corruption are more likely to have a conceptual link (Kilani and Sakijha, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e). Therefore, this argument supports a theoretical relationship between corruption and Wasta. Nevertheless, researchers have not empirically examined that theoretical relationship to confirm or refute the assumed theoretical claim. Therefore, this study aims to fill the above-mentioned gap in the books. Following the above lines of discussion, two research queries emerge while analyzing the relationship between corruption and Wasta and comprising the negative side of Wasta in the Arab Business Model. First and foremost, \"Does practicing Wasta play a role in corruption in the MENA? Secondly, \"How does the concept of Wasta relate to corruption the MENA region? By empirically examining the relationship between corruption and Wasta and validating Wasta factors, the findings add noteworthy theoretical participation to the literature. For social science researchers, understanding the Wasta concept has already empirically been validated as linked to corruption and could provide options for future analysis to improve other researchers' understanding of discrepancies in global behavior and perceptions toward unethical behavior. Furthermore, the conclusions of the current examinations retain beneficial applicable implications for international enterprises pursuing a more in-depth understanding of practicing Wasta in the MENA region. When running a company in the MENA region in, international business might be able to bypass legal problems and employ suitable managers. As business managers know, legal problems are highly costly and damaging to the business's reputation and market share.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Literature Review","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eDeveloping Hypotheses\u003c/b\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e--------------------------------------------Insert Fig.\u0026nbsp;\u003cspan refid=\"Fig1\" class=\"InternalRef\"\u003e1\u003c/span\u003e Here-----------------------------------------\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec3\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCorruption\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTI explains the concept of corruption as the mishandling of authority and power for personal earnings. It is obvious that corruption is a matter across the whole region and is profoundly implanted in the MENA region area (Warf, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR69\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Political strategies and cultural standards, values, and norms influence corruption levels in the MENA area (Shaibi, 1999). The community Arab region splits into three classes concerning corruption in the region: individuals who pocket bribes, individuals who provide blessed favors, and individuals who are forbidden from those blessed favors and completed to hand out fixes (Sapsford, Tsourapas, Abbott, and Teti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Wasta links to corruption in societies because it is the major cause of confidence infringement in careers, administration, and corporations (Luo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e; Sapsford et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, Wasta is linked to corruption because of the Wasta emphasis on gift-giving and mutuality. Smith (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR63\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2001\u003c/span\u003e) argues that researchers ought to understand corruption concerning social networks, family ties, and additional social connections. Additionally, researchers such as Safina (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) have confirmed the linkage between corruption and nepotism, and corruption and favoritism.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eThe Wasta Concept\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eMany researchers have different definitions for Wasta in social science. However, these different Wasta definitions are unified based on the Wasta concept: Wasta is founded on the family as a social unit (Rice, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e). In Arab countries and societies, a family serves as the base of a society and functions as its basis (Barakat, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR25\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e). The communities in the Arab World are considered relation-oriented cultures (Abdalla and Hamoud,2001). This type of culture usually emphasizes building and sustaining personal relationships and does not directly tend to close an agreement (Cialdini, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR31\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e\u003cb\u003e)\u003c/b\u003e. This notion is factual regardless of lineage union. Cunningham and Sarayrah (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR35\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e) link Wasta to personal. Besides, Wasta influences decision-making in trade environments (Cunningham and Sarayrah, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR37\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1994\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eSome national cultural factors such as collectivism influence Wasta in the MENA region (Aldossari \u0026amp; Robertson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Dunning and Kim (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e) link Wasta to Wasta to the cultural values of power distance and collectivism. For example, because of power distance or asymmetrical power allocation in the Arab culture encourages people to use Wasta to find access to high-ranking associates of the community (Hutchings \u0026amp; Weir, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006b\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, Matsumoto (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) links Wasta to harmony. People in collectivist cultures in the MENA region greatly value living harmoniously. Hence, the MENA people in those areas tend to be engaged in business activities that nurture harmony and detour business activities that jeopardize consensus and amicability. Furthermore, Hutchings and Weir (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006b\u003c/span\u003e) argue that the cultural value of uncertainty avoidance plays a consequential part in how household members, companions, exactly understood people, or outsiders are involved in practicing Wasta. For instance, Yahchouchi (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR74\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) declares that Lebanese nationwide collectivistic culture promotes relations-oriented leadership in trade rather than task-oriented leadership, showing the effect of their culture on practicing Wasta. Moreover, people the MENA practice Wasta because Wasta carries a feeling of pleasure, gratification, satisfaction, and importance that drives happiness to those who practice Barnett et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR26\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Hedonism theory developed by Bentham (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR27\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1996\u003c/span\u003e) depicts these feelings and the absence of misery related to Wasta service. The theory proposes that individuals should seek happiness and bypass suffering, sorrow, or sadness. Consequently, many people in the MENA region and practice Wasta to gain the feeling of enjoyment, delight, and satisfaction. People who request Wasta and people who accomplish the job for them both feel the shared happiness and pleasure generated by using Wasta. Wasta is a social asset among Middle Easterners, Routledge and von Amsberg (2003) believe that Wasta allows people to use their status in society to influence and overcome trade disputes in business transactions (Xin \u0026amp; Pearce, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR72\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1996\u003c/span\u003e; Hutchings \u0026amp; Weir, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006b\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWasta's tasks in the past developed from its original purpose to achieve intermediary objectives (i.e., helping individuals in conflict solution between two or more conflicting parties) among tribe members to intercessory goals (i.e., helping less qualified people get employment, gaining money, job advancement, or other usefulness). Al Suleimany (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR22\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e) declares that the intercessory kind of Wasta created conditions for corruption and misconduct behaviors such as accepting offerings, kickbacks, and favors (Wunderle, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR71\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e). Matsumoto (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR51\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2000\u003c/span\u003e) also states that practicing Wasta allows many people to utilize relationships to hunt for personal stakes. In addition, Hutchings and Weir (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR43\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006b\u003c/span\u003e) claim that Wasta is linked to gift-giving, future mutuality, and favor reciprocate deals.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eWasta is considered corruption or a cause of corruption (Luo, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR50\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2008\u003c/span\u003e) because Wasta is a major and clear violation of belief in career, civil service, and business (Sapsford, Tsourapas, Abbott, \u0026amp; Teti, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR60\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2017\u003c/span\u003e). Individuals in the Arab region with no Wasta connections in friends, family, or tribe find themselves obligated by life reality to seek Wasta people for help to get employment or obtain assistance for cash under the table. Therefore, without doubt, Wasta relates to corruption since it facilitates bribes via gift-giving and additional unlawful actions. Accordingly, the author of this research study reasons that Wasta in its three forms (Somah, Mojamala, Hamola)\u0026mdash;is linked to corruption.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eWasta Dimensions and Corruption\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cdiv id=\"Sec6\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eCorruption and Mojamala\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eBerger et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) define the concept of Mojamala as the feeling of passion and sincere understanding of different class members when an individual portrays their degree of societal familiarity to other individuals by not upsetting those in-group members because of the strong feeling of passion, either in business, social, or dinner environments. In MENA societies, it is unthinkable to start a forum or other important trade transactions without coffee conventions due to the norms and values established by Mojamala. For example, the MENA businessmen and businesswomen appreciate chatting openly about business-related contracts and frequently interact with each other. That frequent interaction allows business people to trade with uncertainty and concerns. Al-Omari (2003) claims that Mojamala is just one-way people in the MENA region portray their willingness to accommodate amicability and avoid confrontations in business discussions. All visitors are instructed by the host to enjoy tea or traditional Arab coffee during the conventions because the Arab people understand Mojamala's emotions toward the hotelkeeper. According to traditions, customs, and norms in the MENA, visitors are conscious that not following these cultural norms annoys the host person and disregards Arab traditions, values, and customs. As such, Mojamala drives Arab people to face-saving, which is necessary for the family and extended connections and social network. Face-saving is necessary not just for the family and clan fellows but also for the extended social network. Individuals in Arab societies view Mojamala as a social strength that maintains an affinity between different parties through everyone's benevolence, willingness to support, and consideration of face-saving to delight people who receive Mojamala. As a result, regardless of the cost of favoritism, nepotism, or cronyism people do hate to inconvenience other people (Berger et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) because someone considers the person's emotions before coming up with a significant conclusion or judgment on any related issue. In the MENA region, Mojamala relates favoritism because interpersonal relations (Velez-Calle, Robledo‐Ardila, and Rodriguez‐Rios, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR68\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e\u003cb\u003e)\u003c/b\u003e and passionate emotions are the basis of trade connections in the Arab communities (Khakhar and Rammal, 2013). Hence, people in the MENA favors a person to save face due to Mojamala's powerful emotions and feelings. As discussed earlier, Favoritism brings about corruption, injustice, and unfairness (Akbari, Bahrami-Rad, and Kimbrough, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR13\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2016\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, favoritism is deemed corruption by a few researchers such as Sawalha (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR56\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e) and Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR10\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2022\u003c/span\u003e). Favoritism induces the favored person endeavors to pay a bribe to somebody who favors them by offering gifts or reciprocating turns such as employment, development, or inscribing an agreement to exhibit how greatly they care for them. Furthermore, favoritism promotes corrupt behaviors (Safina, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR58\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e), perhaps the biased person is likely to reconsider offering assistance in reciprocating blessings.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the MENA region, the commencement of a company conference is pronounced by the host party's abundant handingout of complimentary meals, gifts, and beverages. Ahead of a business gathering, the business leader who dominates social connections and has an inspirational sense of understanding of the host person usually obtains the most acceptable bargain (Berger et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Consequently, Mojamala boosts favoritism__ a type of corruption founded on reciprocal faith, favoritism, and nepotism (Lowe et al., 2008). Hence, the author argues that Mojamala promotes corruption and proposes hypothesis 1 (H1):\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH1: Societies with high levels of Mojamala embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies with low levels of Mojamala.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003ch3\u003eHamola\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eHamola is the level of human sympathy, and kindness\u0026mdash;the capacity to comprehend and share the emotions of others. In other words, Hamola is the extent to which a person feels he or she owes a favor to someone else. Berger et al., (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) assert that Hamola is a Wasta aspect that decides how a person reacts to sensations and sensations. Hamola kindness is the ability to understand, and sincerely convey another individual's feelings and emotions. Hamola is a person's key to considering reciprocating favors and liberating oneself from living owed to somebody else something. Favoritism (i.e., offering or accepting blessings from household associates, tribespeople, and companions is Hamola's role in society. People in the MENA repay favors to release themselves from commitments to other fellows of their households or companies. Perhaps practicing Hamola assists people in acquiring positive results in business exchanges, decreases uncertainty, and forms value (Mohamed and Mohamed, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR53\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2011\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, Hamola carries the significance of interaction and encourages reciprocity among people, qualifying for achieving these valuable business results (El-Said \u0026amp; Harrigan, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR39\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2009\u003c/span\u003e), who argue that relations among individuals entail exchanging blessings and offerings that are believed to be corrupt actions. Furthermore, Abosag and Lee (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e) link Hamola to, wining and dining, gift-giving, and reciprocal aid for individuals to whom the Wasta individual owes a blessing. Rice (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR55\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e) affirms that in the MENA society, family is a basis for employment protection and promotion in MENA. Countries in the MENA region in the MENA region are not considered an abnormality to collectivist communities that are dedicated to vast lineage and companions (Hofstede, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR40\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2006\u003c/span\u003e). The MENA people favor their family members for the obligation to help each other and maintain their employment (Bian and Ang, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR29\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e). Likewise, individuals in the MENA region believe in bias toward a family in employing or ensuring a company contract to execute a Hamola commitment (Abu-Saad, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR12\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). Accordingly, Hamola boosts nepotism and favoritism in society. Hamola is central to dedication and social grids that are directly connected to the evolution of business relationships, and favor interchange (Abosag \u0026amp; Lee (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Reciprocation is an effective behavioral factor that drives people to repay whatever another person has provided in history.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eHamola informs business proprietors in the MENA to feast family classes of individuals in a special method when submitting employment or commerce contracts. Leaders notice this particular remedy as a method to achieve a commitment set by Hamola. Al-Rasheed (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR19\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1993\u003c/span\u003e) affirms that in the Western society culture the act of treating one person or class of people in a way that is possible leads to more benefits, credentials, rights, status, or options than those of other individuals or clusters of individuals. Hamola in trade environments, is deemed favoritism because people prefer a family (Hollenson, 2007). In business settings, Hamola requires that the favored returns by providing the favored a favor or a blessing. As a consequence, Hamola is in command of favoritism, nepotism, and gift-giving, blessings, which in turn guides to corruption and unethical behavior (Lowe et al., 2008). The business environment in MENA communities revolves close to interpersonal relationships and social grids ingrained in lineage and family connections that evaluate verbal promises of agreed-upon agreements (Huntings \u0026amp; Weir (2006b). In addition, the expansion of business relationships in the MENA territory is linked to trade through the dedication to reciprocating a favor (Abosag and Lee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Hamola exchange is the retrieval of blessings by the receiver or somebody functioning as a representative in the company. Offering a present, dining out, or supporting someone when required are all different ways to reciprocate favors and blessings (Abosag and Lee, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR7\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). Usually, in the business environment, offering gifts or blessings is deemed bribery. Therefore, the author argues that Hamola drives corruption in the MENA societies and posits hypothesis 2 (H2):\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH2: Societies in the MENA region with high levels of Hamola embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies in the MENA region with low levels of Hamola.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec8\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eSomah\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eSomah is Wasta's mental element. Al-Kandari and Al-Hadban (2010) define Somah as a person's social status and eagerness to show his or her professional level of esteem. Somah is a contemplation of an individual's credibility and corporation connections. Businesses and individuals typically estimate Somah based on how nicely another player retains its oral and penned arrangements. Somah is built on a clan's reputation, personal actions, and disseminated records in MENA communities (Berger et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). In a business setting, people' Somah builds over time and its essence depends on the length of time the two players have been in reciprocal relationships, how the two parties run the business, and how the two parties resolved disputes between them in the past (Tajfel and Turner, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR66\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1979\u003c/span\u003e\u003cb\u003e)\u003c/b\u003e. Consequently, Somah entangles individuals and business owners operating concurrently to maintain a positive prestige. Therefore, Somah relates to relationships, favors, and gift-giving. Trading help offering and using business connections is corruption.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePeople in MENA communities are generally described as who they are, and which family members they are. The interests of their families come foremost. The MENA family members willingly do favors and blessings for their in-group members, tribe, friends, and friends because they enjoy seeming generous, and kind, and have a proper Somah for themselves and their vast families. For example, Saudi Arabian norms and values require that associates of direct and vast families help each other and collaborate. Because people are mandated to fulfill family and family burdens guided by societal values and conventions. Because of that obligation created by values and norms, people tend to prefer extended family partners in society and organizations (Abdalla et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR3\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1998\u003c/span\u003e). Social identity theory declares that individuals seek favorable social status. Everyone seeks to enhance his or her impression, importance, and reputation. Based on the theory, group members institute an in-group, which is possibly to show favoritism in favor of their in-group. Perhaps a person usually favors their immediate individuals or confronts the consequences (Sudani and Thornberry, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR65\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2013\u003c/span\u003e). For instance, government workers in Jordan prefer to detour social aloneness and sinful prestige. Hence, Somah stimulates bias and favoritism, which comprises corruption and unethical behavior (Lowe et al., 2008). Therefore, the author argues that Somah is the reason behind corrupt behaviors in the MENA society and posits hypothesis 3 (H3):\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eH3: Societies in the MENA region with high levels of Somah embedded in cultural and passionate feelings are more corrupt than societies the MENA region with low levels of Somah.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Methods","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec10\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eProcedures, Data Collection and Sampling Population\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe survey sample comprises business leaders, managers, and workers (600 male respondents and 255 female respondents) from all classes in the MENA including the public and non-government sectors. The author used probability random selection to choose the survey respondents. The respondent's age is between 26 and 67 years old. The author utilized a link from an online Google platform. The response rate was 87% (i.e., 855 respondents). The author carried out many steps to increase the response rate. In the first step, the author sent What's Up notices to forthcoming respondents. In the second step, the author completed two follow-up messages with those who did not respond within seven days. In the third step, the author offered the survey in two languages __Arabic and English. In the fourth step, before dispatching the survey, the author publicized the survey topic via social media platforms. In addition, the author provided respondents with choices to answer questions and respond to the survey. For example, respondents could reply via email messages or click the link on the What's Up. The author's justification for choosing MENA region to represent the African and South West Asian region's business leadership and management is because the larger number of Arab business executives share many fundamental matters that mirror tribal norms, customs, and values (Ali, 1995). Despite discrepancies in financial, political, social, and organizational strategies, the Arab people in the MENA region are well known to share racial and cultural identity (uniqueness) (Hutching \u0026amp; Weir, 2006a). In addition, Kabaskal and Bedour (2002) state that the Arab people share social values, norms, and business conventions. Besides, the primary roots of the Wasta phenomenon are the shared social norms, and business conventions (Smith et al., \u003cspan citationid=\"CR64\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2012\u003c/span\u003e).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec11\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eThe Dependent Variable\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eCorruption in this analysis is utilized as a dependent variable. Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as an act executed by an individual interested in firm trades, and corruption is deemed an offense in most systems of law worldwide. According to Transparency International, there are many forms of corruption including; misusage of authority, partnerships, cash laundering, theft, extortion, and preferring family members, relatives, etc. in exchange for private acquisition. Nevertheless, the author of this study considers other forms of corruption such as gift-giving, favoring, bribery, and power abuse for personal gain. The author examined the dependent variable (i.e., corruption) by correlating corruption items (questions) from TI in 2006, Global Corruption Barometer (GCB) through Google questionnaires. GCB focuses on understanding bribery and corruption in the government sector, reflecting the perspectives of enterprise directors and executives. In the TI-commissioned study on corruption, Gallup International (GI) polled 59,061 individuals in 114 territories and countries respondents were asked about their experiences with bribes in the last year. In this study respondents in the MENA were questioned about their experience with bribes with any of six government services\u0026mdash;utilities, officers, education, registry, judiciary, legal, medical, or utilities\u0026mdash;in the last year. Additionally, respondents were asked if any of their family, contacts, or friends for a favor. Furthermore, respondents were if they paid money to public administrators, police officials, or civil servants, and why. Finally, respondents were inquired about the importance of relationships and personal connections for finishing assignments. The survey employs a 5-point Likert ranking scale, with (1) indicating strong agreement and (5) indicating strong disagreement. (2) Indicates agreement. (4) Indicates \"not at all, and (3) a \"no answer\" indicates neither agree nor do not agree.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec12\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eThe Independent Variables\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe Wasta dimensions (i.e., Somah, Hamola, and Mojamala) measured at the individual level are the individual-level are the study independent variables. Hamola, Somah, and Mojamala are all feelings of devotion, loyalty, and emotional understanding of other people's feelings. Somah, For example, refers to an individual's credibility, reputation, and importance. The Wasta questionnaire employs a 7-point Likert dimensions, with (1) suggesting strong agreement and (7) suggesting strong disagreement. The first seven questions are used to assess Mojamala. The second group of six questions is used to assess Hamola. The last seven questions are utilized to assess Somah. Berger et al. (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e) have developed Wasta scale reliability (Cronbach's alpha\u0026thinsp;\u0026gt;\u0026thinsp;0.70) was confirmed by Berger et. al, (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR28\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2015\u003c/span\u003e). Also, Wasta scale reliability and validity were confirmed by Abdelrahim, Zafer, Al Badry, and Alenezi (2023).\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Results and Data Analysis ","content":"\u003cp\u003eThe author utilized the AMOS technique to review the study\u0026apos;s model fit before placing the three hypotheses to examine (table 1). The model fit indices below in table 1 clearly show the study model is fit. \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e---------------------------------------------Insert Table 1 Here-----------------------------------------\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;Besides, the study author utilized the Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) approach to examine the study hypotheses. The study results suggest that Somah (b = .270, p-value = .002, \u0026lt; .05, significant) and Hamola (b = .42, p-value = .00, \u0026lt; .0001, significant) are positively and significantly linked to corruption. Nonetheless, Mojamala (b = .067, p-value = .249, \u0026gt; .05, not significant) is not significant. Hence, Mojamala the relationship between Mojamala and corruption is not strongly significant as shown in Table 2.\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e---------------------------------------------Insert Table 2 Here-----------------------------------------\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e---------------------------------------------Insert Appendix 3 Here------------------------------------\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"Conclusions","content":"\u003cp\u003eIn the MENA region, intercessory Wasta (i.e., Wasta used to obtain an advantage for a third party) has long been associated with creating highly problematic business scenarios, particularly in terms of perpetuating gender inequality (Aldossari, Chaudhry, and Aboubichr, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR8\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2025\u003c/span\u003e) and hindering career advancement. For instance, Aldossari and Robertson (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e) conclude that Wasta in Saudi Arabia has shaped repatriates\u0026rsquo; perceptions about the breach of their psychological contract and impacts their intentions to quit. In addition, intercessory Wasta has adverse consequences on the general performance of an organisation, via the impact it exerts on worker morale, motivation, turnover, frustration, brain drain, and job satisfaction, as well as its impact on the reputation and the image of the people and organisations (Alsarhan and Valax (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR20\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2021\u003c/span\u003e). However, According to Al-Twal, Alawamleh, and Jarrar (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR24\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2024\u003c/span\u003e), intermediary Wasta is a form of social capital that fosters employee loyalty, trust, and cooperation. The results in this study empirically confirm that intercessory Wasta has adverse consequences not only on employees but also on a whole country corruption level.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec15\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eThe Theoretical and Practical Implications\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe practice of paying or accepting Somah and Hamola seems to be the two Wasta dimensions that drive corruption in their country the most. Perhaps, the Middle Eastern people are worried about a person's stature, readiness to behave nicely in the community, reputation, and respect. Furthermore, the Middle Eastern people are very compassionate and empathetic when they interact with those who believe they require service or help. Hence, the study outcomes confirm that the Middle Eastern people's reputation and self-esteem are more than face-saving and loyalty. Some national cultural factors such as collectivism influence Wasta in the MENA region (Aldossari \u0026amp; Robertson, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR9\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). Dunning and Kim (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR38\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2007\u003c/span\u003e) link Wasta to Wasta to the cultural values of power distance and collectivism. Hence, the author believes that some cultural values including high levels of collectivism and power distance have made individuals detached from their social standards and norms and encourage people's weird behaviors by inspiring their self-centered moral reasoning and logic (Abdelrahim, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR4\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e; Cullen, Parboteeah, \u0026amp; Hoegl, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR32\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2004\u003c/span\u003e); Messner \u0026amp; Rosenfeld, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR52\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e1997\u003c/span\u003e, 2001). In other words, some people in the collectivistic MENA region societies justify using Wasta via Somah and Hamola to sustain their reputation and self-esteem. Additionally, these studies' results are consistent with prior research findings by Alenezi, Hassan, Abdelrahim, and Albadry (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR14\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2023\u003c/span\u003e), who link Wasta to favoritism, and therefore, corruption since favoritism is considered corruption (Abramo, D\u0026rsquo;Angelo, and Rosati, \u003cspan citationid=\"CR6\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2014\u003c/span\u003e). In addition, the results also conform to the findings of Kilani and Sakijha (\u003cspan citationid=\"CR46\" class=\"CitationRef\"\u003e2002\u003c/span\u003e), who conceptually linked Wasta and corruption.\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eCreating the Wasta conceptual framework (Appendix 1) and empirically examining the relationship between the three Wasta dimensions and corruption validates the Wasta concept. The study outcomes add significant knowledge to the literature since researchers can use the Wasta-developed conceptual framework for further empirical studies. For social science researchers, understanding Wasta has already validated and empirically been linked to corruption could provide options for future analysis to improve other researchers' understanding of discrepancies in global behavior and perceptions toward unethical behavior. In addition, the study results could help foreign investors cope and succeed in the MENA region without sacrificing their home country's laws and codes of ethics because of understanding the Wasta phenomenon. Furthermore, international corporations managing enterprises in the Arab region can assist in holding substantial knowledge of Wasta and its hidden consequences. The overlooked hand of intercessory Wasta requires business leaders to take preventive and proactive measures that reduce the likelihood of bribery. Besides, comprehending Wasta can inspire multinational enterprises to develop training and culture-literacy agendas for global assignees about the importance of cultural values, traditions, norms, traditions, and customs, and how nationwide culture could impact running a business in the MENA region. In conclusion, it is essential for business leaders who manage international corporations in the MENA region to develop cross-cultural literacy training programs for their assignees for two reasons. First, Businesses that do not have a lot of wisdom and knowledge about the conventions of another culture are doubtful to thrive in that culture. Second, researchers believe there is an association between culture, firms, and nationwide competitive advantage, which is strategically importance for all companies to compete and survive. Finally, the author emphasizes that Wasta is a tradition practiced in the Arab community where individuals utilize their connections to acquire favor. The Wasta practice is caught differently by diverse groups in society, with some groups envisioning it as commonly desirable and others witnessing it as typically disliked but potentially essential. Foreign business leaders running a business in the Arab communities are justifiably required to develop substantial knowledge of the Wasta practice in the MENA region and its diverse perceptions in the MENA region if they want to succeed in running business in the MENA and Arab world.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec16\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eResearch Limitations and Future Research\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eTo some extent, this study has some limitations. For example, respondents included in this study are from twenty-one countries in the MENA area that assumingly represent the African and the South West Asian countries. As mentioned earlier, there are justifications for choosing the MENA region to represent Africa and South West Asia. For researchers to strongly generalize and decide the Wasta phenomenon is one of the decisive factors that drives corruption, they need to examine more countries in Africa and South West Asian countries. Hence, in future research, researchers need to investigate more countries in the MENA and the South West Asian regions. Likewise, age, education, and gender appear to influence Wasta regarding older educated people inclined to be more mindful of practicing Wasta than immature people with little or no education. Therefore, future studies should control for education, gender, and age.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e"},{"header":"Declarations","content":"\u003cdiv id=\"Sec17\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eConfirmation\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe author confirms that that all research was performed in accordance with relevant\u003c/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eguidelines/regulations applicable when human participants are involved.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\u003cdiv id=\"Sec18\" class=\"Section2\"\u003e\u003ch2\u003eData Availability\u003c/h2\u003e\u003cp\u003eThe datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to the author\u0026rsquo;s promise to the respondents and the sensitivity of the topic investigated but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.\u003c/p\u003e\u003c/div\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics statements and institutional review board (IRB) approval\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eInstitutional review board (IRB) approval\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eRegarding the institutional review board (IRB) approval, the issuer is Prince Mohammad Bin Fahd University. I started working on this manuscript in February 2024; at that time, our institution did not have an institutional review board (IRB). I\u0026rsquo;m the one who asked to have it, and they accepted my proposal just a few weeks ago. The approval was issued after the research commencing with ID# PMU 4 on October 12, 2025.\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eEthics statement\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003eThe author confirmed that all research was performed in accordance with relevant guidelines/regulations applicable when human participants are involved. i.e., Declaration of Helsinki. The consent letter was sent to the participant via email two weeks (April 15, 2025) prior to sending the survey link (May 01, 2025). Only respondents who agreed to answer the study questions received another email with the survey link. Participants were informed about the reason for answering the survey questions, assured that their IDs would be kept confidential, and reminded of their freedom to answer or stop answering at any time they wanted. The author informed all participants and obtained their consent regarding the study goal, data confidentiality, and their right to refuse to answer or stop answering questions at any time.\u003c/p\u003e"},{"header":"References","content":"\u003col\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAbdalla, I. A., \u0026amp; Al‐Homoud, M. A. (2001)\u003c/strong\u003e. Exploring the implicit leadership theory in the Arabian Gulf States. Applied Psychology, 50(4), 506-531. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eAbdalla, H. F., Maghrabi, A. S., \u0026amp; Raggad, B. G. (1998)\u003c/strong\u003e. Assessing the perceptions of human resource managers toward nepotism: A cross-cultural study. 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Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTransparency International. (2023).\u003c/strong\u003e Corruption Perception Index 2022. http://www.transpa rency.org/cpi. {Licensed under CC-BY-ND 4.0}\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eVelez‐Calle, A., Robledo‐Ardila, C., \u0026amp; Rodriguez‐Rios, J. D. (2015).\u003c/strong\u003e On the influence of interpersonal relations on business practices in Latin America: A comparison with the Chinese guanxi and the Arab Wasta. Thunderbird International Business Review, 57(4), 281-293.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eWarf, B. (2015).\u003c/strong\u003e Corruption in the Middle East and North Africa: A Geographic Perspective. The Arab World Geographer, 18(1-2), 1-18. \u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eWunderle, W. D. (2008).\u003c/strong\u003e A manual for American servicemen in the Arab Middle East: Using cultural understanding to defeat adversaries and win the peace. New York: Skyhorse Pub.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eXin, K. R., \u0026amp; Pearce, J. L. (1996).\u003c/strong\u003e Guanxi: Connections as subtitutes for formal institutional support. Academy of Management Journal, 39(6), 1641\u0026ndash;1658.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eYahchouchi, G. (2009).\u003c/strong\u003e Employees\u0026rsquo; perceptions of Lebanese managers\u0026rsquo; leadership styles and organizational commitment. International Journal of Leadership Studies, 4(2), 127-140.\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003cli\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eZgheib, P. (2019).\u003c/strong\u003e Lebanon: The difference between wasta, nepotism and corruption. Tharawat Magazine. Retrieved from https://www.tharawat-magazine.com/craftsmanship-42/difference-nepotism-corruption/\u003c/li\u003e\n\u003c/ol\u003e"},{"header":"Tables","content":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable (1):\u003c/strong\u003e The indices of the study model fit \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"594\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIndices\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eIndices Value\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eAcceptable (Y: Yes/N: Not)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eGFI\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.932 \u0026nbsp;\u0026ge; .9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eCFI\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.905 \u0026nbsp;\u0026ge; .9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eNFI\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.901 \u0026nbsp;\u0026ge; .9\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eRMSEA\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.069 \u0026nbsp;(between .05 to .08)\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.6599%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eChi-Square\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 32.8283%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e229.762\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 34.5118%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eTable 2:\u003c/strong\u003e\u0026nbsp; Shows Results from the Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) Analysis \u0026nbsp; \u0026nbsp;\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ctable border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"0\" cellpadding=\"0\" width=\"594\"\u003e\n \u003ctbody\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 35.3535%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eDimensions (Relationship)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 14.1414%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e\u0026beta;\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.1313%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003ep-value\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 37.3737%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSignificance (Y: Yes / N:No)\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 35.3535%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eMojamala and Corruption\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 14.1414%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.067\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.1313%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.249\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 37.3737%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eN\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 35.3535%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eHamola \u0026nbsp;and Corruption\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 14.1414%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.420\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.1313%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.0001\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 37.3737%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003ctr\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 35.3535%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eSomah and Corruption\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 14.1414%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.270\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 13.1313%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e.002\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003ctd valign=\"top\" style=\"width: 37.3737%;\"\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eY\u003c/p\u003e\n \u003c/td\u003e\n \u003c/tr\u003e\n \u003c/tbody\u003e\n\u003c/table\u003e"}],"fulltextSource":"","fullText":"","funders":[],"hasAdminPriorityOnWorkflow":false,"hasManuscriptDocX":true,"hasOptedInToPreprint":true,"hasPassedJournalQc":"","hasAnyPriority":true,"hideJournal":true,"highlight":"","institution":"Prince Mohammad bin Fahd University","isAcceptedByJournal":false,"isAuthorSuppliedPdf":false,"isDeskRejected":"","isHiddenFromSearch":false,"isInQc":false,"isInWorkflow":false,"isPdf":false,"isPdfUpToDate":true,"isWithdrawnOrRetracted":false,"journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true},"keywords":"Corruption, Wasta, Hamola, Somah, Mojamala","lastPublishedDoi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7929805/v1","lastPublishedDoiUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-7929805/v1","license":{"name":"CC BY 4.0","url":"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"},"manuscriptAbstract":"\u003cp\u003eThe goal of this empirical analysis is to use the Social Identity and Hedonism theories to illustrate why many people in the Middle East and North Africa exploit Wasta excessively. Empirically, the author examines the association between corruption and the use of Wasta __an interpersonal social network relation ingrained in family, clan, lineage, and extended relationships __in the Middle East and North Africa. Employing the Structural Equation Modelling approach, the research author examines the study hypotheses by compiling primarily collected datasets (855 respondents) from both male (600 respondents) and female respondents (255 respondents) who are employees in the private sector in the Middle East and North Africa through a Google Survey Link. This study's results indicate that Wasta (i.e., Hamola, Mojamala, and Somah) positively and significantly relates to corruption. The study conclusions also claim that Somah (β (unstandardized coefficient)\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;.227, p-value\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;.002) and Hamola (β (unstandardized coefficient)\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;.420, p-value\u0026thinsp;=\u0026thinsp;.0001) are the most considerable and significant Wasta factors that cause corruption in the Middle East and North Africa. Besides, the study outcomes empirically validate all Wasta dimensions (i.e., Hamola, Mojamala, Somah) and assist researchers in employing the Wasta's conceptual framework and linking the Wasta phenomenon with corruption empirically in other nations (Appendix 1). By understanding the Wasta concept, global investors are more likely to be qualified to manage, succeed, and thrive in the Arab world and North Africa and keep their homeland decrees and corporate ethics. Also, international corporations running a business in the Arab world and North Africa benefit from having an objective acquaintance with Wasta, for it pushes them to be mindful of the overlooked arrow of Wasta practised in business, inspires them to come up with proactive actions, and lowers the probability of bribes. Furthermore, understanding the Wasta phenomenon will encourage international companies to design and develop training agendas that equip transnational assignees with the importance of beliefs, values, and norms in the host country. And how the nationwide culture can influence trade enterprises in the Arab world and North Africa concerning hiring, promoting, developing, bidding, etc.\u003c/p\u003e","manuscriptTitle":"How Wasta Causes Corruption in the Private Sector in the Middle East and North Africa - An Empirical Examination","msid":"","msnumber":"","nonDraftVersions":[{"code":1,"date":"2025-10-24 06:36:52","doi":"10.21203/rs.3.rs-7929805/v1","editorialEvents":[{"type":"communityComments","content":0}],"status":"published","journal":{"display":true,"email":"
[email protected]","identity":"researchsquare","isNatureJournal":false,"hasQc":true,"allowDirectSubmit":true,"externalIdentity":"","sideBox":"","snPcode":"","submissionUrl":"/submission","title":"Research Square","twitterHandle":"researchsquare","acdcEnabled":true,"dfaEnabled":false,"editorialSystem":"","reportingPortfolio":"","inReviewEnabled":false,"inReviewRevisionsEnabled":true}}],"origin":"","ownerIdentity":"b8b892e2-7b0a-4350-bc9f-bc0561d5c12d","owner":[],"postedDate":"October 24th, 2025","published":true,"recentEditorialEvents":[],"rejectedJournal":[],"revision":"","amendment":"","status":"posted","subjectAreas":[{"id":56752358,"name":"Cultural Studies"},{"id":56752359,"name":"Leadership and Ethics"},{"id":56752360,"name":"International Business"}],"tags":[],"updatedAt":"2025-10-24T06:36:52+00:00","versionOfRecord":[],"versionCreatedAt":"2025-10-24 06:36:52","video":"","vorDoi":"","vorDoiUrl":"","workflowStages":[]},"version":"v1","identity":"rs-7929805","journalConfig":"researchsquare"},"__N_SSP":true},"page":"/article/[identity]/[[...version]]","query":{"redirect":"/article/rs-7929805","identity":"rs-7929805","version":["v1"]},"buildId":"8U1c8b4HqxoKbykW_rLl7","isFallback":false,"isExperimentalCompile":false,"dynamicIds":[84888],"gssp":true,"scriptLoader":[]}
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